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West African Scripts and Arabic-Script Orthographies in Socio-Political Context

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West African Scripts and Arabic-Script Orthographies in Socio-Political Context WEST AFRICAN SCRIPTS AND ARABIC-SCRIPT ORTHOGRAPHIES IN SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXT Andy Warren-Rothlin A stretch of the Sahel between the Mossi and Jula in the west and the Sango and Maba in the east is home to the highest concentration of distinct lin- guistic communities in Africa, dominated however by three major regional languages—Hausa, Fulfulde and Chadian Arabic.1 These three languages share geography, having overlapping spheres of influence; but they differ in genetics, coming as they do from three different linguistic families (Chadic, Niger-Congo and Semitic respectively). They share certain features of dis- tribution, all having a high proportion of second-language to first-language speakers (Hausa 18:25 million centred in Nigeria, Fulfulde 2:2 million in Cameroon, Chadian Arabic 2:1 million centred in Chad),2 and national sta- tus, being spoken by large proportions of their host countries’ populations (Hausa 25% in Nigeria and 80% in Niger, Fulfulde 20% in Cameroon and 8% in Nigeria, Chadian Arabic 50% in Chad), but they differ greatly in demographics from the massive Hausa urban centres to the Mbororo or ‘cat- tle Fulani’ and Shuwa Arab nomads. They share strong historic, cultural and linguistic associations with Islam, but have distinctive histories of engage- ment with the internal (Sufi/Sunni) and external (Westernization/Arabiza- tion) dynamics of this association. Most importantly for this paper, and closely related to all the above other factors, they have in common strong centuries-old traditions of Arabic-script writing which have gradually given way since the early 20th century to Roman-script traditions promoted by Western educational systems and Christian missionaries (so much so, in fact, that in Nigeria and Cameroon today, official literacy statistics relate only to Roman-script literacy, completely disregarding competence with Arabic script), but they each have distinctive sociolinguistic and technical challenges in the 21st century. 1 ISO language codes [hau]; [fuv], [fub] etc. (Fulfulde is considered for our purposes here as one language); and [shu]. 2 Figures are approximations. Second-language speakers’ varieties may be deprecated (e.g. ‘Middle-belt Hausa’, ‘Bongor Arabic’). 262 andy warren-rothlin This research has sprung out of work with language development and Bible translation projects in these and other languages, and related contacts and consultations in Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon with government departments of literacy and national-language promotion (DAPLAN and the like), ISESCO, SIL International, JCMWA, the Roman Catholic Church and various Christian missionaries.3 In contrast to much of the work done on the use of Arabic script in Africa, the focus here is not historical, but on con- temporary conventions and developments, and tendencies in the scholarly development of practical Arabic-script orthographies (often with outside consultancy or even outside initiation). And whilst modern Arabic-script publishing in Hausa is very firmly grounded in old and continuous tradi- tions, Fulfulde has history but little continuity (because most modern pub- lishing is done by NGOs and Christian missionaries), and Chadian Arabic is only now coming into its own alongside Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) thanks to the combined efforts of government departments, NGOs and both Muslim and Christian agencies. After a broad sociolinguistic survey of the concurrent use of Arabic and Roman scripts, we look in more detail at tech- nical issues of orthographic variation and norms. 1. Scripts and Society, Digraphia and Dissent In addition to the extensive regional use of Arabic itself, Arabic-script or ʾaʿjamī literary traditions existed in the 19th century for languages in َٔا ْ َﲺ ِﻤﻲ all three phyla of the region, Afroasiatic (e.g. Hausa), Niger-Congo (e.g. Ful- fulde, Yoruba), and Nilo-Saharan (e.g. Kanuri, Songhai). And of course the use of Arabic script had little ideological importance until the arrival of a major competitor with colonial administration (pre-colonial Christian missionaries and scholars had used Arabic script, Philips 2000). But Euro- pean colonialists’ imposition of Roman script from around 1900 was prob- ably in most cases not intended as anti-Islamic. Other African scripts were equally opposed, such as the Old Bamum script of Sultan Njoya in Foumban, Cameroon, suppressed in the 1930s by French colonial authorities (Roger Blench, p. c.), and the various Fulfulde ‘secret scripts’. In fact, in Nigeria, the British High Commissioner Frederick Lord Lugard, who, though terribly poorly informed, contributed most to the Romanization of Hausa literacy, is 3 Warren-Rothlin (2009, 2011, 2012) presents a preliminary survey, with some implications drawn for Bible agencies..
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