'Er' by Learners of English As Foreign Language the Case Study
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Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics &A
Online Appendix for Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue (2014) Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics & Change Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue The following document lists the languages of the world and their as- signment to the macro-areas described in the main body of the paper as well as the WALS macro-area for languages featured in the WALS 2005 edi- tion. 7160 languages are included, which represent all languages for which we had coordinates available1. Every language is given with its ISO-639-3 code (if it has one) for proper identification. The mapping between WALS languages and ISO-codes was done by using the mapping downloadable from the 2011 online WALS edition2 (because a number of errors in the mapping were corrected for the 2011 edition). 38 WALS languages are not given an ISO-code in the 2011 mapping, 36 of these have been assigned their appropri- ate iso-code based on the sources the WALS lists for the respective language. This was not possible for Tasmanian (WALS-code: tsm) because the WALS mixes data from very different Tasmanian languages and for Kualan (WALS- code: kua) because no source is given. 17 WALS-languages were assigned ISO-codes which have subsequently been retired { these have been assigned their appropriate updated ISO-code. In many cases, a WALS-language is mapped to several ISO-codes. As this has no bearing for the assignment to macro-areas, multiple mappings have been retained. 1There are another couple of hundred languages which are attested but for which our database currently lacks coordinates. -
Report of the Joint Human Rights Promotion Mission To
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Commission Africaine des Droits de l’Homme & des African Commission on Human & Peoples’ Peuples Rights No. 31 Bijilo Annex Lay-out, Kombo North District, Western Region, P. O. Box 673, Banjul, The Gambia Tel: (220) 441 05 05 /441 05 06, Fax: (220) 441 05 04 E-mail: [email protected]; Web www.achpr.org REPORT OF THE JOINT HUMAN RIGHTS PROMOTION MISSION TO THE REPUBLIC OF CHAD 11 - 19 MARCH 2013 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Commission) is grateful to the Government of the Republic of Chad for kindly hosting, from 11 to 19 March 2013, a joint human rights promotion mission undertaken by a delegation of the Commission. The Commission expresses its sincere gratitude to the country’s highest authorities for providing the delegation with the necessary facilities and personnel for the smooth conduct of the mission. The Commission expresses its appreciation to Ms Amina Kodjiyana, Minister for Human Rights and the Promotion of Fundamental Freedoms, and her advisers for their key role in organising the various meetings and for ensuring the success of the mission. 2 ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS AfDB : African Development Bank APRM : African Peer Review Mechanism AU : African Union BEPC : Secondary School Leaving Certificate CENI : Independent National Electoral Commission CNARR : National Commission for the Reception and Reintegration of Refugees and Returnees COBAC : Central African Banking Commission CSO : Civil Society Organisation DSG : Deputy Secretary-General -
1 Kulaale (Chad) — Language Snapshot Florian Lionnet Princeton
Kulaale (Chad) — Language Snapshot Florian Lionnet Princeton University Language Name: Kulaale (exonym: Fania, Fanya, Fanian, Mana, Kobe) Language Family: Niger-Congo, Adamawa, Bua ISO 639-3 Code: fni Glottolog Code: fani1244 Population: 1,100 (SIL, 1997) Location: 10.176552°, 18.566710° Vitality rating: ‘shifting’ (Glottoscope Agglomerated Endagerment Scale1) Summary Kulaale (also known as Fania), is a Bua (Adamawa, Niger-Congo) language spoken by approximately 1,000 people, who call themselves Kulaawe [kʊ̀ lááwɛ́] or Eywe [ʔèywè]. They live in a dozen villages in the southernmost part of the Guéra region in Chad. The Kulaawe are traditionally agriculturalists: they grow mainly sorghum and millet, as well as maize, groundnut and beans. The inhabitants of the village of Tile Nugar are additionally historically blacksmiths, and used to extract, melt, smelt, and forge iron. The Kulaawe are all Muslim today, although their conversion is relatively recent, and aspects of their pre-Islamic practices still survive. Many Kulaawe also live in town, mostly Sarh and N’Djamena, where the language is usually not passed on to the younger generations. In general, the language and the traditions it carries are under threat due to rapid economic and demographic change in the country. 1 https://glottolog.org/langdoc/status (accessed 2020-04-07). 1 Map 1: Distribution of the Bua languages in southern Chad (from Boyeldieu et al. 2018) 1. Overview Kulaale [ISO 639-3: fni] is known in the literature as ‘Fania(n)/Fanya’, ‘Mana’, or ‘Kobe’. ‘Fanian’ is the name used by the Chadian administration to refer to the language and its speakers, who call themselves Kulaawe [kʊ̀ lááwɛ́] (sg. -
Arabic and Contact-Induced Change Christopher Lucas, Stefano Manfredi
Arabic and Contact-Induced Change Christopher Lucas, Stefano Manfredi To cite this version: Christopher Lucas, Stefano Manfredi. Arabic and Contact-Induced Change. 2020. halshs-03094950 HAL Id: halshs-03094950 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03094950 Submitted on 15 Jan 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Arabic and contact-induced change Edited by Christopher Lucas Stefano Manfredi language Contact and Multilingualism 1 science press Contact and Multilingualism Editors: Isabelle Léglise (CNRS SeDyL), Stefano Manfredi (CNRS SeDyL) In this series: 1. Lucas, Christopher & Stefano Manfredi (eds.). Arabic and contact-induced change. Arabic and contact-induced change Edited by Christopher Lucas Stefano Manfredi language science press Lucas, Christopher & Stefano Manfredi (eds.). 2020. Arabic and contact-induced change (Contact and Multilingualism 1). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/235 © 2020, the authors Published under the Creative Commons Attribution -
The Phonology and Morphology of the Dar Daju Daju Language
THE PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY OF THE DAR DAJU DAJU LANGUAGE by Arthur J. Aviles Bachelor of Arts, Moody Bible Institute 1997 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of North Dakota in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Grand Forks, North Dakota December 2008 This thesis, submitted by Arthur J. Aviles in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts from the University of North Dakota, has been read by the Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and is hereby approved. ___________________________________ Chairperson ___________________________________ ___________________________________ This thesis meets the standards for appearance, conforms to the style and format requirements of the Graduate School of the University of North Dakota, and is hereby approved. __________________________________ Dean of the Graduate School __________________________________ Date ii PERMISSION Title The Phonology and Morphology of the Dar Daju Daju Language Department Linguistics Degree Master of Arts In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a graduate degree from the University of North Dakota, I agree that the library of this University shall make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for extensive copying for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor who supervised my thesis work or, in his absence, by the chairperson of the department or the dean of the Graduate School. It is understood that any copying or publication or other use of this thesis or part thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of North Dakota in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. -
Amelia Ray Gifft Hill School St. John, USVI Chad, Climate Volatility
Amelia Ray Gifft Hill School St. John, USVI Chad, Climate Volatility Chad: Fighting Desertification with Sustainable Agriculture The Republic of Chad is a landlocked country in central Africa with a population of 14.9 million, according to The World Bank. By land mass, it is the fifth largest country in Africa, and it is the 22nd largest country in the world. Due to its massive population and lack of resources, hunger is a significant issue for Chad. In fact the country ranks 73rd out of 78 countries on the Global Hunger Index, meaning it has one of the highest levels of hunger in the world. Chad’s main economy consists of cotton and crude oil exports. The country joined the oil market in July 2003, and produces an average of 4.1 million tonnes of oil a year according to the World Energy Council. The official languages of Chad are French and Arabic, due to history of colonization by the French. France captured the Lake Chad area in 1900 and absorbed it into French Equatorial Africa in 1909. French colonial activities degraded the soil fertility of the area due to overfarming and overgrazing. The French neglected the colony with no resources being put towards infrastructure as claimed by the U.S State Department country studies. After many years of subjugation, Chad declared its freedom from France on August 11th, 1960. Freedom was short lived for the country, due to how the first president, Francois Tombalbaye, turned Chad into an autocratic state almost immediately. This triggered a civil war between the Muslim north and the Christian south that lasted approximately 24 years. -
The Maba People & Chad's Ouaddaï Region
THE MABA PEOPLE & CHAD’S OUADDAÏ REGION The Maba People and Chad’s Ouaddaï Region © Center for the Study of Global Christianity, 2020 Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary Cover Photo: Refugees from Darfur in eastern Chad, 2011 | globalnyt.dk: European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations. (CC BY-SA 2.0) Unless otherwise noted, data is sourced from the World Christian Database and the fol- lowing citation should be used: Todd M. Johnson and Gina A. Zurlo, eds., World Christian Database (Leiden/Boston: Brill, accessed December 2019). ABOUT THE CSGC The Center for the Study of Global Christianity is an academic research center that mon- itors worldwide demographic trends in Christianity, including outreach and mission. We provide a comprehensive collection of information on the past, present, and future of Christianity in every country of the world. Our data and publications help churches, mission agencies, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to be more strategic, thoughtful, and sensitive to local contexts. Please visit our website at www.globalchristianity.org. DATA AND TERMS This dossier includes many technical terms related to the presentation of statistics. A complete methodology document is found here: https://www.gordonconwell.edu/ center-for-global-christianity/research/dossiers. We use a social scientific method for measuring religion around the world; namely, self-identification. If a person calls herself a Christian, then she is a Christian. We measure Christians primarily by denominational affiliation in every country of the world and these data are housed in the World Christian Database. Ethnolinguistic people groups are distinct homogeneous ethnic or racial groups within a single country, speaking its own language (one single mother tongue). -
Of English Linguistics; Vol
International Journal of English Linguistics; Vol. 10, No. 6; 2020 ISSN 1923-869X E-ISSN 1923-8703 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Chadian Learners’/Users’ Preferred Variety(ies) of English Gilbert Tagne Safotso1 & Ndoubangar Tompté2 1 Department of Foreign Applied Languages, University of Dschang, Cameroon 2 Department of English, University of Doba, Chad Correspondence: Gilbert Tagne Safotso, PO Box 282 Dschang, Cameroon. E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 23, 2020 Accepted: October 3, 2020 Online Published: October 29, 2020 doi:10.5539/ijel.v10n6p410 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n6p410 Abstract Although French and Arabic are the official languages of Chad, for the past twenty years Chadian learners and users of English have been having a strong interest in the language. Their number in Cameroonian, Nigerian, Ghanaian and Sudanese universities as well as in linguistic centres in N’Djamena testifies to this. It can be said that the petrol boom in the country has really changed the attitudes of Chadians towards English. They see in it the language of opening and opportunities. Given that in most major languages there are accents and variants, and most especially with English the lingua franca of the 21st century, it is important to know those learners’/users’ preferred variety (ies). This paper thus aims to know which variety (ies) of English Chadian learners/users prefer to hear or speak. The data was gathered through a questionnaire administered to 106 university students, 97 secondary school learners, 18 English language teachers and 29 workers of other sectors (N = 250). Results show that most Chadian learners/users prefer American or British English and a good percentage of them favour Ghanaian or Cameroon English. -
The Peculiarities of the Chadian Arabic I
The peculiarities of the Chadian Arabic Khalil Alio University of N’Djaména, Chad Chadian Arabic was introduced in Chad towards the end of the 14th century. It was brought by wandering Arabs and the Islamic religion, rather than by intellectuals, even though at the courts of the three Chadian kingdoms; namely, Kanem-Bornu Empire, the Wadday Kingdom and the Baguirmi Kingdom, were sitting some intellectuals whose duty was to write letters to the Arab sovereigns. Chadian Arabic has developed into a dialect with its proper linguistic system due to the influence of autochthonous languages with which it has mingled for centuries, in such a way that it ended up creating variants spread all over the Republic of Chad. Chadian Arabic has been adopted and adapted to the linguistic system of each region of Chad so that one is tempted to say that there are as many variants of the Chadian Arabic as there are regions. The aim of the present paper is to analyze the linguistic peculiarities of the dialectal Chadian Arabic in its phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic components and some sociolinguistic features such as code switching and code mixing as well. Key words: Chadian Arabic, peculiarities, varieties, characteristics linguistic components, code-switching, code-mixing. I - Sociolinguistic setting well organized infrastructures 1.1 - The standard Arabic and well trained cadres, i.e., The Arabic language was people who could master the introduced in Chad since the 14th language both on the linguistic as century (Zeltner 1976). It had been well as the pedagogical levels. first used by the kingdoms of Moreover, the objective of the Baguirmi, Kanem-Bornu and sovereigns was not to create an Ouaddaï for internal and external administration intended to govern diplomatic relations between the country in order to develop it. -
Language Policies in African States – Updated, January 2012*
Language Policies in African States – Updated, January 2012* Ericka A. Albaugh Department of Government and Legal Studies Bowdoin College 9800 College Station Brunswick, ME 04011 Comments on the accuracy of coding are welcomed. Please address them to: [email protected] * Coding is refined and descriptions updated in Appendix A of Ericka A. Albaugh, State-Building and Multilingual Education in Africa (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014). General trends remain the same. 1 TABLE A.1: CODING OF LANGUAGE USE IN EDUCATION Country Indep or 1960 1990 2004 2010 Algeria 0 2 2 2 Angola 0 0 0 4 Benin 0 0 3 3 Botswana 5 7 5 5 Burkina Faso 0 0 6 6 Burundi 7 7 7 7 Cameroon 0 0 4 4 Cape Verde 0 0 0 0 Central African Republic 0 0 0 0 Chad 0 1 4 4 Comoros 0 0 0 0 Congo, Dem. Rep. 4 8 8 8 Congo, Rep. 0 0 0 0 Cote d'Ivoire 0 0 4 4 Djibouti 0 0 0 4 Equatorial Guinea 0 0 0 0 Eritrea 10 N/A 10 10 Ethiopia 9 9 10 8 Gabon 0 0 0 0 Gambia 0 0 0 0 Ghana 0 8 4 4 Guinea 0 0 0 4 Guinea-Bissau 0 3 0 0 Kenya 0 8 6 6 Lesotho 7 7 7 7 Liberia 0 0 0 0 Madagascar 0 7 7 7 Malawi 8 7 6 5 Mali 0 4 6 6 Mauritania 1 4 1 1 Mauritius 0 0 0 0 Mozambique 0 0 4 6 Namibia 8 8 6 6 Niger 0 4 6 6 Nigeria 8 8 8 8 Rwanda 7 7 7 7 Sao Tome e Principe 0 0 0 0 Senegal 0 0 4 4 Seychelles 0 7 7 7 Sierra Leone 4 6 4 4 Somalia 1 7 5 5 South Africa 10 8 6 6 Sudan 1 2 4 4 Swaziland 0 7 5 5 Tanzania 5 9 9 9 Togo 0 0 0 0 Uganda 8 8 6 6 Zambia 0 0 4 4 Zimbabwe 4 6 6 4 2 For the coding in the table above, I distinguish between one or several languages used in education, and the extent the policy has penetrated the education system: “Experimental,” “Expanded,” or “Generalized.” The scale tries to capture the spectrum of movement from “most foreign” medium to “most local.” The numerical assignments describe the following situations: 0 European Language Only 1 European and Foreign African Language (e.g. -
Ahmed Draia University – Adrar Faculty of Arts and Languages Department of English Language and Arts
Ahmed Draia University – Adrar Faculty of Arts and Languages Department of English Language and Arts Research Paper Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for a Master Degree inLinguistics and Didactics Presented by: Supervised by: Hassan Hachim Yusuf Pr. BouhaniaBachir Board of Examiners: Pr. Bouhania Bachir Supervisor Mr. Omari Mohamed Chair Person Mr. Keddouci Othman Examiner Academic Year: 2017/2018 Acknowledgements To begin with, I would like to thank my supervisor Professor Bouhania Bachir for his unflagging support and his accurate guide. I would also like to acknowledge his prompt feedback. Without his effort and the knowledge he gave me during my three years of study, this research paper would not have been chosen and worked on. Finally, I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Omari Mohamed, Miss Nadia Mansouri, and Miss Oumeyma Kerthiou for the knowledge they instilled in me. i Dedication I dedicate this work to my beloved mother who made me who I‟m today, and to my dear brothers and sisters. I would also like to dedicate this piece of work to my friends Daoud Abdelkerim Hamad, Hassan Ahmat Djamaladine, and Bokhit Bichara Nassour. ii Abstract The present research paper aims to work out the progressive language shift that is taking place within the Beri youth. Most young Beria speakers‟ discussions take place in local Arabic. Many issues were explored in this piece of work. The main concerned issues are: The reason behind code-switching, language maintenance, and language attitude. The last issue tackled is to find out if Beria is fading away. -
Nigerian Arabic Jonathan Owens University of Bayreuth
Chapter 8 Nigerian Arabic Jonathan Owens University of Bayreuth Nigerian Arabic displays an interesting interplay of maintenance of inherited struc- tures along with striking contact-induced innovations in a number of domains. This chapter summarizes the various domains where contact-based change has occurred, concentrating on those less studied not only in Arabic linguistics, but in linguistics in general, namely idiomatic structure and an expanded functional- ization of demonstratives. Methodologically, comparative corpora are employed to demonstrate the degree of contact-based influence. 1 Historical and linguistic background Nigerian Arabic (NA) is spoken by perhaps – there are no reliable demographic figures from the last 50 years – 500,000 speakers. These are found mainlyin northeast Nigeria in the state of Borno where their homeland is concentrated along the Cameroon–Chad border as far south as Banki, spreading westwards to- wards Gubio, and south of Maiduguri towards Damboa. Mirroring a larger trend in Nigerian demographics, the past 40 years have seen a considerable degree of rural–urban migration. This has seen, above all, the development of large Arab communities in cities in Borno – the capital Maiduguri has at least 50,000 alone1 – though they are now found throughout cities in Nigeria. Arabs in Nigeria are traditionally cattle nomads, part of what the anthropolo- gist Ulrich Braukämper (1994) has called the “Baggara belt”, named after the Arab 1A report in the 1970s by an urban planning company, the Max Lock Group (1976), estimated that 10% of the then estimated population of 200,000 Maidugurians were Arabs. Today the population of Maiduguri is not less than one million and may be considerably larger, which proportionally would estimate an Arab population in Maiduguri alone of at least 100,000.