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Meetings between peoples The Multicultural World Heritage of Gammelstad Lars Elenius MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES

Meetings between peoples The Multicultural World Heritage of Gammelstad

Lars Elenius

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Project: More in-depth communication of the World Heritage Site Gammelstad Church . The book is part of a thematic study of as a World Heritage Site and has been commissioned by museum director Ann Lindblom Berg, the open-air museum Hägnan & Gammelstad Visitor Centre, and the Culture & Recreation Department, Luleå . Project leader, author and art editor: Lars Elenius. Translator: Paul Fischer. Cover photograph: For information about the cover photograph and other photographs and illustrations, see Photographs and illustrations, page 116 ff. Graphic form and production: Luleå grafiska, Luleå, 2019. Printing: Luleå grafiska tryckeri, Luleå 2019. Project owner: Luleå Municipality. Publisher: Gammelstad Visitor Centre. Funding: The Administrative Board in County, Luleå Municipality, Council, and the Swedish National Heritage Board. www.visitgammelstad.se © 2019 Gammelstad Visitor Centre, Luleå Municipality, and Lars Elenius. ISBN: 978-91-519-0898-4

2 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES Contents

Introduction...... 5 Miscarriage in the forest...... 69 The search for the foetus at Lilltjärn...... 71 Chapter 1. Meetings between peoples...... 7 Karin’s trial...... 73 The vanished minorities in the World Heritage Site...... 8 The daughter of a Sámi smith...... 74 Luleå parish in history...... 9 Long-term Sámi and Swedish relations...... 75 The gets its name...... 10 Olof Larsson breaks his promise...... 77 First signs of Scandinavian culture...... 12 The miscarriage and the accusation of infanticide...... 78 Sámi and Finnish place names...... 13 The final judgement of the Court of Appeal...... 78 People’s collective memory of the Sámi...... 16 Luleå with Finnish names...... 18 Chapter 4. Minorities in the world heritage site...... 81 Gammelstadsviken was originally named Finnavan.....21 The multicultural Church Town...... 82 Finntorpet croft at the Church Town...... 22 The image of the Sámi in old and new Luleå...... 86 Possible early Finnish settlement on Porsön island...... 24 From visibility to invisibility...... 90 Sámi husbandry in modern times...... 93 Chapter 2. Settlement and matrimony...... 27 The open air museum at Gültzaudden...... 96 The Birkarl traders and the Lappmark boundary...... 28 The presence of the other national minorities...... 101 Finnish colonisation upstream the Lule River...... 30 The World Heritage Site and the minorities...... 107 Sámi migratory patterns...... 34 Sámi matrimonial patterns in Nederluleå...... 37 Notes...... 108

Chapter 3. Sámi in the Luleå ...... 45 References...... 113 Coastal Sámi in the villages around Gammelstad...... 46 Unprinted sources...... 113 The Lávvu Tent Stone in Måttsund...... 50 Printed sources...... 113 The Sámi enclosure in ...... 53 Literature...... 113 House remains at Lappnäset...... 55 Interviews...... 115 Sámi dwelling sites in Björsbyn...... 57 Digital sources...... 115 Court records give insight into everyday life...... 60 Maps...... 116 Gang of thieves in Rutvikssund...... 61 Tables and diagrams...... 116 The soldier Qvick becomes involved in the murder..... 63 Forbidden pregnancy in Gäddvik...... 66 Photographs and illustrations...... 116 Support from other Sámi women...... 68

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Lars Elenius b. 1952 is Professor of History and Educa- tion at Luleå University of Technology. His research in- cludes areas such as ethnicity, minority policy, nationa- lism, cultural heritage and regional change in northern Europe. Between 2002 and 2016 he led a transnational project to write a history book and an encyclopaedia on the . The connection between ethnicity and heritage has been examined in a number of Swedish and international publications in recent years.

4 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES Introduction It began with phone call from Beat- municating Gammelstad Church Town viewees Arne Alman, Bertil Öström, rice Norberg. She is a museum edu- as a world heritage. We considered Birger Sundström, Birger Åström, Eva cator and works to raise the profile of that different kinds of visitors are in- Sjöblom and Sven Sundström have Gammelstad Church Town amongst terested in different aspects of the contributed their personal recollec- tourists, school classes, business le- World Heritage Site. Therefore we de- tions and their experiences of contact aders, researchers and others. Her in- cided to make four thematic studies to with minorities. They have also pas- quisitive voice at the other end: focus on different parts of World He- sed on received knowledge associa- “Why do we see so little about the ritage Site. They are presented in the ted with Sámi and other minorities minorities in what is written about the form of four publications. In addition in the villages around Gammelstad, Church Town?” to this part about multi-culturalism, where they grew up. Sören Andersson I considered for a few moments the thematic studies look at isostatic has talked of his experiences from a but had no good answer. As a histo- rebound causing the land to rise and long and hard working life as a rein- rian I know that Sámi-speaking and the landscape to change, the design deer herder. The interviewees have Finnish-speaking minorities for a and social functions of houses and va- together enriched the narrative with very long time have lived alongside riations in clothing fashion. The ad- oral source material. I would like to with the Swedish-speaking majority ministrator responsible for social give special thanks to all of you who population of northern . But planning and heritage at the County contributed. they have often been placed in their Administrative Board in Norrbotten, Anna Åström has contributed with own ethnic reservation, geographical- Jeanette Aro, immediately backed the a text about Italians in the Church ly distant from Gammelstad. This also idea. So did Region Norrbotten (for- Town. Those who formed a reference applies to other minorities. Their his- merly the county council) and the Lu- group in reading the text were Ann, tory in the Luleå area has remained leå Culture Board, and subsequently Beatrice and Zara Johansson and Lin- invisible, since the nation-state always the Swedish National Heritage Board. da Stenman at the Visitor Centre. Ar- wants to write the history of the ma- During the work on this publication chaeologist Kjell-Åke Aronsson, Ájtte jority. But both the Church Town it- I have had the pleasure of cooperating Swedish Mountain and Sámi Muse- self and the church congregation have with many local archives and libraries. um, has scrutinised and given valu- always been multicultural. It is against In the archive at Norrbotten Museum able comments on the content. Sámi this background the book has come I had special help from the director of spelling has been corrected after ex- into being. the department for the photo library amination and comments from Nils In the meetings that took place with and collections, Anna Lundgren, ar- Olof Sortelius, language consultant at Beatrice and museum director Ann chivist Karin Tjernström, and photo the Sámi Parliament. Thank you, eve- Lindblom Berg at the open air Mu- library assistant Berit Åström, among ryone! seum Hägnan & Gammelstad Visitor many others. Hans Öqvist gave me ac- Centre, a project took form – Com- cess to Rutvik archive. Inter- Lars Elenius

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In the middle stands the massive stone church and like a solar cross on a weather map, the roads disperse in different compass directions towards the large villages. They have Swedish names, but as early as the Late Iron Age Sámi, Finnish and Swedish ethnic groups met here. Rivers, lakes and mountains were named by the ethnic groups who lived in the landscape, but the names could change when new linguistic groups settled there.

CHAPTER 1 Meetings between peoples

The present-day stone church in Gammelstad was built in the 15th century, but must have had precursor in the form of a chapel or a wooden church, although its location is unclear. Based on Christianity, the multi-cultural Northern region was integrated into the Kingdom of Sweden.

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The vanished minorities Through ownership conditions, they are not part of the World Her- in the World Heritage Site groups with other languages and cul- itage Site. They have gone under dif- As soon as you enter the Church tures have been airbrushed from the ferent names in different periods: Town in Gammelstad you feel the col- Church Town. They lived in Luleå Lapps, , Kvens, Sámi, Tornedali- lective power in the small church cot- parish but due to their invisibility ans (Swedish Tornedalen Finns), Swe- tages. The buildings are strik- den Finns, Gypsies, Roma, ingly low, and joined to each Jews, Jutes, Danes, Norwe- other in long rows. This gives gians, Muscovites, Russians. the impression of a spiritual The terms for Sámi-speaking node joining people into a and Finnish-speaking groups community. in the Nordic have The community layout is been confusing. Sámi-speak- typically mediaeval. The sur- ing groups in the early Viking rounding villages have Swed- age were called “Finns” by the ish names like Rutvik, Björs- Scandinavians, a term that in- byn, Gäddvik, Bälinge and dicated that they were hunt- Avan. According to the first er-gatherers and had no per- known ordinance on residents manent dwellings. As recently in the church cottages, dated as the 11th century, the Catho- 1695, it was only permanent lic priest Adam of Bremen residents with a homestead in described how Hälsingland Luleå parish who were enti- was the northernmost Chris- tled to build a church cottage tianised area where “skrith- near the church. Since the iphinoi” (skiing Finns) also farmers in the villages around lived. The term “finne” has the church were mainly Swed- been kept into the modern era ish speakers, Church Town in as a reference to in old Luleå came to be per- the Sámi. ceived as “Swedish”. There When a joint Swedish realm were for example Sámi among was established in Sweden the farmhands and maids and in the 12th cen- who were employed on the tury, Swedish usage made a In the villages around Gammelstad it was only those who owned farms. But they were not land who were entitled to build a church cottage near the church. distinction between “Lapps” landowners and therefore not Church cottages came to represent a homogenous Swedish herita- (Sámi-speaking) and “Finns” entitled to own a church cot- ge. However, the Church Town and Luleå parish have always been (Finnish-speaking). The area tage in Gammelstad. multicultural. where the Finnish-speaking

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Finns lived is now called Finland and where and North Finns the areas where the Sámi lived “the moved in the 18th and 19th century to Lapp lands” (Swe. lappmarkerna/Sam. escape famine and to find alternative Sápmi). The Norwegians too adopted livelihoods. Finnish speakers there the term “lappar” to some extent, with continued to be called “kvener” by the reference to Swedish Mountain Sámi. Norwegians. They are today a national Today, the older terms “finne” (Nor- minority in Norway. way) and “lapp” (Sweden) have been Those living in the villages around replaced by the ethnic group’s own Gammelstad and in the Lule river val- term “same”. ley spoke different languages. They The term “lapp” (Eng. Lapp or Lap- had specific clothes and habits. They lander) is today considered derogato- each had their own history. Among ry by most Sámi people. In this pub- them, the Sámi and Finnish-speak- lication the term “lapp” is used in ing groups stand out through their different historical contexts, for exam- long-term presence in the area. Their ple to describe special geographic ar- Sámi people were until the end of the 19th cultures have been influenced by ad- eas, place names, proper nouns, ad- century an self-evident part of the villages aptation to the northern climate, ministrative terms or nouns with the surrounding Gammelstad. long-term nearness to each other, and ending “lapp”, while “Sámi” is used in the fact that they were on the Bothni- a modern narrative context. The term er” while the Swedes called them “fin- an Gulf when the first Swedish-speak- “finne” is also perceived as deroga- nar”. This was the Swedish name for ing groups settled there. It is above all tory by some Finnish-speaking peo- Finnish speakers regardless of wheth- their history we concentrate on when ple. In the long-term historical per- er they lived in southern Finland, the history of minorities in the World spective, here the term “finne” is used Värmland, the area or in Heritage Site is told. to describe Finnish-speaking groups Tornedalen (The River Val- who in a broad cultural perspective ley) in Norrbotten. When Tornedalen Luleå parish in history have been bearers of different kinds of was absorbed into the Swedish king- It is not meaningful to limit oneself to Finnish-speaking culture. dom therefore, “kven” as an ethnic the area around the church when re- What Finns and Sámi have in com- term around the Bothnian Gulf dis- constructing the minorities that have mon is that in the Swedish state they appeared, but the ethnic group re- been part of the World Heritage Site. have been culturally subordinated mi- mained. Those living in Tornedalen The church cottages, closely packed norities in relation to the dominant today call themselves “tornedalingar” together in blocks round the church, Swedish-speaking group. Until the (Eng. Tornedalians). They are a na- are divided into more than 550 rooms Middle Ages, Norwegians called the tional minority in Sweden. However, with one or more owners. The church Finnish-speaking peoples living on the term “kven” survived as an eth- cottages form a microcosmos of the the coast of the Bothnian Gulf “kven- nic category in northern Norway, to owners who have traditionally lived in

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0 50 km 100 km er, and and Gällivare lap- pmarks. This vast area was equal in size to the area of Uppland, Sörm- land and Västergötland . Torne storsocken The Swedish-speaking population was above all concentrated to the coastal area and villages along the river. Spo- radic elements of the Finnish-speak- Lule storsocken Kemi ing population were found in the Gällivare storsocken socken coastal area and spread in the upper stor- reaches of the river valley as settlers. socken Jokkmokk Särkilax At the same time, the Sámi seasonally socken Råneå migrated in the entire area. socken The congregations in Gällivare and Överluleå socken Torneå Jokkmokk were ultimately separat- Pite storsocken Kalix Kemi Nederluleå ed 1693 and Överluleå parish in 1831. socken Eventually, the last separation led to Luleå today’s Boden and Luleå municipali- Piteå ties.1 The large parish that the Church Until 1693, Luleå parish stretched from the coast up to the Norwegian . After 1831 Neder- Town in Gammelstad represents has luleå parish on the coast remained, which in 1969, together with the lower part of Råneå Muni- never been a statistical entity. Munic- cipality and Luleå Town became today’s Luleå Municipality. ipal boundaries have changed, and people have moved and interacted. With the historical change in parishes, the villages around Gammelstad. By then a Sámi-speaking population liv- the presence of ethnic groups has also extension, they represent the whole ing in the entire area. In and changed radically. It is that change parish. Nowadays, church cottages are parts of the Valley, the which will be depicted here. The mon- owned also by people who are not per- Finnish-speaking population domi- umental mediaeval stone church in manent residents in the municipality. nated, of which we also see clear trac- the old Luleå represents a diversity of The first recorded mention of Luleå es in the Lule River Valley. Swedish languages and cultures that for a very parish is in 1339, as a chapel belong- speakers were a minority. long time formed the cultural space in ing to Piteå. Slightly over thirty years Tornio was separated from Luleå the parish. later, the parish is already described by 1413 and from Kalix by the 1480s. as autonomous and encompassing After 1654, Råneå became a separate The Lule River gets its name the Torne, Kalix and Lule river valleys congregation. The parish in Luleå was The rivers can be regarded as the most with associated Lappmarks. There was then limited to the river valley prop- fundamental parts of north Swedish

10 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES nature in the perspective of industry the points of the compass follow the being more or less southeast. In North and transport. One can therefore as- direction in which the rivers flow, so Sámi, the points of the compass on sume that the names of rivers are of in Lule Lappmark, east has in practice turn even more, so that lulli actually considerable longevity. You do not means “south”. The easterly term was change the name of river overnight. used for the Lule River below the con- Therefore, the names of fluence of Stora and Lilla Lule River at rivers are of particu- . Below the confluence the lar value when at- Sámi population has long been For- tempting est Sámi. One theory on the origin of the name Lulle is therefore that it was the Mountain Sámi term for the Forest Sámi as “those who live in the east” or “east dwellers”. By the Moun- tain Sámi they were called lullilahá or Forest reindeer herding is reckoned as the oldest form of reindeer husbandry. It was combined lulliha. So the river name would be an with hunting and fishing. The use of domesticated reindeer, wild reindeer hunting and farming internal Sámi attribute meaning “For- initially existed in parallel in the coastal area. In the first encounters between the Sámi and north est Sámi River”. It was eventually ab- Swedish farmers, the cultures borrowed from each other. breviated to Luleju. The linguistic sci- entific reconstruction of the oldest to determine how ethnic groups have Sámi name for the Lule River is Lule- begun to use them populate the area. jujukke, based on lulle (east) and juk- Linguistic researchers largely agree ke (older term for jokko = river). In that the names of the big rivers north the Sámi language, linguistic develop- of Ångermanland are main- ment has altered it to today’s Juleväd- ly Sámi in origin, while others assert no. Luleå is called Julevu.2 that Pite and Torne rivers have orig- Of course, we must ask ourselves inally Finnish names. From Ånger- what the term Forest Sámi meant per- manland and southwards, the river haps 8,000 years ago. At that time a names are Scandinavian in origin. deep sea inlet reached inland all the The oldest written records regard- way up to Vuollerim. If we take as our ing Luleå are variants such as lula or Reindeer cheese being dried. The Sámi starting point that the Sámi were first lulu, which probably come from the probably learned milking from encounters following the ice age to start using the Sámi lulle, which means the compass with Finnish and Scandinavian farmers who area, and gave the river its Sámi name, direction “east”. In the Sámi language, milked cows. they were probably as much Coast

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In the 7th century, the Viking age burial mound in lay on a sandy promon- One romantic artist has depicted the meeting between Sve- tory right on the sea. Today it is surrounded by forest. In those days, groups from as and wilderness hunters in this way. Note the Viking ship a Sámi-speaking population lived along the coast in an area which probably in the background and the helmets as headgear. The people stretched from the Gulf of Finland, around the Bothnian Gulf and down to the of the wilderness are drawn barefooted. Swedish province of Hälsingland.

Sámi as Forest Sámi. We cannot make Lulejujukke, which was transferred or Pohjanperä, meaning the bed ly- pronouncements on ethnicity so far to the two languages. In Finnish it is ing beyond.3 The Sámi language lacks back in time. It is nevertheless beyond called Luulanjoki and Swedish Lule the southerly perspective towards the doubt that Coast Sámi lived on the älv. The fact that the older form was Bothnian Gulf as a sea inlet with a Bothnian Gulf during the Iron Age, absorbed into Finnish and Swedish bed. Instead, the sea is regarded as ly- when Finnish- and Swedish-speaking indicates a relatively early encounter ing nearby. In the case of Sámi, there fishermen and traders began to visit between three linguistic groups, be- is not the explorative sense of a sea in- the area, and farmers began to settle fore the Sámi language changed its let that comes to an end. at the rivermouths in the early Mid- name for it to Julevädno. dle Ages. The Sámi who lived at the mouth First signs of Scandinavian culture The Finnish-speaking and Swed- of the Lule River in the beginning of If we move on to the early part of the ish-speaking settlers in the Lule Riv- the 7th century did not call the sea the 6th century we can detect encounters er Valley did not adopt the Sámi riv- Bothnian Gulf. That is the early Svea between groups with different cul- er name Julevädno, which in Finnish (Swedish) name for the bay that ends tures and languages along the coast would have been Julevjoki and Swed- farthest up in the north. In a simi- of the northern Bothnian Gulf. There ish perhaps Julevälven (the Julev Riv- lar way, the Finnish name for the bay were as yet no nations called Sweden, er). Instead it became the older form is Perämeri, the sea lying beyond, Norway, Denmark or . Different

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vian warrior who the grave.4 One can see the 7th century was buried togeth- burial mound as an expression of an er with his shield early encounter between Sveas, Sámi and his sword-like and Finns near the northern rivers, knife. At the time, but also a sign of confrontations with the grave lay on a the population which then lived here, sandy promonto- or between different fur trappers com- ry where the Sangis peting for commodities. River emptied into the sea. We do not Sámi and Finnish place names know whether the When considering the original Sámi warrior in the grave name of the Lule River, one might ask Olaus Magnus’s classic picture of salmon fishermen on the Torne River from the 16th century, illustrating the old-time fishing culture in was a temporary to what extent Sámi names for nat- Tornedalen. Up until the Middle Ages, the Finnish-speaking popula- visitor or wheth- ural phenomena survive in the river tion on the Bothnian Gulf coast were called “kvener” by the Norwegi- er he belonged to valley. A hunting and fishing popu- ans and “finnar” by the Swedes. an early settlement. lation must have had a need to name He was probably an the lakes and watercourses. Through a groups of people with loyalty to clans armed trader. The ritually placed bur- and families competed for ial mound by the sea, with the shield and economic power. In present-day and knife, bears witness to his being Sweden, one can distinguish Göta- the leader of a military foray of the land and Svealand as the predominant type that, a hundred years later, Eu- provinces. North of Uppland lay Nor- rope would call Vikings. dlanden (the North Lands). Finland In view of the extensive Viking ex- did not yet exist as a concept, but the peditions in the east, which the Sveas Sveas called it Österland (East Land). would soon develop, one can assume There was as yet no developed state that this was an early example of such that controlled the territory. a voyage along the coast of the Both- At the Sangis River, which lies be- nian Gulf. If the grave had been a sign tween the Lule and Torne river val- of a permanent Scandinavian popula- leys, there is an ancient burial mound tion, more everyday items would have which is the earliest palpable trace of been present in the burial mound, and Scandinavian presence in the north- there would have been more nearby ern area. It was prob- burial mounds at the settlement. Here, ably constructed in the 7th century or the burial site is a sterile sandy prom- somewhat later, to a dead Scandina- ontory with only warlike attributes in A gaff for salmon fishing from a boat.

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Land Survey database of place names, spond to the area of what was the in present-day , one can trace how Sámi, Finnish and former large parish of Luleå until which has the Swedish name Slättber- Swedish nature terms are used today 1693, when the mountain municipali- get. In Luleå there are no mountains on the topographic map. You can then ties were separated. with such Sámi or Finnish suffixes. In see the way in which the language The Sámi endings -jávrre or -jau- Boden there are 17 mountains with groups have named the landscape in re (meaning lake) correspond to the -várre or -vare as a suffix. They are all their mother tongue. The municipal- Swedish -sjö or -träsk. The equivalent situated in the northern half of Boden ities chosen are Luleå, Boden, Jok- in Finnish is -järvi. When searching Municipality. There are no names kmokk and Gällivare, which corre- the database for lake names ending in ending in the Finnish -vaara. these suffixes, in Luleå When passing the Lappmark one finds no lakes that boundary there is a radical transfor- end in the Sámi or Finn- mation in linguistic patterns. Now, ish suffixes. In Boden, Sámi and Finnish appear as the pre- upstream of Luleå, one dominant languages. In Jokkmokk finds 10 lakes with a Municipality there are 659 lake names Sámi suffix, for example ending in -jávrre or -jaure, evenly dis- Dábmokjávrre, which is tributed up to the Norwegian border, the Sámi name for Lake Rödingsträsk or Vuolle- jávrre with the Swedish name Vitbergsträsket. There is only one lake with a Finnish-lan- guage origin. It is Vit- tjärvsträsket just outside Boden, whose name in- cludes both the Finnish -järvi and the Swedish -träsk. The Sámi suffix- The goahte (Lapp hut) is the traditional Sámi dwelling. But it es -várre or -vare and was also used by fishing Finns as a seasonal dwelling beside the Finnish -vaara cor- lakes or watercourses. The Finnish word kota, for a dwel- In Franz von Schéele’s map of the Lule River respond to the Swed- ling hut, has its counterpart in the Finnish word koti, which Valley from 1828 there is a clear distinction means “home”. In the beginning the hut was, thus, a home ish suffix -berg (moun- between Sámi and Swedish place names also for the Finns. It is perhaps the most marked example of tain), for example in along the two sides of the Lappmark boun- the cultural nearness between the two groups. names like Jalggisvárre dary.

14 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES but only 4 lakes ending in the Finn- in their sphere of interest. West of the ish -järvi. In Gällivare there are 233 Kalix River, Swedish speakers became lake names ending in -jávrre or -jau- the dominant settlers. The language re and no less than 875 names end- boundary between Finnish and Swed- ing in Finnish -järvi. In a similar way, ish came to lie where we also find the in Jokkmokk there are 271 moun- coastal Scandinavian burial mound in tains ending in -várre or -vare and Sangis, documented back to the Iron four ending in -vaara. In Gällivare, Age.6 Lule Lappmark therefore came 181 mountain names end in -várre or to incorporate both the Råne and Lule -vare and 390 in -vaara.5 river valleys. The later colonisation Lappgärdan in Alvik lies slightly higher in the forest right on the outskirts of the village. The conclusion one can draw is that by settlers in the interior followed the The water spring adjacent to the former Sámi based on the geographic area of the traditional trade areas of the respec- settlement is now enclosed with a cement former large parish of Luleå there are tive language groups. That is the rea- pipe. According to village records, a Sámi man two distinct language patterns. They son why nature related place names named Siggan lived in cottage on the site.9 have developed from the 17th century to the present day through in-migra- tion of Swedish and Finnish speak- ers into the area. Below the Lappmark boundary there is an almost total pre- dominance of Swedish, with the occa- sional Sámi element in the northern part of Boden Municipality. Above the Lappmark border, Sámi dominates in Jokkmokk and Finnish in Gällivare. One explanation for the different language patterns emerges when ex- amining how trade developed in the Lappmark areas. As early as the Vi- king age, the Finnish-speaking Kvens had developed trade and close rela- tions with the Sámi. Torne Lappmark developed based on their settlement The location of the former Sámi dwelling site in Alvik was formerly an oblong cleared area with areas along the Torne and Kalix river verdant vegetation. In the 1940s, some households in the village constructed a pipeline from the valleys. Through tributaries to the Ka- water spring to obtain running water. At the time, the area was used as a rudimentary football lix River, parts of present-day Gälli- pitch. Nowadays the local hunting team uses the area among other things as an elk slaughtering vare Municipality came to be included site. The water spring lies in the green brush on the left of the picture.

15 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES in present-day Gällivare Municipality oblivion of materi- are so influenced by the Finnish lan- al transience, memo- guage, which is not at all the case in ries still live on in the . villages through the place names. Names People’s collective memory such as Kåtaholmen of the Sámi or Rengärdberget have On the outskirts of many villages been given to places around Gammelstad there are popu- that at one time were lar recollections of Sámi settlements. the dwelling site of a The visible traces of them have often Sámi family or a Sámi been eradicated by expanding fields or individual. At the growing forest. Nature takes back and place called Lappgär- carefully embeds an old house foun- da, gärda means an As early as this map from 1671, Lappön island is marked north dation or the hollow from a goahte enclosed and protect- of the then built environment of Hindersön. That means the Sámi (Lapp hut) in dense Haircap Moss. ed area in the original regularly used the island, probably for fishing, but perhaps also in Within 300 years or more it has re- meaning of a farm- reindeer herding. turned to the forest’s general anonym- stead or enclosure.7 It ity. Nor do the vast fields stand un- indicates that the person or persons ry, which has passed on the popular disturbed. Along the edges, building who lived here had an enclosure for memory of when “Lapps” were part of plots are parcelled and rows of mod- goats or sheep in the forest. They may everyday life. Today we see how that ern homes in pure white wood pan- also have grown crops there. type of transfer is fast fading. elling appear, with trendy irregular Memories have been astonishing- Sámi presence is still tangible windows and designer front doors. ly resilient as if with their lingering through place names in the pres- In the dark of the rural winter, facade names referring to “Lapps”, reindeer ent-day of Luleå and lighting underscores the urban nature and goahte huts they have wished to Boden. It applies to about 60 place of the homeowner’s dream. The vir- challenge today’s blind fixation on the names with the syllable ren (reindeer) ginal white house leaves the feeling of future. For as long as the oral tradition that exist, for example Rengärdber- an American docusoap. There is not has been strong, the cultural memory get, Renholmen, Rengårdshalsmyran a trace of a Sámi settlement having has been passed on from generation or Lill-Renholmsgrundet. They tell of been nearby. to generation. Parents have told their traditional reindeer husbandry areas In other places, slaughterhouse stor- children, and taught them to read the and associate to the groups that have age has been built or piles of grav- landscape around the home proper- worked with reindeer for millennia. el have taken over the site of an old ty and the village. The place names Sámi presence is even more palpa- settlement. Traces of the Sámi have Lapptallen (Lapp Pine) or Kåtatjär- ble in place names with the element been swept away. But within the great nen (Goahte Lake) come with a sto- kåta (goahte) or lapp. The kåta-names

16 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES are seldom in the immediate vicinity on the islet at that time. Due to gla- tions where a combination of reindeer of villages: they are often places that cial rebound the two islands are no husbandry, hunting and fishing was have served as dwellings during fish- longer surrounded by water. We may practised. ing, such as Kåtaudden, Lappkåtavik- assume that the islands have been sea- The hundred-odd lapp-names in en and Lill-Kåtaträsket or Kåtaheden, sonal settlements for individual fish- Luleå and Boden municipalities are lying between former lakes which ing Sámi people. This applies also to dispersed fairly evenly across the have now become marshlands. Here Kåtaholmen island with nearby Kåta- coastal area and the interior, some- we are speaking of Sámi settlements holmsgrundet in the old outflow past times in more concentrated form as- of a more or less permanent nature. . The same applies to Kåtaud- sociated with lakes with names like Obvious fishing sites can be seen at den on Långön island further out Lappträsket and Lappavan or specific Greater and Lesser Kåtaholmen, lo- at sea. In Sweden, one traditionally parts of lakes such as Lappviken. This cated by the sea at Rörbäck. They speaks of Mountain Sámi and Forest suggests more permanent settlement were low islets surrounded by wa- Sámi based on their reindeer herding with one or more families cooperat- ter at recently as 300 years ago. Since methods, but with regard to the kåta- ing. Kåtaholmen refers to a name of an is- names or lapp-names on the coasts As has been shown, there are many let, we can draw the conclusion that and on the archipelago islands, such Swedish names that describe Sámi ac- it was named after Sámi goahte huts as Lappön island north of Hindersön, tivities and Sámi settlements near vil- one might equally use the term Coast lages in the Lule River Valley, in the Sámi. They lived seasonally or tempo- form of place names containing lapp, rarily in the coastal area. kåta, ren or similar. However, there In the western end of the munic- are in principle no place names that ipality lie the lakes Inner and Outer beyond doubt come from the Sámi Bjursträsket with the village of Bjur- language.8 This indicates that Sámi sträsk on the isthmus that cuts the settlement was sparse. Indeed, the lakes from each other. At the south- Sámi led mobile and seasonally re- ern end of Outer Bjursträsk lies the lated lives, which meant that places bay Lappkåtaviken alongside a marsh which were not permanently inhabit- called Lappkåtamyran. This is a typ- ed may have been taken over by farm- ical lake-based Sámi settlement. The ers. Along the Lule River there is ex- Swedish word bjur which is includ- cellent salmon fishing, which must ed in the name of the lake means bea- have attracted Sámi fishermen long ver. The lake was certainly once used before Swedish and Finnish-speaking in hunting for precious beaver skins. settlers constructed their first seasonal On this map from 1671, the small island of There are other kåta names further in- settlements, which could then become Renskär (Reindeer Skerry) is marked north of land between Niemisel and Morjärv. permanent. Mannön. They lie in typical Forest Sámi loca-

17 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES

Luleå villages Island, Fishing Net Is- with Finnish names land, Sheep Island or Burn As with the Sámi language, Beat Island). Wild rein- the has deer hunting and reindeer not particularly influenced herding are present in na- place names in the coastal ture related place names and inland area. From the like Norr-Rensundet and time of the old large parish, Sör-Rensundet (North and when it included the Råne South Reindeer Sound), river valley, there are three Första Rengårdstjärnen village names of Finnish and Andra Rengårds­ origin. They are in tjärnen (First and Second Nederluleå parish, Vittjärv Reindeer Enclosure Lakes). in Överluleå parish and The Finnish word niemi Niemisel in Råneå parish. means promontory, and it All three names are related is without doubt the char- to nature, and we can im- acteristic promontory in agine that they came about the calm waters of the river in connection with the that has given its name to places being used for fish- the Finnish-speaking set- ing and hunting. tlement at Niemisel. They The area around the vil- also used the promonto- lage of Niemisel, on the ry to name the nearby rap- Råne River about 20 km ids and island Niemifors- from the coast, is a typical en and Niemiholmen. The location where Sámi, Finns place must at an early date and Swedes have met in It was fishing in rivers and lakes that was the main livelihood of the Finns. have been a seasonal dwell- their efforts to harvest the They could travel long distances for seasonal fishing in mountain lakes, ing site for hunting, fishing fruits of the river and the which the Swedish-speaking farmers also did. A temporary fishing settle- and trade with the Sámi. forest. The first recorded ment was in Finnish called kalakenttä. There is evidence of mention of the name is in a contact with the Finn- tax register from 1543, where it is spelt ing nature was used in a combination ish-speaking area of Tornedalen when Nijmesiil. This is followed by different of hunting, fishing and farming from a trader enjoying a Royal monopo- variants until it ends up as Niemisel in the names of islands such as Ljus- ly on trade with the Sámi, a so-called the 1860s. terholmen, Notholmen, Fårholmar- “Birkarl”, lived in the village in 1596. We understand that the surround- na or Svedjeholmen: (Fishing Spear His name was Jöns Olsson and he was

18 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES a Torne Lappmark Birkarl trader, al- Finally we have the village name al fishing site. The seasonal settle- though according to an official regis- Kallax, which comes from the bay at ment eventually became permanent, ter he was a resident of Niemisell. The the mouth of the Lule River. Here too as well as the name of the bay. Fish- combination of the Finnish niemi and we see a lone Finnish place name sur- ing has always been a predominant the Swedish sel means that the Finn or rounded by Swedish names. In a tax industry in Kallax, even after farm- Finns who named the place became register from 1553 it is spelt as it is to- ing made its entrance. As recently as at an early date trumped by Swedish day, but it comes from an older Finn- the mid-16th century, there was only settlers who used the Swedish word ish spelling, Kalalaksi, meaning “Fish one homestead in the village. It was sel for flatwater instead of the Finnish B a y ”. 10 It is probable that Finnish fish- owned by Morten Skinnare and he is suanto or the Sámi sávu. The fact that ermen used the bay as a tradition- mentioned in the late 16th century as the place was also a traditional settle- ment site for the Sámi is underlined by the name of Lappkäringudden (Lapp Woman Point), a promontory in Lake Degerselet near the village. The village of Vittjärv lies 5 km north-west of Boden and takes its name from Lake Vittjärvsträsket, which also gives its name to the mountain Vittjärvsberget. Here too we see the characteristic encounter between Swedish and Finnish name forms. The Finnish järvi means lake, as does the Swedish träsk. We can im- agine an early Finnish-speaking fish- ermen or farmer giving the Finn- ish-speaking name. In 1543, the village name was spelt Wikerff but it eventually took the form Witz Järff and ultimately its present-day name. A number of older spellings indicate that the prefix Vitt- comes from the Tornedalen Finn- ish vitta, which means “twigs”. So the Kamlunge rapids on the Kalix River has always been difficult to navigate. Above the rapids, Finnish name would mean Twig Lake Finnish place names take over, for example Morjärv, Kälvjärv, Talljärv from the Finnish järvi, or Bush Lake. meaning lake. In the Lule River Valley, Finnish influence on place names is much less prominent.

19 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES trading at Tornio fair.11 Another tes- Sámi and Swedish languages in the ish-speaking settlers with Swedish el- timony about contact with Tornio area was probably be- ements as in the names Niemisel and (in Finland) is from the farmer Lau- fore the 9th century, and that the Finns Vittjärvsträsk. The Swedes have of- rens Nilsson of Antnäs. According must already have been in contact ten created completely new Swedish to court records from Stockholm, he with the Norwegian Arctic Ocean and names associated with farming. was a witness on 4 September 1482 in the Torne river valley, as well as with It should be pointed out that the an inheritance dispute about salmon Luleå and Piteå, because the Finnish naming that has become perma- fishing in the Torne River. At the end name forms Luulaja for Luleå, and Pi- nent and retained is not necessari- of the 18th century, a register of cat- itime for Piteå were probably loaned ly the earliest naming. Everywhere in echetical meetings concerning nearby from Sámi to Finnish before the Vi- the coastal area we must also reckon Måttsund states that one of the men king age.13 with early Sámi names for lakes, bays, in a household could read Finnish.12 The Finnish-language names prob- mountains. In the Kalix and Torne The examples show that from earliest ably came about slightly earlier than, river valleys, this applies also to Finn- times there were regular contacts with or in parallel, with the first Swed- ish nature related place names. the Finnish-speaking cultural area in ish settlements. More extensive early those coastal villages that we usually settlement consider to have been homogenously by Sámi Swedish speaking. and Finn- In the village of in Piteå, 50 ish speak- km further south along the coast, we ers would see a coastal Finnish settlement cor- probably responding to that in Kallax. Hort- have gener- lax, like Kallax is a name of Finnish ated more origin, meaning Dog Bay. Also the place names coastal village of in Piteå Mu- that to some nicipality has been identified by lin- extent kept guists as having an originally Finnish their origi- name. This is said to have come from nal linguis- Ruotsilahti which means Swede Bay. tic forms. If so, this is one of few examples of Possible ear- Finns indicating Swedes as an ethnic lier Finn- group in a place name. In general, it is ish or Sámi Swedes who have given finn- or lapp- place names The name Finnavan, which on the map is spelt “Finnåfwan”, is the name names to places in the landscape. have been used by Swedish speakers to refer to the Finns who used the ava or lived The linguist K.B. Wiklund held that replaced by beside it. On the map from 1671 there is an indication of how the two bays the encounter between the Finnish, the Swed- Sunderbyviken and Gammelstadsviken were once connected

20 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES

Gammelstadsviken and Stadsviken (Town was originally named Finnavan Bay) written instead. One clear example of how Finn- Finnavan is undoubtedly ish-speaking fishermen may have fre- an older name that was quented the coast is the area around used before the church the bay Gammelstadsviken. One old- site was promoted to a er name for the bay is in fact Finna- town. Luleå was found- van, a name found on a map from ed in 1621. It cannot have 1671. An “ava” (as in -avan) is a shal- been called Stadsviken low or narrow inlet in a lake or wa- until after that year. That tercourse that has been cut off from a is why the cartographer larger body of water. On a copy of the in the late 18th century map, more than hundred years lat- found Stadsviken to be a er, Finnavan has been struck through more appropriate name, but in the older version of the map, the water is still designated “Finnåf- By the 18th century, Börstentjärn had become an alternative wan” and it is clear that name for Finnavan as a lake. The boundary between the glebe and Rutvik’s properties was described by the surveyor Anders this refers to the entire Bergström in 1769: “…and so the line up to the Femstena bay which leads up to Röret right near Börstentiern or Finnafwan is called…”. From the church.14 the map, one understands that Finnavan had now become a The fact that the name lake cut off from the bay. The lake lay south of Rutvik. exists on one of the old- est maps of the Luleå river valley re- Ages when the ava still had a narrow inforces the evidence that it is an ear- connection with the river. The term ly name, perhaps the oldest Swedish vik must belong to a later phase when name, for Gammelstadsviken. There the water was counted as a bay in rela- is probably a reason why it was called tion to Björsbyfjärden. ava on the oldest map, and subse- It is true, the word “finne” is an old- quently vik on later maps. If one ex- er name for “lapp” or current day The above section is from S.G. Hermelin’s map collection at the War Archive. It can be amines the rising land due to glacial “Sámi”, but in Swedish sources from seen that it is a direct copy of the map from rebound, a sound once connected the 13th century “lapp” is used to de- 1671, probably made in the later 18th cen- Finnavan to the Lule River, until some pict a Sámi. This indicates that Fin- tury. Here, Finnavan has been struck through point between the 10th and 13th cen- navan came into being when “finne” and replaced by Stadsviken. It reinforces the turies. The name thus probably came meant a person who spoke Finnish. idea that Finnavan is the original name for Gammelstadsviken. about sometime in the early Middle From the beginning of the Middle

21 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES

Ages, Swedes called Sámi-speaking pute between farmers in Rutvik and that a smallholding called Finneset- people “lappar” and Finnish-speaking the church glebe on 28 June 1596, Fin- ther in the Gammelstad church glebe people “finnar”. navan was mentioned. The priest An- then paid a tithe in cereal and six hay- Prästviken (Priest Bay) is another ders Petri Grubb then heard testimo- loads. This was a small farm that had name used in later times. It refers to ny from villagers about the boundary some cows, perhaps a horse and prob- the establishment of the church and between the village of Rutvik and the ably sheep and goats. Since the ele- the estate of the church glebe around glebe. They had heard from their par- ment finne says that the ava and croft the inner part of the bay. The name ents that “the right boundary would were named after people who spoke Stadsviken was relevant between 1621 be Råhällan in the Rutvik forest, the Finnish, we see here the traces of and 1649 when present day Gammel- Redstone north at Finnavan” and “an such an early smallholding, perhaps was called Luleå and the Church unusually large pine east of the little at the same time as the Finnish Kal- Town constituted the newly-formed fishing stream out on Skutön island”. alahti, Fish Bay, was settled by Finn- town. When relocated to its current The stream was called “Fin Afuabäck- ish-speaking fishermen who gave the site, the old Luleå was transformed e n”. 15 village of Kallax its name. It is inter- into the old town (“gamla staden”). Land Survey records from 1769, esting in dating that place names con- Not until then could Gammelstads- over 150 years later, show that Finna- taining the suffix -säter or -setr (or in viken come into being. van had become a lake. It now had this case -setther) are thought to orig- However, the land continued to the alternative name Börstentjärn inate from the Viking age, that is the rise and Finnavan became a separate (Börstingstjärnen on present-day top- timespan 800‒1050 CE. Such place lake in the northern part of Gam- ographical maps). Today, Börstingst- names are very unusual in northern melstadsviken closer to Rutvik. In järnen and Finnavan are completely Sweden. 16 court records of a demarcation dis- separate. What is left of Finnavan is The croft Finnesetther on the Gam- a number of overgrown pastures just melstad church glebe no longer ex- under a kilometre north of the low-ly- ists. It was probably absorbed into the ing area that remains of Börstingst- glebe or the Royal demesne that Gus- järnen. They lie 200 m west of the E4. tav Vasa formed in the 16th century. Birch forest is taking over Finnavan as According to the dictionary “Ordbok a haymaking area and the barns are in över svenska medeltidsspråket”, säter different stages of decay. denotes a settlement or dwelling, es- pecially a summer settlement or sum- Finntorpet croft at the Church Town mer pasture.17 A search in the Land It is not only the name of the bay that Survey database of place names shows Finnavan was later transformed into a drai- tells of a Finnish background to the that in Norrbotten County there are ned pasture belonging to Rutvik. Today it early settlement of the area around only six names ending in -säter, com- is largely overgrown and the barns are in Gammelstadsviken. It is strength- pared to 31 in Dalarna. disrepair. ened by the mention in 1553 of the fact In we find the

22 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES

bined with agriculture and became a permanent settlement. Between 1558 and 1563, Gustav Vasa expropriated the rectory property in Gammelstad, and ran a stud farm which was called Lule gård (Lule Farm). The priest was banished to a rectory in Uppland and a state bailiff managed the farm.19 When the farm was returned to the church just five years later, it is pos- sible that Finnesetther was absorbed into the church property. Swedish and Finnish settlement ap- parently took place in parallel at the mouth of the Lule River. The Finn- ish-speaking fishermen settled the ava (shallow bay) that had been formed This is what Finnesetther would have looked like at Finnavan if we think of it as a fishing sett- and it was given the name Finna- lement for Finnish seasonal dwellers, one of whom eventually built a croft. The picture is from a fishing settlement at Jerisjärvi in northern Finland, consisting of old timber buildings. In Finnish van by the Swedes because they knew culture, the word kenttä signifies a summer pasture site, but this was not necessarily associated Finns live there. What the Finns with livestock farming. There also existed the kalakenttä, which referred to a seasonal fishing themselves called the ava we do not settlement. know. No Finnish name has survived. The fact that in the 1670s it was still mire Lappsäter on the border with Luleå and Kalix, or for seasonal settle- called Finnavan on official maps must . In Piteå Municipality ments as with the summer pasture in mean that at the time the name was there is Grevsäter, the name of an area , but also for permanent set- still living tradition from a time when near Hortlax, Åsäter as the name of tlements. Finnish culture was strongly associ- a small community near Roknäs and Finnesetther is interesting since it ated with the place. Another piece of Storsäter near the village of Altergård. was established at the place where evidence of the long Finnish tradition In Älvsbyn Municipality there is a ge- the church was built, and where the is that the name occurs in land par- ographical name Fjällsäter and in Ar- church glebe took its land when the celling documents that concern prop- jeplog there is the name of a small parish was established in the 14th cen- erties between the glebe at the church community Sjösätter close to an old tury. It is feasible that Finnesetther and the farmers of Rutvik. summer pasture.18 The examples show was originally a seasonal settlement Details crop up here and there in that names could be used for both for fishing, in the same way as in sources that indicate Finnish ethnic- Finnish and Sámi settlements like in Kallax. Eventually, fishing was com- ity. One then understands that there

23 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES must have been a good number of such people with “concealed eth- nicity”. This applies for example to the soldier Pehr Hansson Dragon in Måttsund. In parish records for 1798 it is stated that he “reads Finnish both in books and otherwise”. He was general- ly called “Gammel-Dragon” (Old Dra- goon) and had campaigned with Karl XII. Pehr was known to possess spe- cial bodily and mental powers to cure illnesses, and was what we would to- day call a “healer”. He died at the age of 110.20

Possible early Finnish settlement on Porsön island Influences from Finnish-speaking pe- ople in the of Gam- melstad have previously attracted scant interest in the cultural histo- rical descriptions of the area. The Finns have been placed in Torneda- len with a surrounding mental geo- graphical fence. In reality, the sett- lement of the Lule River estuary has been by Swedish and Finnish speakers in parallel. This leads us to the ques- tion of the name Pyrte.

The birkarl traders had social status as both wealthy farmers and citizens. They could be Finnish- or Swedish-speaking. The picture is of a “Finnish inhabitant from Tornio parish” who was portrayed at the very beginning of the 19th century.

24 MEETINGS BETWEEN PEOPLES

At the end of July 1374, the Arch- In toponymy, one explanation for of being able to trade with the Sámi. bishop of visited the Both- the name Porsön is that quantities of If we assume that the Birkarl trad- nian Bay area to judge where the pors (Bog Myrtle, myrica gale) grew er was Finnish-speaking rather than boundary between Turku diocese and on the island. Another, as yet untest- Swedish speaking, the Latin Pyrte/ Uppsala diocese should be drawn. ed alternative, is that the name is re- Pirte could come from the Finnish A letter about the demarcation was lated to shipping around the north- word Pirtti, which means a large tim- signed by him: “Ratified by His Rev- ern part of the island. The Latin word ber cabin. In Swedified form, such a erence father in Christ Mister Biurg- portus means harbour and could be cabin or the large communal room er, by the grace of God Archbishop of the origin of the name Portesön that in the cabin is called Pörte (Log Cab- Upsala, on the first day of the Month was used at the beginning of the 18th in). The old transformation from Pirt- of August in the church parish of Lulo century. In these two alternatives, the ti via the Swedified Pörte to Portesön in Norrabuttn at a town called Pyrte, starting point has been at the name to Portön and Portzön, arriving at the of Upsala diocese”. Researchers have comes from the , but current day Porsön is quite feasible discussed where Pyrte was situated. there is also a third alternative linked as an alternative interpretation of the Some have suggested Piteå, and that to the Finnish language. There is an name. The Finnish-speaking name for “Lulo” might have been a chapel in oral tradition that a Birkarl trader the island might reasonably have been Piteå parish, but stronger arguments called Paul lived on Porsön. It is said Pirttisaari, which translated to Swed- have pointed out Porsön, right at the that he there constructed a house that ish is Pörtesön (Log Cabin Island). entrance to Gammelstadsviken. was so tall that “its gable” could be Let us leave the topic with this rath- Until at least the 17th century there seen from out at sea.21 er bold Finnish-language hypothe- were wealthy Birkarl traders in the The description of the Birkarl house sis on the interpretation of the name villages of Björsbyn and Rutvik, who on Porsön invites a new interpreta- Pyrte and let future research deter- used the sound Sellingsundet as an tion. We speak of a transition period mine whether the name was originally approach route to their villages. The before Luleå had become a town and Swedish, Finnish or perhaps Sámi. To sound between Porsön and Björs- before the present church was built on lock wholly on to Swedish culture has byn was formerly called Köpmans- the hill Berget in Gammelstad. This until now blocked interpretive pos- sundet (Trader Sound). On the shore was the transition period in the 13th sibilities that are not Swedish-speak- there was a rock called Köpmanhäl- and 14th centuries when Finnish and ing. The names Finnavan for Gam- lan (Trader Rock). Until the late 1950s Swedish-speaking people met at the melstadsviken and Finnesetther as a or early 1960s an iron ring is said to estuary of the Lule River to fish, and farm are supported by sources. If a have been attached to the rock to ena- to trade with the Sámi. In the 14th cen- Finnish pörte-style cabin on Porsön is ble mooring ships. Nearby lay Skutön tury it became compulsory for them added as a hypothesis, understanding island. In the mid-1960s, a haymak- to operate under the Swedish king’s increases of why the oldest recorded ing marsh north of Porsön still went charter to be able to trade. They were name of the bay at the church site is under the name of Hamna (approx. then called “Birkarlar”, the term for Finnavan. “harbour”). farmers who had the special privilege

25 Settlement and matrimony

26 Settlement and matrimony

Rivers, lakes and mountains were named by the ethnic group that lived in the region, but the names could be changed when new language groups settled in the area. When the Swedish state established in the Bothnian Gulf area, the place names began to be established on maps.

CHAPTER 2 Settlement and matrimony

Hunting and fishing provided the fundamental livelihood of those living in the northernmost Bothnian Gulf area in the early Middle Ages, and so important that the population had to pay tax in the form of skins instead of according to the viability of farming. The Sámi storage hut was built on posts in order to protect the contents from wildlife. When built on a single post, the store was called njalla and when built on four posts, ájtte. The corresponding names in Finnish were niili- aitta (one post) and aitta (four posts). In northern Sweden, the Swedish names for such stores were härbre or stolpbod

27 Settlement and matrimony

The Birkarl traders and 13th century at the latest therefore, the fluence. Now that right was delegat- the Lappmark boundary royal power in Sweden under Magnus ed to special so-called Birkarl traders, At an early date, Finnish-speaking Ladulås seized the right to trade with who had the royal privilege to collect and Swedish-speaking traders devel- the Sámi. Until then, those trading state taxes and trade with the Sámi. oped lucrative trade with the Sámi. with the Sámi had acted autonomous- The Birkarl traders were trading Those in authority in the newly estab- ly and demanded gifts of the Sámi in farmers who were entitled to keep the lished capital town of Stockholm were return for trading: an informal taxa- profits from trade and in return pay aware of this profitable trade. By the tion linked to families with local in- a certain fee to the king. Their trad- ing areas coincided well with the river valleys and the areas above the farm- ing region called Lappmarker (Lap- pish lands). For the Sámi, the Birkarl traders brought with them salt, flour, homespun wool, pots and other nec- essary products as well as ornaments, spoons and crafted products in sil- ver. They also brought cash. Riksdaler with a weight of two “lod” (20-100g) were a standard, and sometimes the only means of payment that the Sámi would accept. The Sámi sold the skins of different animals, above all reindeer skins, and mittens and shoes made of reindeer skin, reindeer meat, dried fish and different handicraft products. The first recorded mention of the Birkarl traders in 1328 concerns a dis- pute with farmers in Hälsingland concerning the right to freely trav- el through forests and across land to trade with the Sámi. The Birkarl trad- ers’ trade with the Sámi was organ- ised as shares or lots linked to certain A number of trading farmers on the coast, so-called Birkarl traders, were given the right by the Sámi individuals. That meant they king to trade with the Sámi and collect tax. This took place at traditional trading sites at special had a monopoly on trade with par- times of year. ticular Sámi people, and the right to

28 Settlement and matrimony levy tax from them. In a statute issued in Piteå in 1424, it is said that if anoth- er “ traveller” saves “the life of a Sámi, his wife, children or servant by providing a reindeer, net, food, axe, kettle, pot, or other implement need- ed for a livelihood” he might take over the tax levy, and trade with the Sámi person for three years. The right then returned to the proper lot holder. Trade between Birkarl traders and Sámi was thus strictly regulated. The quoted statute had clear feudal ele- ments, but at the same time it is clear that the Sámi were not owned by the At Laxholmen in Edefors, the Crown had fish- farmers in a feudal sense. The wealthy ing facilities from the 15th century or earlier, Sámi traded with Norwegian and on the map referred to as “Kongafiskiet”. Swedish traders and sold for exam- Revenue from salmon fishing helped finance ple dried fish from Norway to Birkarl the construction of Gammelstad church. traders from Sweden, and they also sold to less wealthy Sámi who did not travelled down to the upper villages. make trading journeys themselves. Every second year they came to Har- They can be described as professional ads, which was the highest of the vil- traders in a similar way as the Birkarl lages, and alternate years to Bredåk- traders, but in the capacity of reindeer er, situated further down. Another owners rather than coastal livestock ancient trading site for Birkarl trad- owners. ers and Sámi is Heden, just outside Nils Andersson Kråka, who was a Boden. An important side income for Birkarl trader in Sunderbyn, wrote in the Birkarl traders was regular fishing an account from 1595 that at Epipha- ny the Birkarl traders travelled up to On the map of the Lule River Valley from 1671 the four Sámi communities of Sjokks- the farming villages are marked as green islands in the sketched savanna of wilderness. They jokk, Jokkmokk, Tuorpon and Sir- become smaller and smaller the further upstre- kas, where in all over 200 Sámi lived. am one comes, and stop at Storsand below For Annunciation Day, 25 , to- present-day Vuollerim. That was where the day known as Waffle Day, the Sámi boundary for cultivation ran.

29 Settlement and matrimony

forage in winter on the large li- chen-rich sandy moors around the mouth of the Lule River. Then there was a long break until the latter part of the 20th century before they were regu- larly used for forage again.

Finnish colonisation upstream the Lule River The Finnish-speaking colonisa- tion of the landscape in Norr- botten occurred in two phases. The first more or less perma- nent settlement process ema- nated from Tornedalen (The Torne River Valley). As ear- ly as the end of the Viking era, a Finnish-speaking pop- ulation was established there, whom the Norwegian referred On Laxholmen island at Edefors on the Lule River stands Lapptallen (the Lapp Pine), a tree stump to as kvener (Kvens) although with an inscription from 1753. Nearby there are a multitude of ancient remains of trapping pits the Swedes called them fin- and dwelling sites with cooking pits. nar (Finns). Continued set- tlement took place upstream in rivers and lakes. It appears that in the 16th and 17th along the Torne and Kalix rivers, By tradition, there were seventeen centuries, the commerce of the Birkarl which are connected by the Tärendö Birkarl traders who had the right to traders took place mainly with Sámi River about 200‒250 km from the trade in Lule Lappmark. In a list from living in the interior. In no known coast. Throughout historical time, 1606, three were stated to be from sources from this period is trade with the two main rivers have been a con- Antnäs, two from each of the villages Sámi from the coastal areas men- nected water system, which explains Sunderbyn, Alvik, Måttsund and Rut- tioned. Yet there are many traces in the Finnish-speaking predominance vik and one from each of Svartbyn, nature that show that Sámi were liv- also in the upper reaches of the Ka- Vibbyn, Ersnäs, Björsbyn, Persön and ing and active in coastal areas. Up un- lix River Valley. Swedish speakers set- Bensbyn. Hans Larsson in Antnäs was til the end of the 19th century, different tled on the coast and about 100 km the Lapp bailiff at the time.22 Sámi communities let their reindeer upstream. From there, Finnish cul-

30 Settlement and matrimony

ture took over.23 In the first ear- ly colonisation and settlement in the coastal area, places with more lasting Finnish populations were given place names based on the Finnish language, such as Kallax, Hortlax and possibly Pyrtesön. This happened in an early phase, when the Crown did not have control over the area. In the first phase, encounters with Swedish settlers must have stopped Finn- ish settlement further south. This was probably because the groups of Finnish speakers moving along the coast were small, but also be- cause they were hunting and fish- ing, not farming. A coastal lan- guage boundary between Finnish and Swedish eventually formed at Sangis, between the Kalix and Torne rivers. In the second phase from the beginning of the 14th centu- ry, the northern Bothnian Gulf area came under the admin- istration of the Swedish king. The influx of Swedish speakers then increased considerably at the coast and in the lower parts of the Lule and Kalix river val- leys. The coastal Finnish-speak- The early Finnish settlers in the Lule River Valley used the crossbow as a hunting wea- pon until the 16th century. Above, a picture of a crossbowman from Finnish Lapland.

31 Settlement and matrimony ing settlements now changed to be- the conditions come more inland-oriented at lakes for settlement and rivers, except in the Torne Riv- in the entire er Valley where the coastal area too Lule River was markedly Finnish-speaking in Valley. the villages. Inland settlements in- One exam- creased further when in the 17th cen- ple of Finnish tury the state encouraged farmers to influence in settle in the Lappmark areas. In 1673, Jokkmokk is a statute called the Lappmark Procla- that the first mation was made. A special bound- settler in Stor- ary was drawn up to separate the sand was a Lappmark areas from lower land. It Finn by the meant that those who cleared a settle- name of Hen- The Lappmark Proclamation of 1673 greatly increased Finnish settlement ment above the Lappmark boundary rik Henriks- of the upper parts of Lule River Valley. The Sámi settlement of Luovvaluokta would enjoy 15 years’ exemption from son, as was in Tuorpon Sámi community can illustrate how also Finnish and Swedish tax.24 It drove an influx of Swedish and later con- settlements could look in the Lappmark areas. Finnish-speaking settlers above the firmed by his boundary. In addition, many Sámi be- paternal grandson, Sheriff Nils Nils- Referring to the Lappmark Proc- came farmers to defend the right to son of Randijaure in 1741. Henrik was lamation, two other Finns, Henrik use their Sámi taxation area and to from Hovlös in Råne River Valley. Eriksson and Anders Eriksson, re- enjoy the tax exemption that came He had settled in Storsand to provide quested permission in 1689 to set- with a new settlement. This changed boat transport for passengers to and tle at the rapids “Storluleåforsen” at from the silver furnace in Porsi above the Lappmark bounda- and to offer them overnight accom- ry in order to “pursue their cultiva- modation. The job also included de- tion of fields and meadowlands”. They livering letters. For his undertakings were also given the right to “exploit he became tax exempt. Since the sil- some salmon fishing in the rapids” verworks in Kvikkjokk started up in since it was considered that the Sámi 1661, the settlement probably start- had not previously fished salmon ed around that time. On the map there. In court in Jokkmokk the Sámi of Luleå Parish from 1671 there is a Pål Andersson and Pål Pagesson of The settlers were required to break ground for buildings and farmland, but hunting and “Stoor Sanden” drawn as the highest Sjokksjokk community protested the especially fishing were a vital part of Finnish settlement in the Lule River Valley at requested settlement since it was sit- culture. Here we see net fishing at Laxholmen the time. It was thus a Finnish settle- uated on their Sámi taxation area, but on the Lule River. ment. they lost.25

32 Settlement and matrimony

At the time it was generally consid- Piteå Municipality. Grels Mattson was Storsand, there to help the Finn Jöns ered that farming and reindeer hus- born in Pyhäjoki Parish in Pohjan- Jönsson with haymaking. He had bandry were not in competition with maa, in present-day Finland, and ap- plans to join the “Mårdsele Finns”, each other and that therefore settle- pears to have worked as a charcoal who had the oldest settlement from ments did not constitute an intrusion maker in Masugnsbyn and Svappa- 1671 in Lule Lappmark. Instead he into Sámi livelihoods. This was wish- vaara before registering in 1684 as a borrowed a boat to get to Edefors and ful thinking. It would turn out that settler in what was called Siggevara then back to Storsand and up to Por- reindeer eating newly harvested hay Lapp (=Sámi) community in Jukkas- si where the “Hovlös Finns” had re- and trampling down hay drying racks järvi Parish of the day. Four years lat- cently started a settlement. There is would become a constant cause of dis- er he was in Gammelstad and in early evidence that he started a settlement putes between the Sámi and the set- summer he set off northwards to Jok- in Kuouka which his son Jakob Grels- tlers. In addition, the farmers com- kmokk and then on to Purkijaur set- son later took over.26 The establish- peted with the Sámi for fishing in the tlement. He was looking for a place ment of settlements in Storsand and rivers and lakes. When the farmers to settle, but soon travelled down to Porsi shows the way in which harvested or burnt for- est, reserve foraging land for the reindeer was ruined. The lichen in the threes was re- serve fodder for rein- deer in winters when foraging was difficult. The harmony that the courts de- scribed in their find- ings quite simply did not exist in reality. Some of the plac- es Finns moved to in order to set up settle- ments include Hov- lös, Edefors and Stor- The Sámi who lost their reindeer could be forced to move from their Sámi communities. Of the families who mig- sand in today’s Luleå rated from Jokkmokk Municipality between 1758 and 1880, 80 per cent of those in the western Mountain Sámi Municipality, Ängesån communities of Sirkas and Tuorpon chose to move to Norway. The corresponding proportions in Sjokksjokk and in Överkalix Munic- Jokkmokk were 39 and 14 per cent. There were few before the 20th century who moved to the coastal area around ipality and Åträsk in Luleå.

33 Settlement and matrimony operations in mountain areas and the Råneå Parish. This shows the way in lived the Sámi Olof Rim with his son smelter in Kvikkjokk, in combination which multicultural content was em- Lars in a Sámi taxation area (Swed. with the Lappmark Proclamation, im- bedded in different inland villages in lapskatteland). According to records pacted migration patterns along the a similar way as immigrants today from 1678, they pursued farming of Lule River. live in different residential areas and some description there, even though The need of transport in connection . By establishing a settlement they were not called settlers. The kin with the start-up of the mine smelter in Storsand they spread their Finn- also occurs in registers of household in Kvikkjokk gave rise in the 1660s to ish culture in a north-westerly direc- catechism examinations in Nederluleå a new Finnish settlement in Storsand. tion. For those who had a command in the 19th century. One instance is It is likely that Henrik Eriksson op- of several languages it meant that the Nils Rim, who at the beginning of the erated boat transport downstream to increased activities in Lappmark ar- 19th century was registered in Kallax Harads. No settlements were eas meant that they could serve with his wife Cajsa and daughter established upstream as interpreters, but they could Maja. A note in the register of deaths on the Lesser Lule also become settlers. One ex- states that in 1797, Lars Pålsson Rim River, so it was ample is the interpreter An- of Björsbyn had been “burnt to death probably the set- ders Nilsson Finne in his cottage in a fire”. In Sunderbyn tled Forest Sámi who in 1699 was ap- lived Brita Michelsson Rim, who was there who op- proved by three Sámi married to Nils Nilsson. She died at erated transport in Tuorpon as a settler the age of 80, three years before her on up to Kvik- at Tjåmotis on condition husband. kjokk. The mine that in return he helped share the From Alvik we hear of Nils Mick- provided new jobs for payment of Sámi taxation.27 As Fil- elsson Rim, who died in autumn 1805 Finns, Sámi and Swedes. ip Hultblad has shown, Finnish influ- “of a stroke out in the woods and The settlements also show ence was considerable when the first fields”. One of his sons died young in how the Lappmark Proclamation dis- settlements were started above the Bensbyn, another in Gäddvik.28 The placed settlements further up along Lappmark boundary along the Lule the river valley. The two Hovlös Finns River Valley. Finnish influence was mentioned earlier and other settlers even greater in Gällivare Lap- moved upstream across the bound- pmark. ary with Lapland to receive settlers’ privileges, having lived in Storsand Sámi migratory patterns for twenty years. By the end of the 17th Increased mobility along the riv- century, six new settlers had moved er is indicated also by the fact that into the same area. Sámi moved downstream along Lule Sámi shoes of reindeer skin were widely also The Finns Henrik and Anders both River to the villages closest to Gam- by Finns and Swedes in inland areas. The box came from the village of Hovlös in melstad Church Town. In Purkijaur is for storing shoe hay.

34 Settlement and matrimony notes about the sons dying in differ- population in the municipality be- Överluleå Parish, 15 per cent from ent villages indicate mobility among tween 1758 and 1880. Here his primary Nederluleå Parish and Luleå town and the Sámi. They took temporary jobs material is reworked to see how popu- 15 per cent from Gällivare. A quar- on farms in different villages and lation mobility in the Lappmark areas ter, representing smaller percentage moved from place to place. The au- looked in relation to coastal commu- points, came from different places in thorities complained that the Sámi nities in Sweden and Norway. Hult- Norrbotten and 13 per cent from dif- came down to the coast in summer to blad made a family regis- take on herding jobs or other tempo- ter based on the men as rary work, but when winter came they the head of the family. It did not remain on the farms, mak- reflects a patriarchal pat- ing a living in other ways. It was more tern in the method to an- probably more difficult to find work alyse migrations, but can in winter. be used to see how fam- Catechism examination books show ilies moved. It was usu- that in the 18th century the Sámi had ally entire families that become a non-migratory population moved. With that limita- in the villages around Luleå. Their tion in the sampling it is families could comprise up to 9 chil- nevertheless interesting dren, such as that of the “parish Sámi” to see where the in-mi- Anders Larsson, who was registered grants came from. in Gammelstad but lived in Notviken In-migration increased with his family. There were also single considerably from the mothers with children and not infre- middle of the 18th centu- quently single elderly men and wom- ry. Among the 679 fami- en.29 The family situation was com- lies he records as having plex, has with other ethnic groups. It moved into Jokkmokk was not solely a case of Sámi moving Municipality between down to the coast from the Lappmark 1758 and 1880, 281 people areas. In some cases, Sámi moved in have stated the commu- the other direction from the Luleå re- nities from which they gion to the Lappmark areas. came. The others were In 1968, culture geographer Filip already second or third Seasonal migration by Sámi between the mainland and the Hultblad published his dissertation generation in-migrants coast increased during the 17th and 18th centuries. It was on nomadism and agricultural settle- into Jokkmokk Munic- common for women and men to take employment herding ments in Jokkmokk Municipality. In ipality. It shows that cows for farmers in the summer. On the picture, Sigga Påls- it, he investigated mobility among the 33 per cent came from dotter Sunna from Sjokksjokk.

35 Settlement and matrimony ferent places in Sweden outside the al area of Norrbotten, but none from area, to what we usually term the in- county of Norrbotten. Of these first Tuorpon did so. In Sjokksjokk, 39 per land or the interior.30 Since Hultblad time in-migrants, 66 per cent were cent moved to Norway and 18 per followed family migrations based on single men. Jokkmokk was thus a typ- cent to the coastal area of Norrbotten. the men as the heads of families, the ical magnet for male workers of the In Jokkmokk the corresponding fig- material in no way captures the sin- same type as the Orefields in Gällivare ures were 14 per cent and 0 per cent. gle women who had seasonal work or and became when iron ore ex- We find that traction began. to the Moun- The Sámi Nils Larsson of Sunder- tain Sámi who byn was included in the 15 per cent migrated from who moved from Nederluleå Parish to Jokkmokk the Lappmark areas. He was the old- Municipality est sibling in his family. As an adult it was not pri- he moved in April 1790 to the Lapp­ marily Neder- mark areas. If he accompanied oth- luleå and the er Sámi on their way northwards is other coastal not known. Another example is Pau- municipalities lus Rim, who grew up in the early 19th of Norrbot- century in Sundom. He married a ten that were Sámi girl from the same village, and attractive. It shortly before their 30th birthdays they was Norway both moved to Jokkmokk in 1840. It that exert- has not been investigated what it was ed the biggest in the Lappmark areas that attract- pull. Howev- ed them. It can have been relatives er, 21 per cent who were prepared to employ them in moved from reindeer herding, but they could also Sjokksjokk have been attracted by the offer of tax and 57 per exemption if they started a settlement. cent from Jok- Out-migration from Jokkmokk is kmokk to the also of interest. Hultblad’s research part of the riv- shows that in the westernmost Moun- er valley that tain Sámi communities of Sirkas and lay between Tuorpon, more than 80 per cent of the Lappmark There are not many pictures of Sámi wedding couples in the Lule River the families moved to Norway. In Sir- boundary and Valley. The wedding couple on the picture appear to have been relatively kas, 3 per cent moved to the coast- the coastal wealthy in view of the dress ornamentation.

36 Settlement and matrimony who moved permanently to the “low- snares”.31 The fact that it was an issue and for women “Lapp girl” or “Lapp er ”. regarding trapping in reindeer snares woman”. Of the 11,256 individuals who must mean that it was about a dispute married in Nederluleå Municipali- Sámi matrimonial patterns over wild reindeer hunting, not over ty in the years 1770–1879, there were in Nederluleå reindeer domesticated by the Sámi. only 89 men and 68 women who were When we see the increasing Sámi If that were the case, the issue would termed “Lapps”, that is, under 1.5 per population in the villages around have been formulated in another way. cent. Gammelstad Church Town in the 17th At the beginning of the 18th centu- The fact that the Sámi women are and 18th centuries, we do not know ry, there was a well-established Sámi fewer in number than the Sámi men who belonged to a previous perma- workforce in Gammelstad, Luleå and can be due to the fact that more Sámi nent coastal Sámi population and who the surrounding villages. They most- men than women lived in Nederluleå were in-migrants. Beyond doubt, a ly worked with tasks that were consid- Municipality right from the start, or certain Sámi population must have ered taboo and were avoided by the that more men than women moved lived at the mouth of the Lule Riv- Swedish population, or they were giv- from the Lapland municipalities to er when Finns and Swedes began to en less qualified work such as herd- the “lower country” or coastal area. It settle there, but we see no physical ing cows. This latter applies especially can also be a case of some of the Sámi traces of any of the three groups dur- to female Sámi. Sámi status in socie- women marrying people other than ing the 1st millennium CE. Their life- ty also affected matrimonial patterns. Sámi without having been described styles aimed at hunting and fishing This is seen in matrimonial records as Sámi. In that case they lost their were probably so similar that it would in Nederluleå Parish. The records in- Sámi identity in the matrimonial reg- in any case be difficult to see the dif- clude the occupa- ferences between the ethnic groups. tion of those mar- Diagram 1. Sámi herders in 1805-1835 and Sámi men’s other Even if for example hunting wild rein- rying, but for the industries3000 in Sweden, 1805-1855 3000 deer was a Sámi speciality, wild rein- Sámi, their ethnic- 300025003000 deer hunting occurred also among ity is always add- 30002500 250020002500 the other groups. It was however the ed in the form of KvinnligaFemale samiskaSámi vallhjon 25002000 herders Sámi who developed the husbandry of the term “Lapp” in 200015002000 ManligaKvinnliga samiska samiska vallhjon vallhjon semi-domesticated reindeer. connection with 20001500 SamiskaKvinnligaManligaKvinnligaMale Sámi samiska män samiskasamiska utan vallhjon vallhjon vallhjonrenar 10001500 SamiskaKvinnligaManligaManligaherders samiska samiska mänsamiska utan vallhjonvallhjon vallhjon renar 32 1500 Samiska män med renar We see one example of farm- the occupation. 15001000 SamiskaManligaSamiskaSámi men samiska mänmän medutanutan vallhjon renarrenar ers hunting wild reindeer in the The most common 10001000500 SamiskaSamiskawithout mänmänreindeer medutanmed renarrenar 1000500 SamiskaSámi men män with med renar court records of Luleå Assizes on 23 terms are “Lapp 5005000 reindeer 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 March 1666. There it is written that servant” or “Lapp 5000 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 “Jan Påwelsson in Alvik petitions farmhand”. Some- 00 0 18051805 18101810 18151815 18201820 18251825 18301830 18351835 18401840 18451845 1850185018551855 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 his neighbours Erich Erichsson and times the term is Source: Johansson, Henning (1975). “Samerna i den svenska befolkningsutveck- Christopher Pedersson over a rein- simply “the Lapp” lingen”, i Forskare om befolkningsfrågor. Blandvetenskaplig bilaga till Ett Folks deer they have caught in reindeer or “the Lapp man” Biografi. Stockholm, 319–389.

37 Settlement and matrimony isters and are included for example as They cover all the Diagram 2. Sámi men’s matrimony by ethnicity in Luleå Parish, crofters’ or settlers’ wives without eth- Sámi in the coun- 1770–1869 nic designation. ties of northern 25 There are no processed statistics Sweden, of which on how many Sámi men and women those in Norr- 20 were in seasonal work in the coastal botten constitut- 15 SamiskSámi man man withmed annanother area around Luleå. The national sta- ed 64 per cent in 10 etniskethnic grupp group 33 tistics in Diagram 1 concerning Sámi 1870. There we SamiskSámi man man withmed samisk occupations are limited to those who can see that it was 5 kvinnaSámi woman worked in traditional Sámi industries. above all men who 0

were considered –1779 –1789 –1799 –1809 –1819 –1829 –1839 –1849 –1859 –1869 to have an occu- 1770–17791770 1780–17891780 1790–17991790 1800–18091800 1810–18191810 1820–18291820 1830–18391830 1840–18491840 1850–18591850 1860–18691860 pation. Women Source: Åström, Rolf. Nederluleå, Married 1706-1850. (Luleå Research Associa- were expected tion, Luleå. Printed manuscript with excerpts from primary sources). The diagram to marry and includes Överluleå and Nederluleå Parishes up to and including 1829; for the years become house- 1830-1869 solely Nederluleå Parish. wives, and their work was not included in the sta- tracted Sámi women and men. Within tistics. reindeer husbandry, herding was an However, there are statistics established occupation for those who covering both male and female did not have of their own herders. It is unclear wheth- from which to derive a livelihood. It er the statistics concern solely was not a big change to start herding herders in reindeer husband- cows. ry or whether herding cows for The diagram shows that herding farmers is also included. As we was dominated by women during the have seen, as early as the begin- first decades of the 19th century. It is ning of the 18th century it was unclear why women are not included established Sámi seasonal oc- in the statistics after 1840, but one can cupation to herd farmers’ see that the proportion of male herd- cows in farming areas. Since ers increased somewhat after 1840, the primary material speaks which can be connected. The number Matrimonial registers show that, in principle, Sámi of “itinerant herders”, it is quite of Sámi men with and without rein- women in Nederluleå only married Sámi men. The probable that this in fact referred deer, however, remained fairly con- two women were pictured in Svartlå by Fritz von to cow herders in rural areas. It is stant. Both among herders and among Dardel in 1858. not strange that cow herding at- Sámi men without reindeer, there was

38 Settlement and matrimony a need to travel to the coast to find ly a “Lapp serv- work and later get married there. ant” and a “Lapp Among the 68 recorded Sámi wom- widow” from Jok- en who married in the years 1779– kmokk. Sometimes 1869 there are only two cases of them both the bride and marrying someone other than Sámi bridegroom are re- men, so one can assert that wom- corded as living in en kept solely to their own group. Jokkmokk. One Among men, there were more mar- can then assume riages outside their ethnic group. For that they took the the sake of simplicity therefore, in Di- opportunity to agram 2, men’s matrimony has been marry in Gammel- chosen as a starting point to show stad in connection how often the Sámi married or did with reindeer mi- not marry each other. Among the 89 gration down to men, there are only five marriages the coast. where the bride’s ethnicity is not re- It was not un- corded. For women, there are none usual for Sámi in lacking such details about the bride- the same village groom. All 68 newlywed Sámi wom- in Luleå Parish to en except two are thus included in the marry each oth- diagram. They were married to Sámi er. This was the men. case in 1790 when Contact between Jokkmokk and the “Lapp farmhand” coast is occasionally evident in the Lars Andersson marriages. On 15 October 1780 for ex- married Anna It was not unusual for Sámi women to become widows after a few ample, the “Lapp man” Pehr Anders- Hansdotter, both years. The church registers then included “Lapp widow” if they re- son, Jokkmokk, married the “Lapp residing in Sunder- married. Two Sámi women in Svartlå, 1858. widow” Ingri Larsdotter, Gammel- byn. On 3 March stad. This shows that married Sámi 1795, “Lapp farmhand” Anders Mats- Sometimes a male Sámi married a couples lived in the church town itself. son, Alvik, married “Lapp servant” woman of another ethnicity. On 28 Sometimes, no abode is given, and Helena Pålsdotter of the same village. March 1773, “Lapp farmhand” Pål one may then assume that they were Two days later, on 5 March, “Lapp Nilsson, no given abode, married Si- nomadic Sámi. One example is of two man” Anders Janit of Smedsbyn, mar- grid Michelsdotter in Alvik. It is prob- “Lapp servants”, with no given abode, ried “Lapp widow” Gunnil Mickels- ably no coincidence that she was from who in the 1770s married respective- dotter of the same village. Alvik. One of the traditional Sámi

39 Settlement and matrimony migration routes down to the coast ple, the settler Nils Abrahamsson of est in the 1820s. After that, the vari- passed through Alvik.34 It was not un- Hatten, married “Lapp servant” Cecil- ations were considerable. The villag- usual for settlers to marry across eth- ia Nilsdotter, Holmträsk. es around Luleå where newly married nic boundaries. In July 1817, for exam- The Sámi men who married across Sámi lived during the investigated ethnic boundaries be- hundred-year period are Brändön, Al- longed to the lowest so- vik, Gammelstad, Sunderbyn, Unbyn, cial class. In April 1864, Smedsbyn and Gäddvik. Johan Knutsson of Björs- As stated, it was during the 40-year byn married Elsa Lena period around 1800 that the Sámi Larsdotter, from Änges- men to greater extent married out- byn. He was stated to be a side their own ethnic group. We must “lodging Lapp herder” and remember that the 1808-1809 war she a “Lapp herder”. The with Russia led to many male casu- following year the “Lapp” alties both due to direct acts of war Lars Anton Andersson, where men of the Luleå region were Gammelstad, married the involved, and – perhaps even more – “lodging man’s daugh- due to the diseases that followed in ter” Lovisa Öhman, Vitån. the wake of war.35 There was a deficit Since it is only the Sámi of men in the first decades after the who are described with war. After 1830, the marriages are al- their ethnicity, we do most solely internal Sámi marriages. not know the other par- There is no clear explanation for the ty’s ethnicity, but in view drastic decrease in Sámi marriages in of the general demogra- the 1830s and 1840s. phy in the coastal area One might think that the considera- one can assume that they bly higher number of Sámi marriages were often Swedish-speak- up until 1830 was due to the fact that ing. They can in some cas- at the time Överluleå and Nederluleå es be Finnish-speaking, (“upper and lower Luleå”) formed a but since the parish books joint parish and that most marriag- were kept in Swedish with es then took place in Överluleå near Swedish sons’ and daugh- the Lappmark boundary, but this was The Sámi Nils Petter Silfversparre was the son of Anders Andersson Silfversparre who started a farm in Rödingsträsk, ters’ names, no ethnici- not the case. When for example Sámi Överluleå Parish in the 1790s. The family combined farming ty can be identified from marriages peaked in the 1820s, in half with reindeer husbandry. Nils Petter was pictured by Fritz them. The number of of the cases either the bride or the von Dardel in Harads in 1858. Sámi marriages was great- groom was from a village in Neder-

40 Settlement and matrimony luleå. There were not more Sámi marry- ing in the upper re- gion, which lay clos- er to the Lappmark boundary, but there was an even distri- bution between the villages in the en- tire area down to the coast. This shows how well established the Sámi population was in the villages of Nederluleå. The character of occupations changed over time. One ex- ample of shifting occupation is the discharged soldier whose last name was Lapp. He was called Olof Dahl and came from Brobyn, where In the villages along the Lule River Valley in the 18th and 19th centuries, a population grew that was a mixture of Sámi, in 1822 he married Finnish and Swedish speakers. Combinations of the three languages were used in many families in Överluleå Parish the “Lapp servant” into the 20th century. The drawing is from the journey by Prince Karl XV in northern Sweden up to Kvikkjokk in 1858. Elsa Brita Anders- The prince with his black beard can be glimpsed in the carriage. dotter from the same village. He had been employed as a the Sámi represented something wild with wilderness.36 When for example soldier, possibly in the Russian war of and untamed. They were considered the Sámi were described as “itinerant 1808‒1809, and was then given the en- heathen, in contrast to Christian peo- herders” it was because they were con- listed name of Lapp. Other Sámi be- ple. They lived a nomadic life, in con- sidered wild and uncontrollable ele- came settlers and disappeared into trast to farmers with a fixed abode. ments in the organised social struc- that category. The areas in the forests and moun- ture. Since settlements were started up There was a general conception that tains where they lived were associated in nature that was as yet uncultivated,

41 Settlement and matrimony the settlements were counted as bor- on the line between categories are sträsk, who continued to maintain a dering on wilderness. From the end of when the settler and “Lapp farmhand” Forest Sámi identity. the 18th century, the category of croft- Lars Pålsson from Högberg, Hatten, In other cases, the Sámi settler er was added as an occupation in the on 23 April 1820 married “Lapp serv- could within one generation be com- matrimonial registers. With the advent ant” Maria Pehrsdotter from Sunder- pletely absorbed into a Swedish set- of crofters, nature had become more byn. Two years later, the “Lapp set- tler identity, but with Sámi roots. Di- domesticated. Even though Crown tler” Michael Andersson Silfversparre, agram 3 shows how the relationship crofts were often sanctioned in forest- Rödingsträsk, married “Lapp serv- between the three closely tied occupa- ed areas, they were part of a system for ant” Gunilla Paulsdotter, who came tional designations changed in matri- the emerging industrial society. from Jokkmokk. If the settlers contin- monial registers in Luleå Parish from It can be useful to search for the sta- ued with reindeer husbandry as a side the end of the 18th to the end of the tistically vanished Sámi in the new occupation they could continue to 19th century. groups “settler” and “crofter”. Exam- maintain their Sámi identity. This was After 1869, “Lapp” is no longer writ- ples of how the Sámi could balance the case with Silfversparre in Röding- ten as an occupation for the Sámi population in matrimonial registers in Nederluleå Parish. It was not that the Sámi were eliminated as population – it was instead that those who were employed as farmhands or servants were no longer counted as “Lapps”. Anders Petter Furtenbach from Selet is a clear example of what happened. When on 15 April 1827 he married “Lapp man’s daughter” Elsa Anunds- dotter, he was working as a day la- bourer in Selet and in an explanatory note in the matrimonial register was described as a “Lapp man”. His wife later died, and when in 1871 he re- married, now to a servant from Vän- träsk in Överluleå, his designation was changed to “crofter’s son”. That When Sámi married in Överluleå and Nederluleå, the term “Lapp” was used as an ethnic desig- must mean that in 1827 he was already nation in connection with occupations such as servant, farmhand or settler. From the mid-19th the son of crofter, but that his Sámi century, the proportion of crofters in the matrimonial registers increased fast. The designation background at the time led to him be- “Lapp” then also disappeared. ing registered as a “Lapp man”. At his

42 Settlement and matrimony

Diagram 3. Men’s marriages by occupation and Sámi ethnicity in century. The coast- century, large areas of common land Luleå Parish, 1770-1879 al Sámi did not around villages became private land. 100%100%100% keep reindeer. This may have contributed to the dis- 90%90%90% 80%80%80% That is also an ex- appearance of Sámi enclosures, since 70%70%70% planation why the land was transformed from com- 60%60%60% they eventual- mon village property to private prop- 50%50%50% TorpareCrofterTorpare 40% 40%40% NybyggareSettlerNybyggare ly vanished com- erty. 30%30%30% SameSámiSame pletely as an eth- With the emergence of modern so- 20%20%20% 10%10%10% nic group in the ciety, the niche disappeared in each 0%0% coastal region. village where the Sámi had been able

17791779 17891789 17991799 18091809 18191819 18291829 18391839 18491849 18591859 18691869 18791879 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – There was no spe- to make a living. The Sámi in villag- 17701770–17791770 17801780–17891780 17901790–17991790 18001800–18091800 18101810–18191810 18201820–18291820 18301830–18391830 18401840–18491840 18501850–18591850 18601860–18691860 18701870–18791870 cific industry that es came to be part of the past in the Source: Åström, Rolf. Nederluleå, Married 1706-1850. (Luleå Research Association, separated them farming society. Some became settlers Luleå. Printed manuscript with excerpts from primary sources). from the farmers or crofters. Others took employment and town dwellers. in the occupations that emerged with wedding over 40 years later, his Sámi Therefore, they were assimilated into industrialisation and modernisation. background was no longer counted, the Swedish population. It was mod- Administrative routines for reporting and he was registered under the cat- ernisation that swept them along in its on Sámi were also changed. When the egory “crofter”. In Diagram 3, he is inexorable tide. old type of sub-parishes was termi- thus one of the people contributing to In the 19th century there were still nated as a form of organisation in the the displacement from the category Sámi who lived in the forest in wood- municipal reform of 1862, registration “Lapp” to “crofter”. In the 1820s he be- en shacks or peat goahte huts and of the Sámi in catechism examination longs to the group Sámi. In the 1870s made a living doing temporary jobs registers ceased. After 1869,”Lapp” he has joined the group crofters. or begging. Some had constructed an ceased to be given as an occupation in Furtenbach’s Sámi background was enclosure, a prepared area where per- matrimonial registers. There too, Sámi eliminated when he changed occu- haps they could grow root vegetables, identity ceased to be visible in source pations in a society that had become later potatoes, combined with hunting material in Nederluleå. The Sámi did radically modernised. This was the and fishing and occasionally odd jobs not disappear as individuals, but were case with all the coastal Sámi who on farms. When the land parcelling integrated in the emerging industrial lived in Nederluleå Parish in the 19th reform was introduced in the mid-19th society, and became Swedes.

43 Sámi in the Luleå region

44 Sámi in the Luleå region

In the 17th and 18th centuries, increasing numbers of Sámi became excluded from reindeer husbandry. Some moved down to the region to beg, others took different types of temporary work. A Sámi proletariat was created who worked for the burghers of Luleå as well as for the farmers in the villages around Gammelstad. Some lived permanently in their own goahte hut or their cottage outside the village. Others took seasonal jobs on farms. In church registers they were often designated “Lapp servant” and “Lapp farmhand”.

CHAPTER 3 Sámi in the Luleå region

Sámi who worked on farms often took work as so-called getare, herding farmers’ cows in the forest in summertime. They were called “Lapp farmhands”, “Lapp herders” or “Lapp servant”. Increasing world trade changed habits, among the Sámi too. For example, it became common to drink coffee and smoke tobacco, brought from the of European nations.

45 Sámi in the Luleå region

Coastal Sámi in the villages melstad. People were drawn to the areas down to the inland and the around Gammelstad new Luleå, looking for a livelihood coast, albeit much smaller in scope. At the start of the 18th century there connected to expanding shipping and Of the Sámi families that moved from were two comparable urban centres trade. There was a need for both fe- the two Mountain Sámi communities very close to each other. Gammelstad male and male workers, crofters and closest to the Lappmark boundary in was the first urbanisation and Luleå employees in the service sector. The the years 1758‒1880, in Sjokksjokk it the new town which replaced Gam- villages round about attracted those was 20 per cent and in Jokkmokk al- looking for farm most 60 per cent who moved to the work. Historians “lower land”. have always empha- When one combines in Luleå Parish sised colonisation of different sources such as place names, the Lappmark areas spoken recollections from local resi- as the most impor- dents, inventories of ancient remains, tant migratory trend catechism examination registers and of the 18th century. matrimonial registers, along with the The intellectual con- minutes of court proceedings, a dis- struct has been that tinct Sámi population emerges who the Lappmark Proc- lived near villages around Gammel- lamation of 1673 cre- stad. In his work on parish history, ated an opportuni- the priest and historical researcher Al- ty for young people bert Nordberg has described how in to move above the the beginning of the 19th century, Sámi Lappmark bound- still lived in every village in the par- ary. They received ish. It is confirmed by catechism ex- tax exemption for 15 amination registers for Nederluleå years and the chance Parish, where from the year 1820, to start a settlement Sámi were registered separately for and form families. each village under the heading “Lapp However, based on folk”. In catechism examination regis- Filip Hultblad’s in- ters for the years 1820‒1831 there are a vestigation of migra- total of 168 adults and children regis- tory patterns in Jok- tered under that heading. During that Sámi dress and implements have been developed through eco- logical adaptation to the reindeer and to the subarctic climate. kmokk Municipality, period, present-day Boden Munici- The Kalvträsk Ski, which was discovered in Burträsk Parish in we see also that there pality was included in the parish up as Västerbotten County, is the world’s oldest ski. It is more than 5,000 was a migratory flow far as the Lappmark boundary. years old. from the Lappmark There seems to have been a need for

46 Sámi in the Luleå region the authorities to distinguish the Sámi from the rest of the population. They were often considered vagrants, since they did not own land, and as regards working life they were a mobile la- bour force. In the earliest registers, “Lapps” are registered as resident in Harads, Smedsbyn, Bredåker, Sunder- byn and Ängesbyn. It is quite possi- ble that some of them lived in goahte huts in the forest and were therefore not included in any farming village. In 1832, when Nederluleå became a municipality separate from Över- luleå, Sámi settlements in the villages were described in more detail. In the years 1832-1862, Sámi in Nederluleå Forest Sámi and Fishing Sámi often kept their goahte hut dwellings even though the storehou- were mentioned in Ersnäs, Antnäs, ses were built of sturdy timber. In that way a seasonal settlement for fishing could gradually Måttsund, Smedsbyn, Bensbyn, Rut- become a permanent settlement. Coastal Sámi lived in close symbiosis with farming villages vik, Persön, Bensbyn, Ängesbyn, Bör- and carried out tasks for payment. They could live as employed household servants on farms jelslandet, Sundom, Avan, Ale, Alvik, but also live independently in a goahte hut, shack or cottage outside the village. Sunderbyn, the Old Town and Björs- byn.37 There were seldom more than a northerly , he published up in the mountains and travelled to handful of Sámi in each village, which a book in 1824 about how cultivation Norway in the summer. Halv-Fjällap- shows how margin- could be improved par (semi Mountain Sámi) moved up alised they were in in the Lapp areas. to the mountains in summer, but kept the fast expanding He had deep knowl- to the forest rim and returned to the coastal communi- edge of Sámi culture forest in winter. ties. from the north to Skogslappar (Forest Sámi) stayed in The priest Lars-Le- the south, and divid- both summer and winter in the for- vi Laestadius was ed the Sámi into six ested part of Lapland and were more born in Jäkkvik in different categories. semi-nomadic, unlike the completely southern Lapland to In catechism examination registers According to him, nomadic Mountain Sámi. Fiskar-Lap- a mother with Sámi from 1820 to 1873 in Nederluleå Par- Fjällappar (Moun- par (Fishing Sámi) lived near lakes roots. During his ish, one can monitor the Sámi popula- tain Sámi) were and lived mostly on fishing. Fat- time as a priest in tion in villages. those who lived high tig-Lappar (destitute Sámi) were those

47 Sámi in the Luleå region who had lost reindeer and did not ten lived on non-freehold property (parish Lapps)” who were more per- fish, but made a living from begging (chattel property) on the outskirts of manently in the lower part of Luleå in both Norway and Sweden. Among the village or in the forest outside the Parish. One category that he did not them he included Socken-Lappar village. They were enlisted for duties include was the seasonally employed (Parish Sámi) who had occupations that were taboo to the farmers, such herders. They were given employment such as knackers/ assistant knackers as slaughtering horses, or for low sta- on farms to herd cows in the for- in the villages. That meant that they tus jobs such as slaughtering dogs or est during the warmer six months. A skinned dogs, horses and cats for pay- employment as an executioner. more collective term for the Sámi who ment.38 The social situation of the so- Of Laestadius’s categories, it was made their living in different ways in called Parish Sámi was similar to that “fiskar-lappar (fishing)”, “fattig-lap- the coastal parishes would be Coast of the landless crofters, since they of- par (destitute)” and “socken lappar Sámi. They could have a fixed dwell- ing in the form of goahte hut, a shack or even a timber cottage on the out- skirts of the villages. They could also live in the home of a burgher in town or on a farm during temporary em- ployment. The term “socken-lapp (parish Lapp)” occurs only in exceptional cas- es in Nederluleå. In Albert Nordberg’s register of Sámi in the parish he has written in Gammelstad “socknelapp” Anders Larsson, who was born in 1737 and died at the age of 50. He lived in Notviken. A few years later, the Sámi Lars Nilsson Snalla lived in the same place, and bore the title “Soch- ne-Prophossen” (Parish executioner). That meant he was employed to mete out the corporal punishment of con- demned persons, or decapitate those sentenced to death.39 There are more examples from This dwelling in Ålloluokta, on the south side of Stora Lulevatten in the Lule River Valley, illus- Luleå of Sámi who have received pay- trates how a simple timber dwelling for Sámi people in the coastal area or inland may have ment for carrying out punishment looked. and executions. One such example is

48 Sámi in the Luleå region

Lång Påhl, who was paid to carry out real was granted as alms to 80 people to have spent a long period around public punishment, often floggings who received different quantities of Gammelstad, surviving by begging. and sometimes executions, in the barley according to their need. In ad- The decision on her moving from 1690s and early 18th century. Anoth- dition there were 26 destitute people farm to farm meant she should live in er is Thomas Andersson, who around who it was decided had to be board- different homesteads in the villages the same period was paid for the same ed out or go begging from door to according to a rolling timetable. First type of task. These above-mentioned door. Five of them were taken into the she was driven to the village of Skata- are among those who might be called poorhouse and others were board- mark, where she was allowed to stay “parish Lapps”, since they were enlist- ed out to farmers who received an av- for as many days as there were home- ed more regularly for certain tasks.40 erage of two barrels of barley and 1-3 steads, then on to the next village. Her There were riksdaler for fate was inhumane and sad, constantly also peo- receiving an on the move, constantly rootless. She ple of a impover- finally died of tuberculosis in Gam- Sámi back- ished per- melstad, probably in the poorhouse.41 ground who son. Other elderly Sámi ended their days achieved On the last pages, for every village, Sámi individuals and According living in a goahte hut outside the vil- more prom- families were noted under the heading “Lapp folk”. to the par- lage. That was the case with Olof Lars- inent po- ish council son, who according to the register sitions in society. One of them was meeting of January 1814, the destitute of deaths was found dead, 70 years Anders Larsson, who was the son Sámi servant Elsa Maja Anundsdot- old, “in cold weather” between his of the Sámi Lars Andersson and his ter had to go from farm to farm. She shack and the village of Gäddvik. So wife Margareta. Anders was one of was called Snöskalle-Maja (Snowhead he froze to death on the way home to the three parish constables in Luleå. Maja) because she was completely the shack or to the village. The wife He died at the age of just 33 when he bald. Maja was born in Luleå at the of the “Lapp man” Knut Andersson came in the way of the large church end of the 18th century and during her “died from a cartwheel that ran over bell during ringing and was thrown adult life had moved between Hap- her throat when she was about to stop down from the tower to the ground. aranda and Stockholm, making a liv- the horse from running down a slope”. Many of the Coastal Sámi who ap- ing from selling dolls she had made She was 56. Pål Andersson from Jok- pear in records in the 17th to 19th cen- herself and from begging. This gives kmokk had two children who were turies are those called “fattiglappar” a little perspective on how mobile life found frozen to death on Lulefjärden (destitute Lapps). They had no pos- could be for those who had no perma- Bay on 10 March 1767.42 sibility to make a livelihood and in nent livelihood. In certain places, several Sámi fam- many cases were unmarried and with- It is stated that she was severe- ilies seem to have lived close together, out close contact with relatives. They ly affected by falling sickness, today for example in Sunderbyn and Not- were not alone in their poverty. In called epilepsy. It is described that she viken. Reindeer-owning Sámi some- Gammelstad in 1823 for example, ce- “fell” several times a week and seems times moved with their reindeer in

49 Sámi in the Luleå region winter down to the coast and its rich ter supply issues in many parts of tent on the stone, which contributed lichen-covered moors. They would the world. Less than 75 m above his to providing warmth, roughly like a erect their lávvu tents (Lapp tents) house lies a relatively large, flat stone heated stone floor.43 Bertil heard an- close to the villages. The Sámi with which the villagers have always called other version from his father – that whom the villagers around Luleå “Kåtastenen” (the Lávvu Stone). It the lávvu stood in the hollow itself, in came into contact were thus very lies slightly recessed into the ground a way embedded, and that was in or- much an assortment of characters. among blueberry sprigs and on the der to avoid draughty floors and get There was a vast difference between west side you see a regular natural more warmth. on the one hand a wealthy reindeer hollow of perhaps 4 m². Tradition At the time, the forest was thicker owner employing several servants in says that the Sámi had a winter lávvu and there were no houses below the their household and a “destitute Lapp”.

The Lávvu Tent Stone in Måttsund At the foot of the hill Byberget in Måttsund stands Bertil Öström’s homestead. He built it when he moved back to the village in 1984 hav- ing spent many years working on wa-

Oral tradition in Måttsund has it that the Sámi had a winter dwelling on or next to a particular In Sámi culture, children learned early how stone in the village. The stone gave heat when a fire burned on it. One reason why the Sámi to get around during the different seasons. have left so few archaeological traces of their presence is that they migrated seasonally with Watercolour by artist Gerda Tirén. mobile dwellings. They left no traces.

50 Sámi in the Luleå region lávvu. The lávvu stood secluded on Bertil’s house lies just 200 m from nowadays are completely forgotten in the outskirts of the village. Perhaps the family’s former smallholding, the village. Just above Bertil’s house, it had already been a lávvu site when where they had seven cows. A cous- where the forest begins, the Swedish the first settlement sprang up. The lo- in keen on genealogy has traced the National Heritage Board in investi- cation indicates that. During the ear- paternal side of the family five gen- gations confirmed the existence of a ly Middle Ages, it was right beside the erations back through links to the relict field. In the upper part, a piece sea inlet which then ended just below homestead. That goes back to the 18th of flint was found that was identified Bertil’s present home. The water is not century. It adds a time perspective to as either a flint for a flintlock rifle or in sight today. Large fertile fields ex- the continuity of contacts between the a fire-lighting flint. The broad scope tend across what was the bed of the Sámi and farmers in the village, con- of interpretation means that the dis- sea inlet. Bertil’s paternal grandmoth- tact that has existed but was broken covered flint in principle can be dat- er, who was a child at the turn of the long ago. Neither Bertil nor his fa- ed from the Bronze Age to the early 20th century, has told of how they used ther ever saw a dwelling raised at the 19th century. The relict field is clearly to row across to Öberget on the oth- stone, neither a more permanent peat described in an earlier archaeologi- er side when they had business there. goahte hut, nor a temporary cloth láv- cal inventory, and people in the vil- At the time there was a land route to vu tent in wintertime. The name dates lage remember that it was called Lap- the island, but from the Måttsund side back long before their time. pgärdan (the Sámi enclosure), but that it was easier to go by boat across the Quite close to the Lávvu Stone there name has now faded into oblivion.44 shallow water. is another example of Sámi traces that Bertil knew that the Lávvu Stone lay

“Father said in Luleå Swedish dialect, that this is a Kotastein. That means Lávvu Stone. During my father’s time no traces remained of it. The path up the mountain was called the Lávvu Trail when I was a child”, Bertil Öström of Måttsund tells us.

51 Sámi in the Luleå region within sight of his kitchen win- dow, but not that a Sámi enclosure stood just out- side his plot. This shows how quick- ly memories can fade. Lappgärdan in Måttsund is about 30 x 30 m and may have been a small enclo- sure for goats or sheep, but it can also have been a field where for ex- ample barley was sown. We can- not discount that Sámi who were living more or less permanently on the outskirts of Quite close to the Lávvu Stone according to village tradition, lay Lappgärdan (the Sámi enclosure) a small area which the villages attempted Swedish National Heritage Board classed as a relict field. It may well be that Lappgärdan in Måttsund is an example of cultivation, which early Sámi arable farming in the vicinity of farmers’ dwellings. On the picture, the relict field which Bertil Öström’s forefa- they learned from thers kept in the forest as insurance against frost when growing barley. farmers. Recent decades’ research in cooperation be- Another similar relict field lies per- formerly used because it was easier tween archaeologists and palynolo- haps 100 m diagonally up the moun- to keep free from frost on the slope gists, with analyses of pollen samples tain. It is the remains of an old barley in the forest. The soil was turned in connection to prehistoric dwelling field that belonged to Bertil’s family. with spades and never saw a horse- sites, shows that such attempts were Long and narrow, it measures 20x60 drawn plough. If the seeds froze in the made well before farming villages m, extending down the hillside. Ber- other fields further down, they still were established.45 til’s father told him that it was a field had seed barley thanks to the little

52 Sámi in the Luleå region

a complex Sámi setting in the middle of Måttsund, which shows the social nearness between Sámi and Swedes. There was a lávvu at the large white stone and there was an open enclo- sure just next to it, which was called Lappgärdan because the Sámi used it. Just above, farmers had their former forest field for barley in order to survive the frost. Since it may be assumed that Lappgärdan was used in summertime, the Sámi must have been part of the village population. When smoke Lake Kammarhamptjärnen lay below Lappgärdan and offered fishing. Today it has beco- me vastly shallower and has divided into two separate small tarns. On a dry area in the rose in the morning from the farm- middle of the low-lying marshy area, somebody has erected nest boxes for the water house, smoke rose also from the Sámi bird goldeneye. In forest dwelling culture in the past, eggs were regularly collected from goahte alongside. They lived as neigh- goldeneye boxes. bours.

field up in the woods. That field has The Sámi enclosure in Rutvik never been used in the modern age, In Rutvik also there is a Sámi enclo- but has links back in time to the gen- sure. Shortly after leaving Rutvik on erations who lived here earlier, and the old road to Gammelstad, turn off were then neighbours to the Sámi on to a dirt road heading north. It is dwelling by the Lávvu Stone.46 As re- closed off to cars by a barrier. After cently as a map from 1948, the field just under 500m, turn right on to a was identified as such and kept open. path that follows the slope along the You can still see the lush grass that north side of Antberget mountain. On The enclosure Lappgärdan outside Rutvik lies marks the site of the earlier field, even either side of the path grows dense, like a green glade in the forest on the north though the forest has begun to eat slender pine forest which is difficult to side of Antberget mountain. Below it, a fine into it with unrelenting force.47 penetrate. water spring formerly lay. The significant thing is that we have In one area the slender trees have

53 Sámi in the Luleå region been felled haphazardly, forming wetland area with two separate, a mat of trunks and branches. In overgrown lakes. When the Sámi the middle of such a felled area, enclosure in Rutvik was in use, just over 50 m further along the there was certainly a path down path, the forest opens up into a to the lake where there was a boat large grassy area. This is the Sámi for fishing. If you continue along enclosure in Rutvik. It looks like the path from the enclosure to- an anomaly in the pine forest, wards the village, after 200 m with its strikingly verdant, semi- you arrive up on Klinten, which tall grass bright green under the is the highest point on Antber- debris of branches and slender get mountain. From there you trees lying on top. can continue down the mountain Heritage researcher Artur En- to the Framigårds Homestead, to ström, who managed the market which estate the land belongs to- garden in Rutvik and lived in the day. Before the land parcelling re- so-called Tur Homestead, writes forms of the 19th century, it stood that in his childhood in the 1910s, on common village land. the Sámi enclosure was an open, There is a long tradition of The Sámi storage building njalla was used to keep food grassy area with the remains of protected from predators. An underground cellar was Sámi presence in Rutvik, which the foundations of a small house. another way to store food, or immersing it in a marsh or can explain why an individual Below lay a good water spring. water spring. Sámi made his dwelling at Lap- The place was later called the pgärdan and lived there close to Nils-Andersa enclosure and belonged m. In the south-east corner could be the village. This is where the Birkarl to the property Rutvik 16. The name seen the remains of a stone chimney trader Måns Olofsson lived, who in Lappgärdan (Sámi enclosure) is not and a basement pit. The remains at 1539 was sentenced for having sexu- included on the 1749 map of Rut- the time were already thickly covered al intercourse with a Sámi woman. vik. We can therefore assume that the by peat.49 Today it is impossible to see In 1549 the Birkarl trader Ture Ers- place was cleared and settled at a lat- a trace of the house foundations. It son was sentenced for the same mis- er date.48 is also difficult to search because the demeanour.50 The Birkarl traders reg- In the 1987 inventory by the Swed- ground is covered by the multitude of ularly travelled up to the Lappmark ish National Heritage Board, it is de- small trees and branches from the re- areas in midwinter to trade with the scribed as cleared area covered by cent clearance, all left where they fell, Sámi. In early summer they fished grass, blueberry sprigs, juniper bush- all tangled together. on certain lakes in the Lappmark ar- es and pine saplings. One could still At one time, the dwelling site was eas. They had close relations with see the remains of a stone foundation in an excellent location on Lake Kam- the Sámi, with whom they certainly in natural material that measured 5x4 mar-Hamptjärn, which is today a stayed in the Lappmark areas. In the

54 Sámi in the Luleå region years when, in late winter, the Sámi that all Sámi should be “driven away House remains at Lappnäset came down to the coast to let their from here to the Lappmark areas “, Another area in Rutvik linked to the reindeer forage and to trade, they and he appears to have been referring Sámi is Lappnäset (Lapp Point). This sought out the Birkarl traders they to the Sámi who lived on church land designation can be seen as early as were in contact with in the villages. in Gammelstad. A further, similar or- the 1749 map of Rutvik. There is also Relations were mutual.51 der to drive “Lapp people” back to the a drawing of an area called Renän- They also became very common at Lappmark areas came from County gen (Reindeer Meadow), which today the end of the 17th century that old or Governor von Kothen in 1773. The fol- is no longer on the topographic map, destitute Sámi became so poor that lowing year, an order was issued that nor is it in the collective memory.54 it was difficult for them to survive in all Sámi should be registered by age, Lappnäset lies 2 km east of the centre the upper areas. They then made their occupation and similar in the annual of Rutvik, some way beyond the sep- way down to the coast to beg. As early census.52 We see by the above that for arate neighbourhood called Brännan. as 1661, the court in the northern area a very long time, destitute Sámi had The name has been in everyday use at of Västerbotten County, which includ- been migrating down towards farm- least since the mid-18th century and is ed Luleå, approved a general ban on ing to find work, and also to to this day, which indicates the long in-migrated “Lapps’….intolerable va- beg. Those who had long-term rela- continuity of the location. grancy” which through “begging and tions with the farmers in the villages, Lappnäset lies exactly where the threatening behaviour” caused people and who found ways to make a living, forest gives way to large open areas in general risk and anxiety. They were could erect a goahte hut or cottage of farmed land. You can walk to the to be spoken to and forced to stay on near the village. place along a farm road. The culti- their “taxation areas and homes in the In nearby Rutvikssund there are vated land belongs to a nearby farm. mountains”. In 1675, the County Court journals from the mid-19th centu- On the way there, you pass three in Luleå Parish sentenced the farm- ry. They come from the Pellgårdar- newly-built homes in a row which er Olof Knutsson in Rutvik to pay na properties. There one can read stand on plots directly adjacent to the fines because in contravention of the all sorts of brief notes about weather fields. The plots are flat, with culti- royal resolution he had allowed the and precipitation, about events and vated lawns and on three of the pines Sámi Nils Eriksson Galt to stay at his deaths in surrounding villages. Notes that have been saved in a row there house. Previous to this, Galt had been for the year 1870 include “Stock finn hanging three equally new nest boxes banned from the parish and his dwell- Lapp, sketched Lapp in sled”. We do which are exactly similar. It is evident ings had been burnt down. not know what the note means, only that the old farming region is gradual- The judgement shows that there that there was a Sámi who was called ly being transformed into a commut- were farmers who stood up against “Stock finn Lapp” and was part of so- er region. national and regional authorities and cial life in the village, probably an el- On the place where it is thought a received the Sámi as they had always derly man. Later in the year there is Sámi settlement once existed lies a done. In 1695, the County Governor, short notice in the journal that “Stock collapsed wooden tower which the Count Douglas issued a “proposal” finn Lapp” had died.53 sons on the farm created as youthful

55 Sámi in the Luleå region monument many years ago.55 Piles of was previously called Lappnäsänget stones lie there from when the well- (Lapp Point Meadow) and is today kept fields were cleared for farming. almost impenetrable because of the Together with the clearance cairns lie waist high, dense Timothy-grass with what in its inventory of ancient re- its purple stamens growing in pro- mains in 1988 the Swedish Nation- fusion. One of the old barns has col- al Heritage Board described as two lapsed in all four directions, as though house foundations. There lie also a hit by a cluster bomb. To imagine discarded galvanised sheet, some what it looked like perhaps 300 years large cement rings and a large rusty ago, you have to put aside the vast ar- Different types of occupation debris compete tank that seems to come from a boil- eas of farmland and replace them with for space at Lappnäset, as here, a rusty hea- er. The stones that vaguely mark the dense forest and wetlands. The narrow ter of more recent date. two house foundations and remains fields with surrounding birch forest of chimneys, as described in the in- help conjure up the proportions from ancient remains, village dwellers in ventory of ancient remains, are today the time when Lappnäset had a Sámi Rutvik stated that Sámi lived there at much overgrown by moss. It is ex- population. During the inventory of the end of the 19th century.56 tremely difficult to de- About 1½ km north- termine what are nat- east of the area lies ural stones, clearance Kåtaheden (Goahte stones and parts of Moor) which also has former house founda- a clear Sámi connec- tions. tion. There is no doubt Nevertheless, there is that that the Sámi kept a strong feeling of be- reindeer in the area and ing at a former dwell- had dwellings there. ing site. The place has Whether they were been carefully cho- Mountain Sámi who sen, on a dry, jutting migrated there season- promontory of pine ally, or Coastal Sámi forest. About 300 m who were semi-nomad- to the south west lie ic within a more local- narrow elongated and ly delimited area, we do Lappnäset in Brännan near Rutvik is on maps as early as the 18th century. It is clas- overgrown haymak- sed as a so-called Lapp settlement in the 1987 inventory by the Swedish National not know. We must dis- ing meadows that Heritage Board. In the inventory, it was possible to distinguish two house founda- tinguish between those have not been used for tions and the remains of chimneys. They were mixed with clearance stones and who lived in goahte many years. The place were overgrown by lingonberry sprigs and moss. huts or lávvu tents and

56 Sámi in the Luleå region those who built cottages for them- 15th century. Therefore we can consid- selves. Those who cleared space for an er the farming settlement in Björsbyn enclosure around their dwelling, that a mediaeval phenomenon. is to say an open grassy area or small We do not know the when the first field, can be assumed to have had a settlement was established. Hunting more permanent dwelling, like a small and fishing combined with livestock timber house or a shack. In other cas- keeping and trade most probably oc- es it may well have been a more ba- curred before arable farming. It is at sic goahte hut, or even a temporarily this later stage Gammelåkern comes erected lávvu tent in winter for migra- into the picture.58 Birger Sundström tory Sámi passing through. was born in Björsbyn and guides To the Sámi who lived in the forest it was around the remains that bear wit- important to have access to water springs or Sámi dwelling sites in Björsbyn ness to the oldest settlement. His fa- running water which did not freeze in winter. In Björsbyn, too, there are memen- toes of Sámi dwelling sites in close proximity to remains from earli- er mediaeval settlements. Björsbyn is one of the oldest farming villag- es in what eventually became Luleå Parish. One of the earliest parts of the village lay at the foot of Gam- melåkersberget mountain (Oldfield Mountain), which took its name from an open pasture area called Gammelåkern. As the name indi- cates, it was one of the early medi- aeval fields in the village. Within an area a few hundred metres wide there are the remains of several mediaeval dwelling structures. In relation to the shore line that ran here at the end of the 10th centu- ry, they were right on the coast and 57 up on the mountain. There are no Up in the forest above Björsbyn lies the place called Lappgärdan. Birger Sundström, born and raised archaeological finds that link the in Björsbyn, shows where it lies in a glade close to what is now a very narrow stream. You can detect structures to that time, but to the a lighter shade in the ground, but there is otherwise no visible trace of the dwelling.

57 Sámi in the Luleå region ther helped in excavations in the er and greener in appearance 1920s, when archaeologist Gustaf than the surrounding forest, like Hallström investigated the area. a glade. You can detect a shal- Finds included coins from the low depression in the ground. In time of Eric of Pomerania, dated places, brushy clumps of spruce to the beginning of the 15th cen- saplings, and sometimes pil- tury. lar-like spruce trunks in the mid- At the beginning of the 19th dle of the glade, as if they have century, a Sámi lived here too, seized the opportunity and are and was called Gammelåkers flourishing in the middle of the Lapp because he had his dwell- old dwelling site. ing at Gammelåkern. He is men- Birger has heard from older vil- tioned in a now vanished jour- Birger Sundström knows of two different items of evidence lagers that Sámi who lived in the nal that the farmer Erik Ersson about Sámi dwelling in Björsbyn. One is a note about the enclosure were ejected from the of Björsbyn wrote in the 1830s. Gammelåker Lapp in a now lost journal, which he remem- Sámi communities because they Birger read the handwritten bers. The other is the place in the forest called Lappgärdan. had no reindeer. Therefore they journal before it was lent to a made their way to the outskirts person who then lost it. He remem- old and has wandered around in the of farming villages. It is said that they bers the text “... I made a cast-iron forests since he was a child. When were often elderly, single men. From pan for Gammelåkers Lapp.” It is only you walk higher up in the forest and the later part of the 17th century there thanks to Birger remembering the text follow the course of a small, almost are descriptions of how Forest Sámi in the lost journal that we today know dried-up stream you get to the area. often sought out a river or lake where that a Sámi lived there. From that, one It is some way into a deep and damp they could fish and hunt, but they had understands that many traces of Sámi mixed forest of birch, pine and spruce no permanent dwelling, moving from dwellings must be completely oblite- on a gentle uphill slope. place to place according to the season. rated. Thick tree trunks mean that what Every Sámi, rich or poor, had a fishing Higher up on the mountain Per was once an open place, an enclosure, net. The Sámi who settled down on Hindersaberget on the other side of has been completely overgrown for a the outskirts of farming villages were the old village road to Bensbyn, there long time. We stop at a raised area just sure to have hunted grouse and oth- is a place in the forest called Lap- above the course of the stream and he er animals using traps. Impoverished pgärdan (the Lapp enclosure). It is makes sweeping movement across the Sámi used to pick lingonberries, blue- found on the Swedish National Her- pines. “Here it is. It was called Lapp­ berries, crowberries and other berries itage Board map of ancient archaeo- gärdan.”59 It is not possible today to which they mashed together with fish logical discoveries, but without Birg- detect what was once here. It is a flat, bones and ate. er’s memory of the place it would be dry plateau very close to the running Forest Sámi women would pick difficult to find. He is now 84 years water of the stream. It is slightly light- cloudberries, which they put in a

58 Sámi in the Luleå region birch-bark vessel and dug down in a ended up as Coastal Sámi in the area said to have been a mill and shin- marsh or below the moss. In winter of Gammelstad Church Town were gle mill – a water-powered machine they would dig up the vessel and sell both Mountain Sámi and Forest Sámi. for making wooden roof shingles.62 the berries to Mountain Sámi in ex- The first inventory by the Swedish Both facilities were beside the stream, change for reindeer cheese or reindeer National Heritage Board contains a which was previously much larger and meat.60 But the fact that Coastal Sámi comment that Lappgärdan in Björs- more powerful. settled close to villages indicates that byn was the dwelling site of the Stor- Coastal Sámi dwellings outside the they looked for ways to live in symbi- Lapp. In the most recent inventory in villages seem to have been an assort- osis with the farmers. This could in- 1987 there is no trace of either a mill ment from simple goahte huts to tim- volve handicraft in which they spe- or a Sámi dwelling.61 A little way fur- ber houses with brick chimneys. We cialised, day labouring according to ther downstream along the water- cannot regard Sámi culture as be- the season, or begging. We see from course stood the more recent Kvar- ing static and unchanging. The Sámi the migratory patterns that those who ngärdan. At this latter place there is modernised their lives just like every- one else. Those who stuck to tradi- tions or for different reasons did not have the drive or resources made do with a goahte or a lávvu. The Forest Sámi goahte was six-walled and made of planks, sometimes from spruce or pine brush, sometimes from spruce bark or peat.63 We can assume that the goahte huts built in villages near Gammelstad were built in that way. Sámi who lived in the forest outside villages had their dwellings on com- mon village land until the land par- celling, which took place in the mid- 19th century. After that, the land was owned by the individual farmer. This may have affected conditions for Sámi to remain dwelling there. We do not know how old the Sámi This is where Birger Sundström believes the Sámi known as Gammelåkers Lapp had his cotta- ge. The foundation stones are laid in unusual way. This is not how foundations were traditionally dwellings outside the villages are, only built, either for dwellings, barns or storehouses. He tells us: “there was a barn here before, but that they existed near the other struc- this is where I think he lived. Because this is not how a barn was built. This is a proper founda- tures. The few written sources that are tion, and even has a stone in the middle.” preserved show that there was close

59 Sámi in the Luleå region

form of cash, or even extended cred- church in Gammelstad or the new it. Regardless of which, it indicates a town of Luleå? long-term day-to-day relationship. It is practically only in court re- The Sámi were registered and resident cords one can gain more detailed in- in villages. sight into the relations Coastal Sámi had with the villagers. In those cases it Court records give insight is about the Sámi sentence for crimes. into everyday life The law-abiding ones, which most of We gain only anecdotal insight into the Sámi population were, remain si- the life of Coastal Sámi in the villag- lent. However, among those that are es of Luleå when we search in written described in the minutes of court pro- sources. They are briefly mentioned ceedings we gain more details from in catechism examination registers in everyday life. This applies for exam- the form of year of birth, marriage, ple to the murder of a Sámi woman children’s births and deaths, which are named Anna Nilsdotter in Rutviks- sometimes numerous. Infant mortal- sund in 1696. In the region she was The interior in the cottage is from the Forest ity was high. Finally, their own date generally called Lapp-Anna and she Sámi village of Viikusjärvi in the northern part of death. How they lived we can only was murdered on Lassgården farm in of , but it illustrates how guess from comments in the mar- the village by the soldier Per Qvick, a timber dwelling in a Sámi enclosure may gin, such as for example that an old who over a long period had become th have looked in the Luleå region in the 18 man in Sunderbyn “aged around 90” persuaded to commit the murder by and 19th century. Many of the Sámi dwellings are mentioned in sources from the time as burned in his goahte in the month of the lady of the house and the maid on shacks or goahte huts in the forest. It was July, 1761. According to the comments the farm that provided for him as an not everyone’s privilege to live in a timber he had “for a long time been staying enlisted soldier. cottage. at Sunderbyn and there had his go- At the extra court session held on ahte” when fire spread. The old man 26 January 1697 in Luleå Parish Assiz- contact between the settled farmers who was “disabled and alone”, could es, the background to the murder was and the Sámi. From the short notes, not get out and “was burned alive”.64 pieced together. The accounts of the we understand that the Sámi were a The tragedy that is embedded in the accused give a few snapshots of Anna part of the farmers’ everyday life. This brief comments is easy to imagine, but Nilsdotter. The picture that is paint- is exemplified by the farmer Erik Ers- it is more difficult to delve into every- ed is hardly flattering, but it is also an son in Björsbyn who in the 1830s had day life. Who helped the Sámi man upsetting picture of how heartless the made a cast-iron pan, ordered by a in daily chores? How did he see to his treatment was of marginalised peo- certain “Gammelåkerslapp”. Such a hygiene? What contact was there be- ple. To see the wider picture, we must commission demanded payment in tween the Sámi and the settled farm- wind back the clock three years before the form of work, in natura or in the ers? In what context did they go to the murder took place.

60 Sámi in the Luleå region

In 1694 a woman known as to the value of 8 öre for the work car- was murdered in September, the two Lapp-Anna was “flogged and public- ried out. court sessions would apply to the ly lashed” at the church in Gammel- Two years later she was punished winter and summer of 1696. In that stad for theft. She was flogged on her with a flogging again for theft. The case there were two different people back. Public flogging meant she had person now carrying out the punish- called Lapp-Anna. The first was the to sit at the courthouse door with her ment was the Sámi Thomas Anders- woman who was flogged in 1694 and back bared while everyone leaving the son. It seems that at the time, the job 1696. The second was the woman who building gave her one or two lashes of executioner alternated between two evaded two court sessions but was on her back. The person paid to meet Sámi. Thomas received 3 Riksdaler murdered. out the punishment of Lapp-Anna and aquavit to the value of 8 öre for was another Sámi, called Lapp-Påhl. the punishment carried out, slight- Gang of thieves in Rutvikssund He received 2 Riksdaler and aquavit ly more than Lapp-Påhl. Anna when Here we speak of Anna Nilsdot- questioned said that the sto- ter, who lived in a shack in the forest len items were hidden in somewhere near Rutvikssund. There Sunderbyn, but they seem to she lived with her two underage chil- have been well hidden. The dren born out of wedlock. That is all three constables and the sher- we are told about the children. We iff had been there searching do not know how old they were or three times before they found who the father was. Her name then any of the stolen goods.65 We was Lapp-Anna. She probably stole to do not know whether it is the make a living for herself and her chil- same Anna as was murdered dren. It seems that Elin Eriksdotter, in Rutvikssund in Septem- the lady of Lassgården farmhouse in ber of the same year. The sen- Rutvikssund house, and the children tences for repeated theft are in the shack were the comfortless hub well in line with the descrip- around which her life would largely tion of the Lapp-Anna who revolve.66 was murdered. At the time of the murder, the maid That which contradicts Barbro also lived on Lassgården farm, it being the same person who had grown up on the farm and is that in the court records was brought up by Elin. Elin’s 20-year- it is stated that the mur- old son Erik and a foster son called It is often elderly men who were described as living in dered Lapp-Anna managed Olle, 12 years old also lived there. In goahte huts or shacks outside villages in Luleå. The to evade two court sessions addition, Elin had for payment re- picture White-haired Lapp, Kvikkjokk was painted by where she was to be ac- ceived a sickly and confused woman Helmer Osslund in 1911. cused of theft. Since Anna called Margareta. She was the sister

61 Sámi in the Luleå region

ly prepared to fight for her survival. It is not apparent whether this transport took place on a sleigh that she pulled or in some other way. However, it was Elin who bought the barley at a bar- gain price. Between thefts, Anna would wander from farm to farm, begging for food. On such occasions she would some- times sleep over on Lassgården farm. We do not know her age, but since she had two underage children, and until 1712 children reached their ma- jority at the age of 15, she must have been at least 30 years old, probably more. We do not know who the father was, whether it was another Sámi or When Lapp-Anna stole barley from the poorhouse store, she was taking food meant for the needy. The poorhouse formerly lay down on the hill near the old road to Boden. There was once someone in the nearby farming villag- also a parish hall, which is the low building in the foreground on the photograph, but here it lay es. The fact that she lived in a “Lapp by the square. The parish hall has now been moved to the south side of the church, where it shack” in the forest indicates that she functions as a café. continued to live in the traditional, simple Sámi way. In view of the chil- of the Sheriff’s wife, which was some- rank and file in the gang of thieves dren, she probably had some kind of what ironic since the farm turned out that Elin controlled and lived off. Elin contact with the relatives she and the to be a thorough nest of thieves. But could be described as a female and re- man had, but this is not stated. Nei- it was also this underestimated Mar- gional variant of Peachum, the mas- ther is there mention of how her chil- gareta who eventually came to reveal ters of the thieves in The Threepenny dren managed when she was wander- what happened. Opera. ing far away with overnight stops. In the court records, the lady of the For example, at the beginning of In spring 1696, the enlisted soldier house is consistently referred to as the year, Anna had been in the store- Per Qvick was billeted in the farm- Mrs Elin, since she was married. Her house of the poorhouse in the Church stead. This means he and his wife husband, according to sharp tongues Town, and there had stolen three bar- Anna could live there and be provid- in the region, had left her because she rels of barley. It appears, that unaid- ed for on the farm. From the confes- was so mean and inclined towards ed she transported the barrels alone sion of the persons accused of mur- theft and dishonesty. The Sámi wom- to Elin in Rutvikssund. It appears this der on Lassgården farm, it is apparent an who was called Lapp-Anna, was was a strong woman who was clear- that everyone, including the soldier

62 Sámi in the Luleå region

her in connection with fluenced Qvick’s wife to bring him in the theft of barley in line. He was slow, and did not want to, the poorhouse store, but finally one day at the end of Sep- the lady of the house tember he gave in. The maid, Barbro, Elin had hidden her in was to lure Anna onto a path around the cattle shed. the bay on her way to her shack. In Elin and Barbro the meantime, Per Qvick would cut feared a trial and “that across the bay and lie in wait at a spe- this committed thiev- cial “room” in order to shoot her with On 26 January 1697 an extra session of the Luleå Parish Assizes ery would become evi- Elin’s husband’s gun. was held in connection with the murder of the Sámi woman dent and that Lapp-An- Anna Nilsdotter, commonly called Lapp-Anna. The courthouse na would confess which stood on the north side of the church. others had been with her, bought, concealed and his wife, regularly stole hay and and hid loot with her, and other mat- barley from nearby barns, and also ters they had shared …”. If Anna sheep owned by other farmers. Anna had threatened to reveal them is not belonged to an organised gang of known, but one should also consider thieves. According to the maid, Bar- that in the 17th century, the Sámi were bro, and public testimony, Anna had feared for their powers of sorcery. The carried home everything she stole long planned murder of Anna bears to the mistress Elin “and received witness to a strong fear of having her food and lodging again”. To consort alive. Sometimes the plan was to buy with Elin was a long-term insurance mercurium, that is to say arsenic and for herself and her children. If all poison her, sometimes it was to kill the thieving were revealed, the con- her with the help of a leghold trap. sequences would be dire for every- one involved. They would be public- The soldier Qvick becomes ly flogged and have to pay fines for involved in the murder the stolen goods but also be shamed It was the arrival of soldier Qvick that in front of other villages and parish- made the murder plans more con- ioners. Why the fear of discovery was crete. Fairly soon, both Elin and Bar- Anna Nilsdotter is said to have had two children in the shack in the forest where so directly aimed at Anna, it is not bro began to persuade him to murder she lived. They died of cold and hunger after clear. She had probably been part of Anna. Since both he and his wife had she was murdered. Here, a Sámi boy from the organised stealing for a long time. almost immediately become involved Jokkmokk, drawn 150 years later by Fritz von When the constable was looking for in the thefts, Elin and Barbro also in- Dardel.

63 Sámi in the Luleå region

Everything went cused her of lying well until the cru- about him. She cial moment ar- asked what she rived. Qvick lost was supposed to his nerve. He have lied about. could not bring Then he hit her himself to shoot a few times on and walked past the head so that her without a blood splashed word. She walked over half the milk to her shack and pail in the dim her children. The light. The maid soldier was scold- and Per dragged ed for this when the dead body out he got home. The of the barn where women attacked she and Qvick’s him and hit his wife split her nose when he homespun skirt, claimed he had This cattle shed foundation belonged to Lassgården farm and is probably from the beginning of which they lat- not seen Anna the 19th century, when large cattle sheds with stone foundations were built. They contained lar- er made into two in the forest. A ge wells on the lower level to make use of the urine-drenched soil from the cows to manufactu- aprons, one each. few days later, a re saltpetre. The 17th -century cattle shed was built completely of timber and was much smaller. Then they threw new plan was pre- the body into a pared. Now the maid Barbro asked pit dug earlier “a stone’s throw” from Anna to bring a bottle to the cat- the cattle shed, and filled it in. One tle shed in the evening when she was bizarre detail is that Anna had come milking. Anna would then be given there earlier and watched when Bar- some milk. The 12-year-old foster son bro was digging her grave and won- Olle came along and lit the way with a dered why she was digging so deep. lantern in the cattle shed and Qvick’s Barbro had answered that they were wife was standing on watch when going to put stones in it. Anna came in the evening and en- After the murder, those involved The dead body of Anna was thrown into a pit tered the cattle shed. that had been dug “a stone’s throw” from the spread a rumour that Lapp-Anna had Per Qvick then arrived with a ham- cattle shed and was filled in again. After the gone with two soldiers to the forest mer hatchet that he had picked up on trial, the body was exhumed and buried in and they were stealing here and there the porch. Inside the building, Per ac- the churchyard as they went. Nobody cared about

64 Sámi in the Luleå region

Anna’s two children in the shack. which means one They died “mostly from hunger and can question where cold” as the record of the court pro- the shack stood. In ceedings laconically put it. The mur- it, Per Qvick says der was detected later in autumn by that the maid was the fact that senile sister of the sher- going to take Anna iff’s wife was moved into the Sheriff’s a roundabout way home. There, she had lucid moments to accompany Anna and could then tell that she had heard some of the way to what really happened to Lapp-Anna.67 her shack in the for- Among villagers close to Lassgården est. At the same farm in Rutvikssund it was said that time, Qvick was to Lapp-Anna lived at Lappnäset, about cut across the bay 2½ km east of Lassgården farm. Her and stand on guard route home should then have followed when she passed on On the 1786 land parcelling map of Rutvik, Lassgården farm stands some kind of road or trail from Rut- her way home and on the enclosed area marked 7 and 1 to the left. Per Qvick was to vikssund out towards Jan-Ol’s farm. there shoot her. take a short cut across the bay and stand in waiting to shoot Anna. On the map of 1645 it is the eastern- The only way one It must have been Wargfjärden that was intended. Her shack can most farm from Rutvikssund towards can reasonably im- therefore have stood east or south of Hallberget on the map. Lappnäset. From there, there can only agine is Vargsundet have been a footpath home to the which in those days came right up to was also, according to village tradi- shack. This sounds reasonable in view Rutvikssund. If Qvick cut her off by tion, a so-called Lapp settlement. It is of the fact that the place was called crossing Vargfjärden bay to stand on marked in the 1987 inventory of an- Lappnäset, but in the minutes of the watch, it indicates rather that he stood cient remains by the Swedish Nation- court proceedings there is one detail by the old church road between Rut- al Heritage Board.68 If that is where vik and Björsbyn and there Anna and her children lived, however, stood waiting for her. If one we will never know. crosses Vargsundet from Lass- The fact that Anna was a beggar and gården farm in Rutvikssund, was murdered has a striking paral- that is where one arrives. In lel to the murder of a homeless Roma that case, the shack where she beggar in Jönköping in autumn 2018 lived with her two children that attracted attention. The beg- To cross the stream without a boat at Rutvikssund there is only the bridge at Rutvik marked on the map. If Anna would more likely have been gar was systematically dehumanised lived at Lappnäset it was a natural route to take, but it in the forest between Rutvik through derogatory attributes until was also possible to walk back on the other side of the and Björsbyn. One kilometre he was finally murdered in the park stream and arrive at the east side of Vargfjärden. east of Vargfjärden there where he usually slept. It is relevant

65 Sámi in the Luleå region

that at the end of the 17th century, an made handicraft products which they the situation was like for the destitute official campaign took place to ban sold in Swedish towns. They could Sámi living in the forest. Another le- Sámi begging in the coastal parish- for example make birch-bark baskets gal case took place a few years later in es, which likely contributed to mak- which they tied together with roots, the village of Gäddvik. It gives us an ing farmers unfavourable towards the first boiled soft in large copper kettles insight into what everyday life could Sámi. This certainly contributed also containing lye. The roots were also be like for female Sámi herders.70 It re- to how Anna became demonised by used to make rope which could be volves around the young Sámi wom- the accomplices on Lassgården farm. used in net fishing.69 The Sámi pop- an Karin Olofsdotter, who in sum- If she carried out some kind of du- ulation was as differentiated as the mer 1706 was one of those who were ties for payment on the other farms is Swedish. down at the coast to find work. She not stated. In the case of Lassgården Anna Nilsdotter was not well re- was about 16 years old and getting by farm it was a question of selling stolen garded in the region, but the metic- through doing odd jobs. goods at a cutthroat price for occa- ulous legal process carried out from We do not know what she was do- sional food and lodging. the Court of Assizes up to the Court ing in the summer, but in mid-Octo- Life was of course not like that for of Appeal to try her murderer shows ber she was a servant of the burgher everyone. The Sámi bellringer in Jok- that she was nevertheless regard- Hans Ersson Biörn, who was a judge kmokk, Andreas Lundius, described ed as equal under law. The murder- in the new town of Luleå. According in the 1670s how impoverished Sámi ers were punished to the same extent to a register of residents in the new as if the victim had been a Swedish town, he had a fairly large house at farmer. Her body was exhumed in The North Harbour where the thea- the field to be buried in the church- tre now has premises. In 1704, he also yard. Per Qvick, Elin and Barbro had at his disposal salmon fishing at were sentenced by the Court of Ap- “Gråsiälsgrundet” together with judge peal to death by beheading. The wom- Erik Ersson Orre. One reason why en’s bodies would then be burnt at Hans Ersson Biörn had Sámi employ- the stake. Qvick’s head was then to be ees may have been his background. displayed on a pole to the public. His His paternal grandfather was probably body would be drawn and quartered. called Påhl, and was a Birkarl trad- Elin’s 20-year-old son was condemned er in Björsbyn and came from the so- to run the gauntlet nine times. Qvick’s called Björn farms, hence the name wife would be flogged at the door of Biörn. The Biörn family had an old the courthouse. tradition of trading in services and goods with the Sámi.71 Coastal Sámi and others without property Forbidden pregnancy in Gäddvik In the same house as Karin there made handicraft products such as baskets The trial for the murder of the Sámi lived a 23-year-old Sámi farmhand and ropes for pulling nets, which they sold. woman in Rutvikssund shows what called Olof Larsson, who seems to

66 Sámi in the Luleå region have had relatively long-term employ- each other in Gammelstad when on been reindeer lichen for the utility ment, since it says that he “served in errands. Later in the autumn, Karin reindeer used for trading trips up to town”. The two young people were was serving in the home of the same the Lappmark areas, but it may also both sleeping over in Hans Ersson Hans Ersson Biörn for two weeks, have been moss for cows to eat, which Biörn’s house at The North Harbour helping to gather moss. This may have was not unusual at this time. one night in October. This At the end of the year gave rise to the court pro- and into January Ka- ceedings in which they rin had short-term jobs were involved. He later in different places. She recounted in questioning noticed the child grow- before the court trial in ing in her belly but did Luleå that Karin “came to not talk to Olof about it. him in the night in bed” From the end of Janu- and began to tickle him. ary to the end of March They then lay together she was employed by and she stayed with him some that she accompa- all night. In bed he prom- nied to the Lappmark ar- ised that if she should be- eas. They were probably come with child he would traders who travelled up take care of her as if mar- to trade with the Sámi, ried. possibly the same Ersson Each one testified in- Biörn whom she had oc- dividually that after that casionally worked for ear- they never lay togeth- lier. Her knowledge of the er, neither did they talk Sámi language must have to each other. Neverthe- been an asset in that con- less, Olof reported that text since she could inter- he had “often” seen her. pret between the traders This means that they both and the Sámi. had jobs in town in the In the 17th century, des- autumn. This shows that titute Sámi could travel Sámi, just like others, in late autumn down to lived in the new Luleå and the Swedish villages and moved in and out accord- towns to beg. Around the ing to the jobs they had. The North Harbour in Luleå. The growth of shipping in Luleå gave work. time of Ascension Day at They may also have seen This applied to the Sámi farmhand Olof Larsson, who “served in town”. the end of March, they

67 Sámi in the Luleå region

as everything below the Lappmark boundary was called. Hans Rehnhorn’s large farm lay on the road to Gammelstad. He was administrator of the Lappmark ar- eas. One of his employees was Ella Pålsdotter, with whom Karin was in touch. She was also a Sámi. It is clear that Karin did not trust the maids on her own farm to reveal her condition. She was now in her seventh month and had not told anyone else that she was pregnant. No one had discovered anything. She was carrying this big burden alone. On Saturday 18 May, free from Frequent work for Sámi women in the Luleå area was herding cows in summer. The men found work on the farm, she took a boat and work as farmhands in the villages or doing odd jobs in town. The watercolour dates back to the rowed across to Gunnila on the oth- 19th century, probably at Bergviken, with the Luleå skyline in the background. er side of the river. She now revealed that she was pregnant. Gunnila then would travel again up to their fishing Support from other Sámi women asked whether the mistress knew lakes and stay there throughout the In late winter, Karin again travelled this. Karin lied and said she had told warm months.72 Karin Olofsdotter did down to the coast and got work as a her. She said that she had not had the the opposite, travelling up to the Lap- maid for the farmer Johan Johans- pmark areas in the winter and down son on Norsgården farm in Gäddvik. to the coast to work in summer. That When the snow had melted and the shows again that people were not sta- cows could be let out again to graze in tionary and moved to wherever there the forest, she found work as a herd- were job opportunities, and it shows er. Karin had a small contact network that the lives of the Sámi did not all of other Sámi women who worked follow the same pattern. By the end of on farms in the area. On the oth- the 17th century, some were already in er side of the river, Gunnila Anders- On the map from 1686, Johan Ersson is the the process of taking up new forms of dotter worked, who was also born in owner of Norsgården farm. His son Johan livelihood in the country and in town. the Lappmark areas. For the past six Johansson employed Karin Olofsdotter as a Others lived according to the old tra- years she had worked as a maid in herder in spring 1707. She was then preg- ditions of their ancestors. “the countryside” or “the country” nant.

68 Sámi in the Luleå region courage to tell her father and mother, of prayer. There she met other Sámi which Gunnila urged her to do. and talked about how they “were play- The following day, Karin travelled ing and carrying on” with each oth- with the farmer and family in Nors- er. Then a young farmhand from the gården to church to celebrate the day country came, who she did not know, and threw her onto the ground so hard that she noticed directly that she had hurt her back. She slept over with the farmer’s family in Gammelstad, The old Norsgården farm on the picture was probably in Norsgården farm church partly from the 17th century. It has now been cottage, which is now the show cot- demolished. tage on the south-west side of the church, which Luleå Folklore Socie- port: in her forbidden pregnancy she ty owns and which is used during the turned to her female Sámi friends. guided tours in the Church Town. We can assume that according to con- The following day was a Monday text, she alternated between Sámi and and the actual day of prayer. All the Swedish, the two languages she knew. farmers’ servants were still in Gam- melstad, but she was feeling so bad Miscarriage in the forest she was not able to go to church. On Now things moved fast. On Tuesday the same day she travelled home with she went back to the foraging cows the others. It is clear that she had par- in the forest, this time together with allel identities. She formally identi- the farmer’s daughter. The next day fied with the farmer’s staff, the collec- she was alone with the cows. Things tive she was living in and with which did not feel good. Already at midday she shared everyday working life. The the cows wanted to go home, but she private collective that was closer to felt it was too early. Her pains began her comprised the young Sámi people and when she came down to a marsh she had got to know in the Luleå re- called Lilltjärn she lay down between gion. They were the ones she sought two tufts and gave birth to her child. out outside the church to be togeth- She passed out during childbirth er for a while and to hear gossip. They and when she woke up, the child was On the above map of the great land parti- tion in Gäddvik in 1774, the properties of were the ones with whom she played lying next to her. When asked by the Norshemmanet on the east side of the river youthful games. It was with a young judge, she said that she saw no sign are marked. Just over 60 years earlier, Karin Sámi man she had become pregnant. of life in the child. She sat for a while worked here as a young maid. Now she needed advice and sup- near the marsh and cried with her

69 Sámi in the Luleå region child in her arms. Then she took a the cows in the forest, but not to the these three Sámi girls were together, knife and cut the umbilical cord. Then place where she had given birth to the one can assume they spoke their Sámi she tied it together with a thread. child. It was not until another day lat- mother tongue. They were alone and Then she took the foetus, wiped it a er she went with the cows to the place, did not need to it for anyone. Ka- little with moss so that rin was now peppered animals would not pick with intimate ques- up its scent. It was a tions. Had she shown well formed little boy. the child to people on She was again asked by the farm? How big was the judge whether there it? What had she done was life in the child. with the child? She “No, there was no life. gave no direct answers I wiped its body, but to the questions. not the face and not In the night, the the ears. I did not try to three women lay stark open its eyes.” naked beside each oth- Once she had wiped er in Rehnhorn’s farm- it she lay it on a tuft of “Around noon, the cattle wanted to house. Ella burst out: moss and spread three return home, which she found too early “I don’t think you small leafy twigs over it and arriving at a marsh, Lilltiärn by have had a child since so that she could find it name, gave birth.” you dare to lie naked again. She did not dare among us!” Gunnila to take it home because now examined Karin’s of the farmer’s family. Then she set but discovered to her horror that the breasts and tried to milk them, but off home with the cattle. She strug- foetus on the tuft was gone. Only the no milk came. They were quite vir- gled across the marsh, fighting to get three leafy twigs remained. It was Fri- gin white. Karin replied: “I have had home. In court she was remorseful. day evening and once home, the mis- a child.” Later they played around and “God have mercy on me, I was fool- tress gave her permission to finish “had fun, wrestled and jostled”. Karin ish!” “In what way?” “That I lay the work and visit Gunnila. She took the looked quite well and showed no sign child on a tuft and ran away”. During boat and rowed across the river. Af- of having been ill. When a while she her walk the afterbirth came, which ter spending a while together, Gunnila was alone with Ella she told her that she left where it was. In the evening thought that Karin looked thinner. the child had died, that she had had a she went to bed with the daughter of Then Karin told what had happened. miscarriage. the house, without saying anything They took the boat back and walked The next morning they went their about what had happened. along the road towards Gammelstad, separate ways. When Karin came The next day she was again out with to Ella on Rehnhorn’s farm. While home, the mistress was sitting spin-

70 Sámi in the Luleå region ning wool. Three uneaten meals were she came home in the evening Elis- I do when it came over me in the for- there waiting for her, and she was abeth came up to her and wondered est!” The mistress Elizabeth too was in asked to eat, but could not manage it. whether perhaps she was lying about the shed and urged Karin to find the Elisabeth asked whether she was ill, her pregnancy. She wanted to ex- child. “I have been searching all day but Karin answered no. In the tenta- amine Karin’s breast, but then Karin and do not know where it is, and will tive conversation that now began she climbed over a fence, back to the for- not find it again,” answered Karin. said that she had understood when est. An hour later she was home, lying she came back from the Lappmark in the shed. The search for the foetus at Lilltjärn areas that everyone would talk bad Then Ella had come to Norsgården Despite searching in old maps and of her. “About what?” She explained farm to seek out Karin to hear more hiking in the terrain using Nors- that the farmer on Rehnsgården farm about what had happened. The night gården as a starting point it has been knew that the priest’s wife in Gam- before had given her no rest. Together impossible, 300 years later, to find the melstad had accused marsh which the vil- her. “What is it oth- lagers called Lilltjärn ers know that I do not in the beginning of the know? What have you 18th century. Already done?” Silence. “Are then, the former lake you with child?” It was had become a marsh. not until now that Ka- As regards the terrain rin, through silence, it is most likely that confessed to the mis- the marsh Lilltjärn, to tress. which she drove the And now it occurred cows down, lay to the to Elisabeth how thin north along the road Karin looked. “It’s not “Having washed it, she lay it on a to Gammelstad. In the my fault”, Karin replied moss tuft in the open and spread forest down towards quietly. “Did it die be- three small leaf boughs on it that the river there are still fore its time”? “Yes.” she might find it again.” moist forest areas, fens With that, she drew and marshy ground. Karin to the door and The landscape fits the walked to the cattle shed. The clerk of with a Swedish maid, Ella went in to description of how she drove the cows the court wrote in the minutes about Karin in the shed where she lay rest- “down towards the marshes”. Towards the mistress Elisabet that she was so ing. Now Karin told her that she had there are mostly large, dry affected that everything turned black, given birth to the child alone in the sandy moors, even though there may and that she had almost fainted. Karin forest. Ella then asked: “why did you have been small marshes there 300 walked alone into the forest. When do that?” Karin replied: “what could years earlier.

71 Sámi in the Luleå region

There are however oth- er details which speak for Karlsvik. Being in- terviewed at Norsgården in autumn 2018, Birg- er Åström, 99 years old, talked about how the cows behaved when he was a child. At the time, they still let cows out into the forest to graze. As a child in the 1920s, he was often asked to herd the cows, and he tells that they al- ways set off towards Karls- vik, never northwards. “They used to call from Karlsvik and were angry The trial of Karin Olofsdotter shows that many Sámi women made their way down to the coast in the beginning – now the cows are here. of the 18th century to find work as maids on farms. They sought support from each other and sometimes spend Then we had to go and time together after work or during religious feasts. On the picture, two Sámi women in Svartlå. fetch them,” he said. On the other hand, Birger has no recollec- Gertrud Nilsdotter to go to the for- to make the story more credible. The tion of any marshes in the direction est with Karin and look for the child. maid Karin Johansdotter reported of Karlsvik, even though he has often Karin then ran away again. When she that she had seen two or three birch run back and forth in the forests as a came back later she said she had been twigs lying on the tuft. She also said child, looking for lost cows.73 Lilltjärn lying in a hay barn all the time. Now that there was a hollow on the tuft may possibly have lain in the low-ly- she went with the two other maids to where Karin had taken the moss when ing areas in the direction of Notvik- the forest. At Lilltjärn she sat on the she wiped the child, and where she en, but we will probably never know tuft where she had placed the child, later put back the moss. She wanted where the place was where Karin gave and cried. She repeated as earlier how to touch the hollow with a twig, but birth to her child. she had wiped the child with moss, Karin protested. “You must not think In spring 1707, those on Norsgården but now she said that the umbilical that I have laid a child there!” farm in Gäddvik knew exactly where cord had broken by itself and that she Everything was now revealed to Lilltjärn was. On the Sunday morn- did not need to cut it with the knife as those most closely involved and was ing, the mistress Elizabeth wanted the she had previously said. That was ev- known all over the neighbourhood. two maids Karin Johansdotter and idently something she had made up Karin was arrested by Constable Ru-

72 Sámi in the Luleå region dolph Hahn, who gave the task to the Christian faith. At the turn of the “two reputable wives” who themselves month between September and Oc- had given birth to examine her body. tober, the Court of Appeal requested They could not find any sign of preg- further information regarding details nancy. Both breasts were white and of the interrogation, this time from firm, with the left one slightly more the County Court. Karin’s mistress slender and soft. One of the women, Elisabeth Eriksdotter had said under Margetha Olofsdotter, also went with oath that Karin had told her that the Officer Hans Larsson to Lilltjärn to priest’s wife at the church had claimed search for the baby. to have knowledge of Karin’s condi- tion. The name of this wife however Karin’s trial was not included in the investigation Birger Åström, 99 years old at the time of the On 13 June, Karin was summoned to interview in 2018. As a child, he herded the documents. an extra court session owing to the family’s cows in the same forests as Karin Now the Court of Appeal request- serious nature of the crime. The en- had done. “The cows always headed towards ed that she should be interrogated in tire chain of events was examined and Karlsvik,” he said. the presence of Karin in an addition- those involved as described above in al session. There was also mention turn gave their testimony. There were of the district court, requested that of a “Lapp farmhand” Olof Larsson mitigating circumstances, such as her the County Governor should deter- who had promised to marry her if she youth and that during the trial she mine Karin’s knowledge of Christian- should become pregnant, and added had never strayed from her main nar- ity and that she knew the regulations as a parenthesis “if he and she should rative, but justice must run its course regarding childbirth that belong to with the life be blessed”. Now they in the lower courts. Luleå district court sentenced her to death in ac- cordance with His Majesty’s decree of 1681 and 1684 banning infanticide. The verdict was then sent to the Court of Appeal for assessment. It was nor- mal procedure for the district court to sentence according to the letter of the law, and it was up to the Court of Ap- peal to consider mitigating circum- stances. In the beginning of July, less than From the proceedings of the trial on 13 June 1707: “Karin Olofsdotter with sighs thus admits her a month later, Svea Court of Ap- wrongdoings – beginning thus her statement that 14 days after the Feast of St Michael …”. She peal, having studied the proceedings then tells her story to the court.

73 Sámi in the Luleå region wanted to know if the promise still do not know applied, with a clear suggestion that whether he con- it could be a mitigating circumstance sciously tried which could save her life. And they to keep the age wished to know Karin’s age. of his daughter down in hopes The daughter of a Sámi smith of saving her On 2 November a new trial took place life, or whether in Luleå District Court. Karin’s father, he quite simply Olof Andersson, was now present and could not keep was called to the podium to witness. track of her ex- He could not say exactly how old she act age. was, but thought she was probably 15 Like many or 16 years old. That could mean she other Sámi, Olof was still a minor aged 15 when she be- had found work came pregnant, which could be a mit- in the mining igating circumstance for Karin. We industries that started up in dif- ferent parts of Norrbotten in the 17th century. Most Sámi were employed to transport build- ing materials, The Orefield on Kedkevare mountain was exposed to weather and wind, people and ore and working conditions were hard. All the firewood had to be transported with the help of there. Painting by Anna Nordlander. reindeer. It was the Sámi who came to form an impor- were paid for their work, it was not tant element in the transport chain seen as a desirable job. The mine fore- that was built up from the mines in men were known for driving their Barthold Sadlin was first a clerk and then mountain areas down to the coast. employees hard. This resulted in many mine manager at the works in Kvikkjokk. This is the foundation of the works clerk’s house Strenuous, time consuming work Sámi fleeing to the Norwegian side of in Kvikkjokk where he lived in the 1690s. Ka- that ended the lives of many reindeer the border to escape the demands of rin was born at Easter time before he came when they were driven too hard with mining operations. to the works. heavy loads. Even though the Sámi Olof found work as a smith at the

74 Sámi in the Luleå region

newly discovered silver deposit on mining community. At the time there ly shows how personal relations could the treeless mountain Kedkevare, just was no priest there, and therefore exist between those who lived in the over 50 km north-west of Kvikkjokk, Olof had travelled down to Randijaur furthermost mountain areas and in the middle of the most inaccessible where he met the priest Daniel Elm, those who lived on the coast. It was mountain areas.74 There was no forest who christened her. certainly not by chance that the Sámi to use as building material, and there Now a discussion began in court girl Ella Pålsdotter sought and found was a shortage of firewood. Storms between Karin’s father and Rehnhorn work on Rehnhorn’s farm near Gam- would hit the bare mountain with about her age. Olof said that Karin melstad. Through his long-term work full force. A little mining community was born around Easter, before mine as administrator of the Lappmark are- grew up there, and that is where Karin manager Barthold Sadlin came to the was born. works, which was in 1690. Rehnhorn It turned out that there were links asserted that it must have been a year between Karin’s parents and the ad- earlier, but finally they agreed that she ministrator of the Lappmark areas, was born at Easter time in 1690. That Hans Rehnhorn, who actually owned meant she was 16 years old when she the farm near Gammelstad where Ka- became pregnant. rin stayed overnight with Gunnila and Ella after her miscarriage. Rehnhorn Long-term Sámi and had spent 22 years working at the Swedish relations mine in Kedkevare and the smelter in We see here how Gammelstad Church Kvikkjokk. He remembered when Ka- Town cannot be seen as an isolated rin’s father married, and that they had geographical phenomenon separate a child at the time. Olof then said that from the mountain world. At the time In the military map for 1859-78, the outer- it was Karin’s sister he was thinking of. there was regular traffic between coast most point in Karlsvik is called Lappskatan, She was born earlier. Karin was born and mountain. Up to 1693, Jokkmokk meaning Lapp Point. On the rolling sandy in the time of mine manager Fagg, be- and Gällivare had been part of Luleå moors nearby there is excellent reindeer fore mine manager Sadlin came to the Parish. The example of Karin’s fami- lichen for foraging reindeer.

75 Sámi in the Luleå region as and work at the mine on Kedkevare tered in Jokkmokk. The farm had its child in the beginning of the 1920s, he and in other places he had formed own reindeer mark.75 The present-day has a vague memory that on the floor contacts with the Sámi and certain- owner of Norsgården, 99-year-old in the old kitchen there was a special ly exchanged services and favours on Birger Åström, was interviewed in spot that was reserved in case some many occasions. autumn 2018 about the relations the reindeer herder came who need- It is probably not by chance either farm owners have had with the Sámi. ed somewhere to sleep.76 There then that Karin Olofsdotter looked for He then said that those who lived on existed historical relations between work on Norsgården farm. In an ac- Norsgården in the past had traded up Sámi and those who lived on Nors- count book it states that in 1845, Nors- in the Lappmark areas. “Norsgården gården. On the district economic map gården had seven reindeer, of which had one or two reindeer. It was a Sámi of Luleå for 1859-1878, nearby Karls- two were newly-born calves. The Sámi called Andersson in Jokkmokk who vik is called Lappskatan, probably be- who took care of the reindeer on be- took care of them. They were reindeer cause it was a traditional place for the half of the farm was called Lars An- purely for different kinds of trans- Sámi to erect their lávvu tents when dersson Svensk and he was regis- port,” he says. From when he was a they were visiting Gammelstad and Luleå.77 There was plenty of reindeer lichen on the nearby moor, Nordan- tillheden, which was important if they were staying for a while. The Kedkevare mine opened in 1661 and was never profitable. It was part of Luleå silverworks, which in addi- tion to the mine in Kedkevare and a deposit discovered later in Alkavare also comprised a silverworks in Kvik- kjokk. It was originally run by Berg- skollegium, which managed to lease it out for five years to two Luleå - ers. Here too we see how coast and mountain were in contact. Later the silverworks was managed for a while by Västerbottniska Bergslagssocietet- en with 300 part-owners, but in 1702 Trade journeys between the coast and the market in the Lappmark areas have long traditions. 78 In 1845, Norsgården still had seven reindeer for transport. In the old kitchen there was a special operations were closed down. Karin spot for reindeer herders who needed a place to spend the night. We see here an unbroken was 12 years old at the time, and it is tradition from the time of the Birkarl traders. On the picture we see Luleå traders on their way to possible that the family then moved a market in Luleå Lappmark. down to Luleå. Olof was a smith and

76 Sámi in the Luleå region must have abandoned reindeer herd- ble to attend, but had given her testi- promised to marry Karin if she be- ing long before. When the works mony in the presence of her husband came pregnant. In its findings, Svea closed down he was around 60 and and two witnesses. Uneus now said Court of Appeal had indicated that needed to find a new job. He moved to the court that his wife had no rec- the young couple could be pardoned to the coast to find something else. ollection of meeting Karin, let alone if he took her to be his wife. They did talking to her. When his wife now af- have a child together, even if it was Olof Larsson breaks his promise terwards spoke to the servants among stillborn and Karin had left it in the Now Karin’s confirmation priest in others, it appeared that Karin, having forest. Now the judge asked his po- Gammelstad, Master Johan Uneus, come back from the Lappmark are- sition on the promise of marriage he appeared before the court. He said he as to Luleå at the end of March, had had made to her. Apparently he had had questioned and examined her, but gone to the rectory in Gammelstad changed his mind completely. He had judged her knowledge of “the artick- to find summer work herding cows. no wish at all to marry her or have her les of Cristianity” to be poor. The fact She had been in service with them as his wife. Even after repeated ques- that she had been confirmed by him for two weeks in spring, but after that tioning he replied with a definite no. in the church in Gammelstad had “run from there”. That was The court wanted to know why. tells us that she had lived when she sought and was It was evident that he felt deep- in the region in periods given work in the home ly hurt. “If she had behaved admira- over the last 2-3 years, of the farmer Johan Jo- bly over what had happened, but how since one could not hansson in Gäddvik, should I take this? Where is the child be confirmed herding cows in the forest. that I made?” The court tried to per- until the age of Finally, the young suade him, but he unconditionally 15. We know that farmhand Olof Lars- refused to marry her. Karin had her Karin at the age of 16 son was called for- pride. “He may come with whatever searched for different ward, he who had considerations he wants to. It is and jobs in Gammelstad and slept with Karin one will be with me as God and our mas- Luleå and in autumn night in Octo- ters make it. God will still be merciful became pregnant. ber in the house with me. As much as you want to have Now came also the of the burgh- me is how much I want to have you.” question of what the er Hans Ersson Olof replied “that if she had said to priest’s wife had said, Biörn in Luleå. me that she was blessed with a child, or had not said, about In the court pro- and had given birth in a beautiful way, Karin’s condition. ceedings in July I would immediately have taken her”. Since she was about he had admit- Karin answered: “I ask of you noth- to give birth and ted sleeping with ing.” Thereby the trial was over, and was confined to her her and that the earlier death sentence of the dis- bed, she was una- in bed he had trict court was ratified.

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The miscarriage and the accusation found no sign of past pregnancy. Her while playing near the church, which of infanticide Sámi friends did the same and not- led to her miscarriage a few days lat- Something remains unexplained ed that her breasts had no milk and er. The father of the child was not, as about the entire issue of Karin Olofs- “were completely white”. They asked we see in the records, punished for dotter’s pregnancy. She had inter- her whether she had really been preg- having intercourse. Only she was. The course with the Sámi farmhand Olof nant. The judge wondered how she unknown man on the church hill was Larsson, as both of them confirmed. had been able to get home after the not punished for causing the mis- She says she became pregnant, but difficult birth. Her entire story was in carriage. Instead, she was accused of this was so well concealed that in the doubt. having murdered her child and sen- seventh month no one had discov- Nevertheless, one must believe it. tence for it. This is exactly what the ered it. She told no one anything un- She told Gunnila before the miscar- situation looks like for many wom- til the week when she had a miscar- riage that she was pregnant. Both the en around the world to this day. On riage. Then, the Sámi friend Gunnila mistress and Gunnila thought after 2 November 1707, Karin Olofsdot- was told. A few days later, she gave the miscarriage that Karin had be- ter was sentenced to death by Luleå birth in the forest but nobody could come “mycket swang”, that is, much County Court. see the dead foetus. The farmer’s fami- thinner. She herself asserted all the ly, she herself, the constable and other time that she had given birth to a still- The final judgement of people searched for the foetus, but did born son. She seems to have been the Court of Appeal not find it. greatly troubled by her conscience for Now it was up to the Court of Ap- When two “reputable wives” in having left the child in the forest, as peal to make the final decision, but Gammelstad at the request of the descriptions from the trial relate in there are no records of what that de- Sheriff examined her body, they detail. She sighed, cried and cursed cision was. A study of the court re- herself for her cords for Svea Court of Appeal in the stupidity. Still, 300 national archives in Stockholm shows years later, one that the series of court records re- can but believe garding criminal cases does not begin her story and be until 1756. The earlier ones have dis- moved by it. appeared. However the registers and She lay with a notes for 1707 and 1708 remain, ex- Sámi boy her own cept for the month of December, 1707. age. She found Through the register, the notes for the herself with child, decision of the Court of Appeal for 10 but did not dare July and 28 September 1707 have been 79 Svea Court of Appeal heard Karin’s case for the first time on 10 July to tell anyone. She found. This made it possible to fol- 1707. In the notes for the verdict, she is called “... The child murderer was injured by an low the case through Svea Court of Karin Olofsdotter. unknown youth Appeal and up to the County Court

78 Sámi in the Luleå region decision in Luleå on 2 November, received a flogging. For the flogging a it shows what low social status the but there it stopped. The register and 1-metre willow canes were used. With Sámi had because it was taboo jobs notes for December 1707 are miss- each pair of canes, the executioner exactly like this that were often of- ing, and under 1708 there is nothing delivered three strokes, which were fered to them. There is also a class as- about Karin Olofsdotter. The Court of counted out loud. Then the canes pect which should not be forgotten. Appeal probably made its decision in were thrown at the feet of the consta- It was mainly the poorest who were December 1707, the only month that is ble, who was to “look on”, and a new flogged in public, regardless of wheth- missing from the archive concerning pair was taken. The highest number of er they were Swedish, Sámi or other. the two years in question! flogging strokes was 40. Until the lat- We do not know what happened to The answer to the mystery was ter part of the 19th century, the flog- Karin after her punishment, but her found in an item about Luleå Par- ging pole stood outside the door of case gives a detailed and sometimes ish accounts for the beginning of the courthouse in Gammelstad, the intimate description of how the Sámi 1708. According to Albert Nordberg, building which later became the mu- were drawn into the emerging Swed- the year’s accounts begin with a no- nicipal offices.81 Lång-Påhl received ish agricultural and industrial society tice that “Lapp Lång Påhl” received 2 the same cash payment as when he in the 18th century. It gives an alternate Riksdaler, and 15 öre in aquavit, be- flogged Lapp-Anna, which further picture of the Sámi as something oth- cause he “did the Excution of a Lapp confirms that it was a flogging that er than purely reindeer herders. The woman, Karin bi Name” because by Karin received. Before the trial, Karin Sámi found work in mines as crafts- her own admission she had given Olofsdotter had lived in the home of men and in the ports doing a vari- birth to a stillborn child in the for- carpenter Jöns Jönsson for seven days ety of jobs. They could also be sol- est. The punishment was witnessed at the rate of 9 öre per day. The ac- diers. Many women were employed by Constable Rudolph Hahn.80 It was counts then show that Karin escaped as maids in the villages in rural are- he who originally arrested her and with her life, although broken by the as. The men were employed as farm- reported her to the court. There is circumstances into which the preg- hands. The Sámi workers would often then no doubt that it was about Ka- nancy had led her. seek out other Sámi for support and rin Olofsdotter, the maid employed in There is a little irony in this tale in community, in the same way as emi- Gäddvik. that it was Lång-Påhl who meted out grating Swedes did when they arrived The Swedish word “excution” meant the flogging both of Lapp-Anna and in North America 200 years later. The in 18th-century Swedish to carry out, the “Lapp woman” Karin Olofsdot- Sámi participated to the full in church so when Lång-Påhl “did the excu- ter. One Sámi flogging another Sámi life in Gammelstad as part of the tion” it meant he carried out the pun- in public. In itself, this is no more up- farming family on the farms where ishment. The statement that the exe- setting than if a Swedish executioner they worked. Even the Sámi who lived cutioner “did the excution of a Lapp should flog a Swedish woman, but it like landless crofters in the villag- woman, Karin by Name” and that does clearly emphasise how the Sámi es were required to go to church like Constable Rudolph Hahn was called minority had adapted to the predomi- everyone else, occasionally attending to witness the punishment means she nant Swedish order. At the same time, church in Gammelstad.

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In the 20th century, many other minorities have been added to the immediate surroundings of the Church Town. This is not least because refugees from different parts of the world have come to Luleå at different points in time. During the of 1808‒1809, Gammelstad and Luleå were occupied by Russian soldiers. At the same time, national minorities such as Roma and Jews are conspicuously invisible in historical sources.

CHAPTER 4 Minorities in the world heritage site

At an early date, Finland was caught up in the Second World War. As a result of this, a total of about 70,000 Finnish children were transferred to Sweden. The first Finnish refugee children came to Luleå in 1942. The photograph is from the transit home at Storgatan 17, which was where the children first arrived.

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The multicultural Church Town not know how much truth there is in The common residents included seven In the previous chapters we saw how this, but the item shows how common soldiers, of whom one was called Lapp the Sámi and Finnish-speaking mi- it was with Sámi in the urban scene Anund. It must have been his wife norities in different ways populat- also in the new Luleå. who 6 years earlier was summoned to ed Luleå Parish. Also in Gammelstad There was often talk of “vagrants” the court in connection with a dispute Church Town itself, some Sámi are who settled near the church in Gam- with another woman. In the court re- described as perma- cords for 1682 it is nent residents. This described how the applies for exam- “Lapp woman and ple to the widow In- soldier’s wife In- gri Larsdotter who grid on the church lived there with her glebe” was in con- husband. When he flict with the wid- died, she remarried ow Elin over a job in 1780 “the Lapp as a cleaner. In a man” Pehr Anders- heated exchange, son, who came from Ingrid had threat- Jokkmokk. Also ened to cause evil to the “Lapp servant” Elin. Other exam- Catarina Larsdot- ples of “vagrants” ter lived in Gam- were “Hustro Karin melstad. In 1781, she Ryssens (Wife Karin married “the Lapp the Russian’s)”, “Sty- man” Lars Nilsson, In the past, reindeer were a natural part of life in the Church Town. Not only the Sámi, but rman Olof Finne who was living in farmers too used reindeer for transport. The above picture is from the Church Town in Kalix. (First Mate Olof the Luleå.82 Another ex- Finn)” and “Juth ample is the Sámi Anders Larsson. As melstad. In 1688, Chief District Judge Margeta (Danish Margeta)” whose mentioned earlier, he was one of three Henrik Wijnbladh made the stipula- different epithets spoke of ethnicity or constables in the parish, and living tion that a register should be made nationality other than Swedish.85 in the Church Town.83 In 1762, two- of those who came to live in the old The Finnish-speaking populace thirds of the newly established Luleå town on church and town property. were not registered as a special eth- town was destroyed by fire. The news- Some of them also had cattle where nic group. They become visible in the paper Inrikes tidningar blamed the fire they lived. In the opinion of the Chief cases where they have been given the on “the carelessness of Lapps, who lit District Judge, they would need to re- epithet “Finne”. From Nordberg’s ex- the fire in a barley storehouse on the ceive the permission of the parson or amination of the death records we estate of Judge P. Wallman”.84 We do the magistrate to remain living there. learn that the Sámi Andreas Larsson

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teach him to read Andreas Canuti to be a Norwegian fortunes.86 People man. That a Norwegian was living in were also sought Gammelstad and in addition was the for appointments in mayor shows how the town’s govern- the Church Town ance was more internationally influ- who had the spe- enced than we usually imagine.88 He cial multicultur- was not the only Norwegian in the al skills that were Church Town. In the 1690s a man required. When lived there called Michel Nilsson Jute, for example a bell- probably the cooper in the register of ringer was to be residents in Gammelstad from 1688. chosen in 1767, the His epithet “jute” he had because he parson mentioned was Norwegian and at the time, Nor- especially the mer- way was part of Denmark. The Danes its of Olof Laestadi- were generally called jutar (Jutes). us: “his knowledge Jut-Michel, as he was called, is of Lappish being an important rea- son, to teach the many Lapps who are in the Parish.”87 Also the parson Al- bert Nordberg, who wrote the history of Luleå Parish and the Church Town, had some knowl- edge of Sámi. Slowly a perma- On the picture, Fritz von Dardel is having his cigarette lit up by a nent urban popu- Finnish woman. Note the woman in the room behind, who is reading lation took form, a book. Village schools had just begun to appear in the 1850s. which also attract- ed professionals Michel Nilsson Jute was a cooper in Gam- from Avan was murdered in Gammel- of other nationalities. The mayor of melstad in the 1690s. As a Dane, he was stad in 1870 by a Finn who apparent- Gammelstad in 1636 and 1637 was Tor prosecuted for having been disrespectful of ly lived there. The Finn was going to Halvorson, who was said by the priest the King of Sweden.

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According to the words of Michael it was about revenge. The case was Flygare in court later, the “Jute” had tried at the summer assizes in 1691. declared that he had been a soldier Jut-Michel could now present favour- under the King of Denmark when able testimony from farmers in Svart- the lands discussed be- came Swedish. He was reported to have uttered “coarse and disdainful words” about the Swed- ish king and the “victo- ria” he had won in the last war over Skåne. He had apparently also ex- In summer 1809, Russia occupied the whole pressed that “the King of of present-day Norrbotten. The Russian ge- Sweden had sucked many neral, Nikolai Kamenski, occasionally stayed countries under him, like at the rectory in Gammelstad. a bloodhound, but the King of Denmark is still known because he was summoned to preserved.” After the vi- court for having insulted the Swed- olent discussion, Flygare ish nation. He had then lived in the had found it difficult to region for a long time, among other sleep at night, and talked places in Svartbyn, before he moved about Jut-Michel’s out- into the Church Town. One evening, burst to the carriage driv- the soldier Michael Flygare had vis- er Erik Springfält. Then ited him, and together they had sat he turned to the County enjoying a pipe of tobacco, and dur- Court regarding the an- ing the discussion the subject of the ti-national outburst. Swedish provinces of Jämtland and Jut-Mickel said that Skåne had come up. Since Sweden had Flygare’s accusations were taken possession of Jämtland in 1645 based on lust for revenge. and Skåne had finally become Swed- Jut-Mickel had suggest- ish in 1660, the events were not so ed that Flygare perhaps many decades back in time. The dis- stole a “woman’s hat” A Finnish female herder near Luleå was portrayed by Fritz von cussion became more and more heat- from Lars Tunnbindare’s Dardel in 1858. Below the picture is written in pencil “Herder ed. shed. Flygare denied that from Hohananti in Finland”.

84 Minorities in the world heritage site byn, where he had earlier lived, and also from the court records to acquit him of the charges. The charge of trea- son was serious and could result in a death penalty even though the words uttered only came in a heated dis- cussion over a pipe of tobacco. Since Michael Flygare upheld his accusa- tions, the judge decided to consult the County Governor on the matter. It is unclear how the issue was resolved.89 In the final stages of the war with Russia in 1808‒1809, Gammelstad Church Town was occupied by Rus- sian military forces. The officers lived in the Church Town instead of in Luleå, since Gammelstad lay on the Migrating reindeer herds and Sámi were a common sight in the villages along the Lule River old coast road where the troops trav- Valley at the end of the 19th century. When the railway between Luleå and the Orefields was elled. built, the reindeer became unnecessary as a means of transport. This contributed to a decrease There were even marriages between in reindeer transport. The picture is on a postcard. women in the Church Town and Rus- sian officers. The sisters Brita Cajsa who fell in the war and were buried formation was solely about the tradi- and Anna Charlotta were the daugh- in mass graves, among other places in tions and customs of Swedish-speak- ters of the Army surgeon Lars Åh- Persön and Alvik.90 ing people. The Church Town then man, who lived in Gammelstad. The At the end of the 1920s, ethnologi- appeared homogenously Swedish. In two women were renowned for their cal interest in Gammelstad increased. only one of the entries was Sámi pres- beauty and at the Russian base in the In 1930, the Nordic Museum sent out ence mentioned, and it was about the Church Town in 1809 they made the questionnaires about church towns Sámi in villages. acquaintance of two Russian officers. and religious feasts in northern Swe- It was the then 78-year-old Marga- A year later, they moved to Russia den. In connection with this, in 1930 reta Hansson who described her life and were married there. It is said that the regional daily Norrbottens Kuri- in Ängesbyn in the 1860s, when she they both became very wealthy. There ren organised an essay competition was young. Having described how re- were also Russian deserters – soldiers about religious feasts and their cele- ligious feasts were celebrated in Gam- who remained in the parish but who bration in Norrbotten. In the respons- melstad, she added: “now I have said were quickly assimilated into Swed- es that were sent in about celebrating what I know about religious feasts, ish culture. There were also Russians religious feasts in Gammelstad, the in- but I shall describe a little about

85 Minorities in the world heritage site young Lappish people.” She then de- The image of the Sámi in the official, national image of the Sámi scribed how they used to take part in old and new Luleå presence in Luleå. The first town was dances in Ängesbyn. On the particu- We have seen that in many ways the founded where the church was placed lar occasion she writes about, there Sámi had a special status in the histo- in the parish, on a mountain between participated eight Sámi girls from ry of Luleå Parish and Gammelstad. the larger villages at Lule River estu- Råneå, three Sámi from Smedsbyn, One interesting aspect is the nature of ary. After only just over 20 years, the town was built up in another place, 10 km closer to the sea, where conditions were much better for a harbour. The church cottages and the burgher quarters around the church were now called Gamla staden (The Old Town) or Gam- The artist Gustav Läw visited Gammelstad in 1695 to make a study for a town engraving which Eric Dahlberg then pub- melstad. The new lished. The Church Town is correctly depicted as regards topography. The stepped lych-gate behind the church is realisti- site closer to the cally depicted. The conglomeration of church cottages is drawn in an artistic way. This is certainly what it looked like. sea took over the name Luleå and two from Björsbyn, several from Sun- gradually grew into the town it is to- derbyn and some from her own home day. village, Ängesbyn. The two musicians In the two urban centres, different from Persön played dance music and urban visions are reflected. Gammel- the Sámi youths took part exactly like stad came to be associated with the the Swedish ones. This gives another long Christian presence, cemented by picture than that of “destitute Lapps”. tradition, in a northerly, harsh land- “Good looking, all of them, girls and scape. The new Luleå came to repre- boys. Fine clothes every one. There sent the growth of the modern day were not many farmboys who dressed Outside the church site, Läw placed a lone shipping town which freed itself from as fine as them. The same with the reindeer with a bell, pulling a geres sleigh. its rural background. The symbol- girls.”91 This is the only Sámi element in the picture. ic difference between the two urban

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In Eric Dahlberg’s engraving of “Old Luleå” the throng of church cottages from Läw’s model has been eliminated and the hill with the church on has been flattened. You get the impression of a lively, well-planned town. The impact of Sámi culture on the urban scene is profound. It is teeming with reindeer driving in different directions, and the foreground is flanked by hunters on skis. He knew that the Sámi were exotic to the internation- al audience. centres became very clear through In 1661, the architect and mili- earlier and later urban centres. the way in which the Sámi came to be tary man Eric Dahlberg was com- To create models for the engrav- used as illustrations of heritage. missioned to portray all the towns ings, the artist Gustav Läw was sent of Sweden in a huge project given north in 1695 to produce pictures of the name Suecia antiqua et hodier- the towns on the Bothnian Gulf. His na, which translated means “Past and drawing of Gammelstad is realistical- Present Sweden”. It was a work of top- ly done. He has drawn the conspicu- ographical plates with copper engrav- ous cliff where the church stands, with ings and was originally intended as a a conglomeration of church cottages gift to foreign countries. The purpose around it. was to picture Great Power Sweden The road to the new town of Luleå in a form that was as grand and mod- and the road from the south, from ern as possible. Since due to glacial re- Gäddvik, is marked with a horse bound it had been necessary to move transport with a carriage on each side. both Piteå and Luleå closer to the sea, The direction towards the Lappmark Hunter in the foreground. Detail. Dahlberg chose to portray both the areas is also given, where a man is

87 Minorities in the world heritage site drawn in a geres sleigh (Swe. ackja) The interesting thing is what hap- central motif of the picture. In the behind a reindeer. You are given the pened to the minority perspective right foreground, three men in geres impression of small, sleepy country once Eric Dahlberg had Läw’s draw- sleighs are driving in single file with town in fairly hilly terrain. His draw- ings in his hands and transformed a lone hunter on skis standing watch- ing of the new town of Luleå shows them into engravings. Dahlberg had ing. On the left side, a man is hold- that it is only half constructed on the travelled internationally, spending a west side of the church, and that it is dozen years in Germany. He had been very much seafaring in character. The on long overseas trips to and harbour is praised in the caption as Italy, and been in Queen Kristina’s ret- being remarkable in size. inue in Rome. He had a continental view of what was interesting in Swe- den, in addition, the town pictures had a rhetorical function. They were to sell the image of Great Power Swe- den as both an interesting part of Eu- rope and as a country under expan- sive development.92 If Läw visited the Church Town on an ordinary The two goals became extreme- weekday, it was sure to have been as desert- ly clear in the portrayal of Gammel- Läw’s drawing of the harbour in Gammelstad ed as it looks. It is only in the middle-class gives a lifeless impression. One can see by stad and Luleå in that he went far fur- burgher quarter one sees smoke rising from the upside-down rowing boats, and the horse ther than Läw’s sketches in polarising two chimneys. pulling a sleigh that it is winter. The frozen the two urban centres. In the picture, inlet does not allow any shipping. Gammelstad, or “Civitas vetus Lu- hlæ” (Luleå Old Town) as the heading read in Latin, he has altered the to- pography. The church is no longer on a marked hill, and the conglomeration of small church cottages now gives the impression of small, well-planned townhouses in a more extensive and airy urban plan. Above all, it is teem- ing with Sámi people, compared with In Dahlberg’s version, there is scope for vi- With regard to certain details, Dahlberg sion. The summery inlet of Gammelstadsvik- Läw’s model. They completely dom- follows Läw, such as the four houses in the en gives the impression of a lively port. In the inate the foreground and form the foreground. But here, people are out and foreground it is instead the depths of winter, visual framework of the church and about and the lush trees on the churchyard with a galloping reindeer. the Church Town, which form the give a cultivated impression.

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have seen, in the late 17th century and the 18th th century, there were repeated re- gional bans on begging. In certain cases, Sámi dwellings were torn down, and the farmers who accom- modated the Sámi were fined.93 With Dahlberg, the contrast between the old and new Luleå is total. Here we see no sign of the Sámi, even though it is less than On the 10 km between them. The square is large and as flat as the Piazza San Marco in Venice. On the shore to the left, several boats contrary, are under construction. In the foreground, people are gathering leaves instead of hunting. Eric Dahl- gren re- ing a reindeer, and there too, a hunter the left, yet another reindeer is being inforced the Sámi presence around is watching him. You get the impres- driven, with the caption “Via Lappon- Gammelstad Church Town. It was sion that the men with reindeer are iam versus”, that is to say, the road to used to mark reminiscence of the his- dressed in an upper-class way while Lapland. In the background we see torical old Luleå. For the intended the hunters are dressed in leather. This how a reindeer with a geres sleigh is public on the Continent, it also con- could be used as an illustration of re- on its way to the town, apparently ac- tributed to giving Sweden an exotic lations between the Birkarl traders companied by a skier. touch, something Nordically wild and and hunting Sámi. On the snow-cov- Against the background of the long original. In the foreground, we see the ered courtyard in front of the Church expressed dissatisfaction on the part untamed wilderness in a stark win- Town, no less than four reindeer with of the County Governor over the ter environment. In the background, sleighs are driving in different direc- presence of Sámi in the coastal region, the Christian middle-class town with tions, and two horses, each pulling a Dahlgren’s symbolic national promo- small shops and boats down by the sleigh. On the way out of the town to tion of the Sámi is a paradox. As we shore facing the Bothnian Gulf, and

89 Minorities in the world heritage site by extension, the Continent. The Sámi to the Birkarl traders. This was a type trees. On the inlet at the north har- wilderness is in contact with Europe- of trade tax.95 Tributes were converted bour, two sailing ships are on their an civilisation, but nevertheless as a into state tax when the Birkarl trad- way out. peripheral landscape on the outside. ers lost their exclusive right to trade At the long quay, which bends That the Sámi came into town with with the Sámi, and were forced by round towards Gültzaudden, lie about their products was a change com- Gustav Vasa instead to become Lap- 15 sailing ships at anchor with an end- pared to how trade had previous- land bailiffs. When present-day Gam- less row of shops standing wall-to- ly been managed by the Birkarl trad- melstad was founded as Luleå town in wall. On the shore to the left in the ers. At the end of the 16th century, the 1621, the Birkarl traders were forced to picture lie the keels of three ships un- Birkarl trader Nils Andersson (Kråka) move from their homes in the villages der construction. There is a buzz of from Söderby (Sunderbyn) recounts into town. In practice they kept their activity. The square between the har- that they visited the Sámi in their homes in the villages but adapted to bour and the church is more reminis- winter settlements at Epiphany in Jan- the new regulations and formally be- cent of the Piazza San Marco in Ven- uary. On Annunciation day at the came town dwellers. ice than the square of a little coastal end of March every second year, the When the town of Luleå moved to town in northern Sweden. Right at Sámi came down to Harads and al- its present location the former Birkarl the centre of the town, an impressive ternate years to Bredåker, where they traders became even more clearly ur- town hall or courthouse towers, com- met the Birkarl traders. They brought ban dwellers, but the traders on the peting with the church for attention. with them reindeer skins, reindeer coast continued their journeys up to Above it stands the text Curia (Court- skin shoes, squirrel skins and fish. The the Lappmark areas even in the 19th house). The picture heralds the arrival Birkarl traders brought among other century.96 At the same time, some of modernity. The picture of the new things homespun wool, blagarn (short of the trade moved into the modern Luleå at the start of the 18th centu- fibre flax), flour, bread, axes, door- town. In Eric Dahlgren’s published ry showed that the Sámi had no place locks and small copper pans. They picture of “Civitas nova Luhle”, The there. They were now expected to be also brought scythes just under half New Luleå, the foreground is com- Swedish. a metre long which the Sámi sold on pletely different from that in the pic- to Norway. From Norway, the Sámi ture of Gammelstad. It is a summery From visibility to invisibility brought dried fish which they sold to picture with hinds or deer trotting Eric Dahlberg’s polarised image of the Birkarl traders.94 about, but the deer can also be incor- Gammelstad a “Lapp Town” and the The Birkarl traders constituted a rectly drawn reindeer. No Sámi are in new Luleå as the traders’ “modern trade consortium of coastal farmers sight now, but if one looks closely one town” was not in line with reality. The who owned shares in the trade with can see two roaming reindeer on the Sámi continued to be part of the street Sámi, but the Sámi were not passive shore. In the foreground one can see scene even in the new town. Besides subjects of the Birkarl traders. The five men in the verdant forest, one of the Sámi who lived in the Church well-off Sámi were also traders. In ear- them on a horse. They are busy with Town itself and in the villages around, lier times, they paid private tributes some form of leaf gathering from the many Sámi, even in the 19th century,

90 Minorities in the world heritage site still travelled down to the coast to do The tradition of Lappmark trade thus with the Sámi. One of them was run business with traders. They then trav- moved in to the new Luleå. by Alderman Nils Sundström, who elled to the new Luleå where the com- Home owner Nils Fredrik Sund- was born in 1797 and described as a merce was. Some then were accom- ström of Hertsön, who was aged forceful man. Vice consul Paul Gove- modated by their trade contacts, while around 15 in the mid-1870s, mentions nius had a shop in Gällivare also and others erected lávvu tents in plac- that at the time there were four trad- traded with the Gällivare Sámi. He es where the reindeer could forage. ing houses in Luleå that pursued trade could speak Sámi, and Sundström

In 1877 an industrial and handicraft exhibition was held at the grammar school in Luleå. In the background we see the residence of the County Governor with the two annexes. In the foreground, a Sámi family has been placed in the middle of modernisation and the nationally flapping flags. The intellectual emphasis is evident. Everyone is discussing with each other.

91 Minorities in the world heritage site writes: “fun it was to see this always were in contact with traders in Luleå. the Forest Sámi in the Lule River Val- well-dressed gentleman surround- The Sámi were to a certain extent em- ley who had been using the coastal ed by and conversing with the Lapps, ployees of the traders as transporters area until then. It was reindeer owners since they were in large numbers of goods, but also pursued their own from Udtja, Kåikul and Rödingsträsk, with hundreds of reindeer in Luleå to trading. When they were staying in as well as Mountain Sámi from Sir- transport goods.” Govenius was the the coastal area they lived in their láv- kas. In addition, the Forest Sámi from trader who at the time had the biggest vu tents in the area between Gammel- East and West Kikkejaur in Piteå Lap- trade turnover. Both Sundström and stad and Luleå. pmark had sometimes used the area.99 Govenius had their business facilities From the above description we have Many factors thus contributed to on Skeppsbrogatan Street at the North seen that in the 1870s, the Sámi still the Sámi becoming invisible in the ur- Harbour, which had a long row of periodically constituted a lively ele- ban settings. After the turn of the cen- stores alongside the quay for the stor- ment in street life in Luleå. It was a tury in 1900, there was an end to both age of the traders’ goods. time when reindeer were of crucial trade journeys and the regular winter On Rådstugatan Street, the trader importance in transportation. Up un- migrations with reindeer. At the same Nils Erik Bergström had his impos- til the 1890s, there was still no road time, the Sámi in village populations ing wooden house in Russian-Finn- between Luleå and Jokkmokk.98 At became assimilated into Swedish cul- ish style with horizontal panelling, the same time, the construction of the ture, as matrimonial statistics show. A which his father had had built – the railway to the coast and Gällivare was romanticised view of Mountain Sámi Bergströmska Homestead, which still quickly becoming populated in the also emerged from the late 19th cen- exists. His father was the son of a form of a fast growing shanty town. tury. A true Sámi lived in the moun- farmer from Råneå and pursued ex- There was a great need of transport by tains, not on the coast. Sámi pres- tensive Lappmark trading in among reindeer in winter. ence in connection with Gammelstad other things tar, farm produce, rein- When the railway reached Luleå in Church Town and Luleå town there- deer skins, herring and reindeer skin 1888, the Sámi presence in the town fore disappeared from the collective shoes. The son, Nils Erik, took over decreased drastically. There was quite consciousness. the business with the house in Råd- simply no longer a need of their trans- In the period up until 1890, the stugatan Street as his business premis- port services. It was not only Sámi multicultural content in life in general es. It is one of few wooden houses that transport by reindeer that ceased. seems still to have been self-evident. survived the fire in 1887 and the house Also the Sámi who had been using How this found expression in practice is today a listed building. Kallax moor and Nordantill moor at we must often guess, but there is one Benjamin Forsberg too, who lived the mouth of the Lule River for sea- shining exception: the famous journey on the corner of Kyrkogatan-Köp- sonal reindeer foraging stopped us- of Crown Prince Karl XV in North mangatan, traded in Lappmark prod- ing those areas around 1900. From in- Sweden in 1858. Also on this journey ucts, as did the tanner Rutberg who terviews with Sámi in the survey of was the artist Fritz von Dardel, who ran his business at the south quay in 1912‒1916 and in the 1919 and 1930s was a gifted illustrator and in addi- Luleå.97 So there were many Sámi who Lapp delegations, we see that it was tion liked to draw and paint popular

92 Minorities in the world heritage site motifs.100 His drawings and watercol- the west side of the Lule River. Both er times they slept in bakery cottages ours from the journey show how both groups herded their reindeer between owned by farmers to whom they re- Sámi and Finns were a natural part of spring, summer, autumn and winter turned year after year. In later years everyday life in the Lule River Valley. areas, and reindeer husbandry was they had a mobile barrack as a tempo- carried on both above and below the rary overnight place. He tells us that Sámi reindeer husbandry Lappmark boundary.101 many farmers owned reindeer and he in modern times Sören worked in reindeer husband- tended the reindeer for them. When When in the 1960s a large reindeer ry in the Flakaberg herd was photographed at the Bergnäs group through his Bridge in the middle of Luleå it was entire adult life. seen as a news item. No one thought His family foraged of the long tradition behind the event, reindeer east of the since neither reindeer nor Sámi had Råne and west of been seen for such a long time. But Ängesån River. He the fact that the reindeer were ab- was 88 years old at sent from the mouth of the Lule Riv- the time of an in- er throughout the first half of the 20 terview in autumn th century did not mean that rein- 2018, and was then deer husbandry had ceased below the living in the town of Lappmark boundary. It had just been Boden. According moved somewhat higher from the to Sören, through- coast than previously. out the 1940s and One of those who pursued reindeer 50s, they never mi- husbandry in the nearby Råne Riv- grated further to- er Valley in the first half of the 20th wards the coast century is Sören Andersson from the with their reindeer village of Flakaberg in present-day than to the town of Sören Andersson, Forest Sámi from Flakaberg, has lived with reinde- Boden Municipality. The Flakaberg Råneå. It was never er husbandry all his life. “We stayed in different shacks and had no group in Gällivare Forest Sámi com- needed, because the lávvu tents, no goahte huts,” he says. munity had its main settlement just foraging was good, south of the Lappmark boundary. Its for example at Niemisel among other he thinks back, he realises in a way main settlement was on the east side places. They never had lávvu tents or how his life has actually been. “It’s of the Lule River, while the Forest goahte huts anywhere. “We lay in dif- been a dog’s life, if you think about it. Sámi group in Rödingsträsk, which ferent shacks, there were old shacks You would die if you had to live like belongs to Udtja Forest Sámi com- everywhere. I spent three Christmas that today. And just crispbread and munity, had its main settlement on Eves in one of the shacks.” At oth- meat as a diet.” He says it without sen-

93 Minorities in the world heritage site timentality. Just a statement of fact His mother tongue was Sámi, and er, Sámi stopped to the west. To the with an objective smile. He is now he had to learn Swedish after start- east, you encountered the Överkalix spending his retirement in a house ing school. “I remember so well when dialect when you left Suobbat. He es- in the centre of Boden with all mod- I was going to learn to tell the time. I timates that in his childhood there ern conveniences. The standard of liv- knew the time, yet I didn’t. It was in were several hundred Sámi-speaking ing has advanced in giant leaps since the wrong language.” He experienced people in the villages round about. he was a child, just as it has for oth- Sámi as a little island in a sea of the Now he thinks there are just six peo- ers who lived in the country in those Swedish speakers where they were ple left there who speak Sámi. One ex- days.102 living. In Mårdsel on the Råne Riv- ample of how Swedish has taken over

According to Sören, many farmers owned reindeer which the Sámi tended for them. The picture was taken in 1937 in Kalix Forest Sámi community.

94 Minorities in the world heritage site place names is Lake Muggträsket in- their rights to side the Överkalix municipal bound- pursue reindeer ary. That is its name on the tourist husbandry at the map of Norrbotten printed by Gen- coast were re- eralstaben in 1974. In Sámi its name scinded. In the is Guhkkárjávrre, a name that does government re- not exist on the map, not even in the port Custom- place name registry of the Land Sur- ary Sámi Lands vey. Sören explains the meaning of (SOU 2006:14), the Sámi name of this narrow, extend- the large reindeer ed lake. “It has two meanings in Sámi. lichen moors Guhka means ‘long’ but guhkkár is around Gam- also used for tobacco pouch.” He trac- melstad, Kallax es with his finger the map of Norr- and Luleå are re- botten northwards from Muggträsket. served as areas Reindeer roundup in Råneå, probably in the 1950s. In the foreground, “But Hällberget! What bloody moun- where the inves- the Sámi Petter Eriksson, right, with his son Helmer. Left, both from tain is that? It’s called Gieddevárre for tigators consid- Flakaberg. In the middle, Gunhild Hansson, born in Orrbyn. Others unk- heaven’s sake!” Giedde means a natu- er that reindeer nown. ral pasture and reindeer foraging site foraging rights where there was a lávvu tent pitch.103 are “predominantly probable” even if The case has been tried in court be- Sören points with his finger just the landowners do not consider there tween landowners and the Sámi com- above. “Vitberget! Buovddavárre it to be proven reindeer foraging rights. munities of Udtja and Gällivare, and should be. There is a natural explana- This applies also to a disputed area be- the court found in favour of the land- tion for that. It has a bald pate stick- tween Boden and Harads that extends owners. The verdict came into force ing up just above the treetops.” as far as Niemisel. based purely on the landowners’ ma- Sören’s life as a reindeer owner and Regarding a 50 km wide rectangu- terial. Additionally, not all the land- reindeer herder shows how little re- lar area from Boden down to the sea, owners were parties in the case, so mained of Sámi culture in the coast- the Sámi considered that there are for those who were not involved, the al area in the 1940s and 50s. The For- reindeer foraging rights, but there the question of reindeer foraging rights is est Sámi kept with their reindeer in investigators consider that it is “not untried.104 inland areas closer to the Lappmark proven or less probable”. In the mid- Sören Andersson’s nephew has con- boundary, not at the coast. Their pres- dle of the area there is a small round tinued with reindeer husbandry and ence in principle disappeared from enclave, less than 10 km in circumfer- during the 21st century has had rein- the collective consciousness of those ence, where reindeer foraging is for- deer in winter in the forests around who lived in the villages around Gam- bidden. It lies east of the Lule River Luleå and Gammelstad and out on melstad. But this did not mean that between Sävast and Södra Sunderbyn. the islands in the archipelago. He has

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ical items from the county and to publish descriptions of the heritage of Norrbot- ten County. The region- al emphasis in the society’s activities was marked by the County Governor be- ing voted the permanent chairman.105 This was in the middle of the most tu- multuous phase of indus- trialism. Two years later, the arrival of the main rail- way line in Luleå was cel- ebrated, and it in turn was linked to the main line to Gällivare and Kiruna. Pros- perity was knocking on the door. The collection of Sámi In Flakaberg, the Forest Sámi culture was combined with Swedish farming culture. On the picture, two ájtte items was initially a special stores, where after the autumn slaughter, reindeer stomachs filled with blood are hung up to dry. issue for the society. For a long time the general opin- experienced repeated conflicts with ruary 1886, a group of serious men ion had been that the Sámi as an eth- property owners, who among other gathered in the meeting room of the nic group were about to succumb to things have complained about rein- County Administrative Board Luleå. civilisation. It was a question now of deer coming onto the plots of their Their titles included Knight, Lieuten- saving something of their character- summer cottages. From Sámi history ant-Colonel, County Secretary, Sen- istic close-to-nature culture for pos- at the coast, this is the thin thread that ior Clerk, Mayor, Director, Headmas- terity. As early as 1890, the board was takes us back to everyday life at the ter and Grammar School Teacher. made aware of a rival activity with re- Church Town a few centuries ago. This meeting resulted in the forma- gard to Sámi activities. The forester tion of Norrbotten Museum Society Hugo Samzelius had advertised in the The open air museum which was the first society of its type local newspapers a campaign to col- at Gültzaudden in the county. The statutes state that lect Sámi items for the Nordic Muse- Minorities too have become the ob- the purpose was to preserve and com- um. The museum society perceived ject of museums’ interest. On 16 Feb- pile ethnographic and natural histor- this as a rival activity and urged mem-

96 Minorities in the world heritage site bers of the board not to become rep- resentatives for the Nordic Museum. When in 1915, the secretary David Törnqvist suggested the foundation of an open-air museum on Gültza­ udden Point similar to Skansen in Stockholm, it was self-evident to in- clude the Sámi collection in the pro- ject. For Luleå’s 300th Jubilee in 1921, a site for the celebrations was prepared at Udden, as the area was called, and a copy of the old town hall from 1690s was built up. During the Jubilee, the building was used as museum to dis- play all types of folk items, but also to display the Sámi collection and the sa- cred environment in Gammelstad. By now, the society had changed its name to Norrbotten County Heritage Asso- ciation. Luleå council building was constructed in 1691 and demolished in 1861. Based on the drawing In the newly-formed Heritage As- below, a copy was erected on Gültzaudden in 1921. It served as the County Museum until the sociation, a special “Lapp section” present-day museum was built. was immediately formed, in which the Lapland bailiffs Clas Österberg rey storehouse from Kukasjärvi in the a Lapp camp was set up on the stony and Johan Olof Holm were members. Finnish-speaking area of Norrbot- hill farthest out on the northernmost Fairly soon, the section received par- ten was purchased, for example, and part of Gültzaudden, which faces liamentary funding for investigations built up. The ambitious dairy woman Mjölkudden and the North Harbour. into Sámi culture and history, which Anna Gustafsson, an association The first parts were built for the among other things funded language board member, handed over Jubilee exhibition in sum- research. As an open-air museum it a collection of Finnish mer 1921 and among other was seen as an important mission to traditional dress. There things comprised a láv- acquire valuable heritage buildings. were also plans to set vu tent which stood This was a question of farm buildings up a “Lapp church” on the east slope to- from different parts of the county, but nothing came of wards Bergviken. In also including the culture of the Torne them.106 the years that River Valley, Tornedalen. A two-sto- However, followed, two

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Within a few years then, the Heritage Association built up both a Mountain Sámi and a Forest Sámi dwelling site in an ambitious way to exemplify Sámi culture in the coun- ty. However, the two Sámi settlements were a sorry tale. They were vandal- ised time after time. Therefore the lávvu tent was fairly soon dismantled and it was replaced in 1926 by a peat goahte, but also other Sámi buildings were sab- In the beginning of the 20th century, the Sámi were considered to be in an organic union with nature. The Sámi who did otaged. From the not work in the reindeer industry were therefore not considered authentic Sámi. One example is when two Sámi to- fact that it was only gether with two Swedes in the Reindeer Forage Commission of 1907 were photographed against an arranged backdrop the Sámi settlement to underline their union with nature. that was subjected to vandalism in the complete Lapp camps were built up the northernmost part, looking out open-air museum, one can draw the adjacent to each other. Based on the towards Mjölkudden, a Forest Sámi conclusion that it was based on hostil- lávvu tent, a Mountain Sámi settle- settlement was built that comprised ity towards the Sámi. One might call ment was built up, which in addition a square Forest Sámi goahte, an ájtte it xenophobia if one considered the to the lávvu comprised a njalla store store on four legs, a drying rack and long period during which the official standing on a hewn tree trunk, a dry- a reindeer enclosure for milking and approach adopted was that the Sámi ing rack and a goat shed. The Moun- separating reindeer. The settlement belonged above the Lappmark bound- tain Sámi settlement lay in the south- stood on a fine spot, separated from ary and that they were intruders in ern part of the wooded hill nearest the festival site and with a view of the the coastal area. In reality, the Sámi the festival site and the town hall. On setting sun in the summer months. were neither foreigners nor intruders.

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During the emergence of Luleå Parish they had constantly been present as a self-evident part of the cultural envi- ronment, even in the coastal area. The vandalism of the two Sámi set- tlements became public knowledge when the well-known archaeologist Gustaf Hallström in autumn 1926, af- ter a visit to Gültzaudden, put forward strong criticism of how the Sámi set- tlement was mismanaged. At the time, Hallström was working as an anti- quarian at the Swedish National Her- itage Board. Already in 1924 he had visited the Sámi settlement with great curiosity and become bitterly disap- pointed, particularly with the Moun- tain Sámi section which he considered Using as a model Skansen open-air museum built in an ugly way and ethnographi- in Stockholm, a Lapp camp was built up on cally incorrect. He paid the visit as in- Gültzaudden Point. However, the lávvu tent spector of Gültzaudden recreational was vandalised time after time and soon area at the remit of national antiquar- replaced by a peat goahte. ian Sigurd Curman. During the visit he turned to the then director of Nor- ciation had been given state funding rbotten County Heritage Association for its efforts for Sámi culture. Once and two members of the board and he had returned to Stockholm, Hall- mentioned the shortcomings. Out of ström gave his critical views to the consideration to the association’s rep- national antiquarian and wrote a de- utation, he made no written report in tailed report about Gültzaudden as return for the promise that the short- a recreational area, and in particu- comings would be rectified. When he lar about the Sámi cultural environ- returned in 1926, it looked exactly the ment.107 In addition, he had given in- The archaeologist Gustaf Hallström delivered same, with the difference that the láv- terviews in local newspapers stating bitter criticism of the Lapp camp on Gültza­ vu tent had been dismantled and re- his critical views on the Sámi camp. udden. He considered it constructed in an placed by a newly built peat goahte. His main criticism was that the Sámi ugly way, and said that it was mismanaged It is relevant that the Heritage Asso- camps were amateur-like and incor- by the Heritage Association.

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the back of the statement regarding Hallström’s ear- association. lier written criticism. A copy of the The criticism written article was sent by the Herit- in addition had age Association to the national anti- been trumpet- quarian, but the Association decided ed out in pub- not to respond to the criticism in the lic through local newspapers.110 “rather sharp Östergren explained in his state- statements” in ment that no one currently on the the press.108 board had received knowledge of Later in the the verbal criticism that Hallström autumn, Hall- had put forward in 1924 and that no ström trav- one from the board or the Lapp sec- elled north tion had been present during the vis- and then, at it in May 1926. He explained also that the special re- Hallström had not understood that quest of Sig- the peat goahte represented a Fish- urd Curman, ing Lapp camp, not a Mountain Lapp paid a visit to camp, and that what was described as Luleå to meet a sheep shed belonging to it was not a representatives sheep shed, but a goat tent. “… for just of the Heritage occasionally, it happens, that a Fishing Association. Lapp keeps sheep, a Mountain Lapp It was time to n e v e r…”. 111 Here, the Lapland Bailiff mend fences. rapped the dwelling ethnographer The two-storey storehouse from Kukasjärvi represented Tornedalen cul- Among other on the fingers, who in his reply was ture. It was seen as a self-evident part of the county’s heritage. The buil- people, he met forced to back down a little from his dings were maintained but the Tornedalen Finnish mother tongue was not. the Lapland criticism and admit his mistake about Bailiff Claes the sheep shed.112 rectly constructed. The Heritage As- Östergren who had had main respon- Basically however, Hallström was sociation was completely taken aback sibility for the construction of the proven right in his criticism. A year by this. The County Governor Gös- Sámi camp. According to Hallström, later, the Association stated that it was ta Malm, who was the chairman of the atmosphere was good during the difficult to keep the Sámi buildings the association, in his disappointment talk.109 Not long afterwards, Österberg in good condition because of the re- wrote a letter to Curman in which he handed over to Norrbotten County peated vandalism. It was decided to criticised Hallström for going behind Heritage Association as requested a tear down the most vulnerable parts.113

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Once Norrbotten Museum was com- pleted in 1935, interest in Sámi herit- age was concentrated there. The fol- lowing year, the Association asked the permission of Luleå Municipality to take down the Forest Sámi lávvu and the Sámi njalla store.114 By the ear- ly 1970s, when all the heritage build- ings on Udden had been moved to their current site at Hägnan in Gam- melstad, no Sámi buildings were erected on the new site, although the Tornedalen two-storey storehouse was transported there as a separate build- ing. Sámi cultural heritage had now been made completely invisible in the new open-air museum managed by The Pite cabin was moved to Gültzaudden in 1926. The picture is from 1974 when it was dis- Norrbotten Museum, which was built mantled and moved to the new open-air museum Hägnan in Gammelstad. The idea was to link near the vicarage directly adjacent to the old buildings to the Church Town and create an organic cultural entity there.

Gammelstad Church Town. In 1992, it Finns. Luleå’s proximity to Finland passed into municipal ownership. was demonstrated by events during the Second World War. The presence of the other In March 1941, the town council in national minorities Luleå proposed undertaking to spon- As a result of the 1808‒1809 war sor 10 orphaned Finnish children in against Russia, Sweden acquired two the Finnish town of Kemi at a cost of new minorities. They were the popu- 3,600 SEK a year. The proposal was lation of Tornedalen on the Swedish rejected by the magistrate, but com- side of the Torne River, which became mitment to Finnish war children con- a small Finnish-speaking minority tinued.115 When Finland was drawn on the border with Finland. The oth- into the Continuation War against Furthest out on Udden, a Forest Sámi camp er was the ethnic Finns in Finland the Soviet Union in June 1941, evac- was built up. It consisted of a square Forest who, following the Second World War uation of Finnish children to Sweden Sámi goahte, an ájtte store on four legs, a when they immigrated to Sweden as a began. Already in October, the Aid drying rack and a reindeer enclosure. workforce, came to be called Sweden Committee for Finland’s Children was

101 Minorities in the world heritage site founded in Luleå. Those behind this branch of the Swedish Women’s Vol- ship. In Finland, both County Gov- initiative included Helny Wanhainen untary Defence Organization and oth- ernor Hillilä of Lappi County and and Eva Jonzon. The former was mar- er voluntary organisations contribut- school head Koskimies of Rovaniemi ried to agriculturalist W.L. Wanhain- ed by collecting money. were opposed to the transfer of Finn- en, who was a well-known spokesman In Luleå Municipality, there was a ish children to Sweden. The argu- for the cultural rights of the people of debate in autumn 1941 on the suitabil- ments included psychological con- Tornedalen. The latter was married ity of receiving war children and on siderations. However, the inexorable to Bishop Bengt Jonzon. The Luleå plans for a system of child sponsor- nature of the Continuation War meant that such considerations had to be abandoned and that both were car- ried out – war children were received and contributions to child sponsor- ship were sent. In January 1942, 47 people had volunteered to receive children, a number that ultimately reached over 300 recipients. In spring 1942, the first Finnish war children were received at the train station in Luleå. They were accommodated in a transit facility before being boarded out with the individual families. It appears that in the initial phase, the applicants’ wishes to accommo- date children were received by tele- phone and written down by hand on squared note paper. The wife of a saw- mill worker in Bodträskfors wished for a “boy, 2 years”, a home owner in Börjelslandet “girl 4‒6 years”, a house- wife in Vallen “child/boy not girl/6 years”. One note is about a senior teacher in whose three children needed to be placed. There was a girl In spring 1942, the first Finnish war children were received in Luleå. They came by train from aged only a couple of months, a sister Haparanda. Many people in Luleå were prepared to receive children. On the photo from 1944, who was two years old, and the broth- Finnish children are playing in Stadsparken. er who was three. The terse text was

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as support families. There were home gatan Street in Luleå a Centre for Finn- owners, mechanics, housewives, po- ish Livestock was set up. Experts on licemen, teachers, priests, shop own- feed, livestock and construction issues ers and others. In Södra Sunderbyn, were enlisted in a special management the mining company LKAB set up a group for dealing with the refugee home for Finnish children. After the question. Per Östlund became accom- cessation of hostilities, the Finnish modation superintendent for the refu- war children began to be sent home gee facility and for a live-in facility for as long as they had a home to go back Finnish animal keepers, both located to, but by April 1948, 11 children still in the old Notviken. In his work, he remained. Eight of the Finnish war distributed household items, clothes children were adopted by the foster and hygiene articles to the refugees, parents in villages around Luleå and as well as iron stoves, mattresses and so did not return to Finland. blankets, along with all the equipment In Gammelstad Church Town, needed to tend and milk livestock. shoe shop owner Per Östlund in Up to February 1945, the villag- particular was engaged in different es around Luleå received over 1,500 forms of aid. He contributed mon- cows, over 100 horses and 450 sheep. ey to sponsoring children and came All these animals were provided with Those who received children could be sent to play an important role in organ- fodder every day.117 One of those who thank-you letters from the children after the ising matters during the war. When worked at the chief constable’s office war, or from the Finnish parents. The boy on at the end of the Second World War in Gammelstad, allocating the Finnish the picture sent a photo of himself from the the Germans hastily retreated from refugee families with their livestock to children’s home in Finland where he lived after his return. The silhouette below is writ- northern Finland into northern Nor- different farms, was Anna Vikström 118 ing-paper logo of the Mannerheim League for way, they burned villages and towns from Södra Sunderbyn. She later Child Welfare used in correspondence with as they went. A large wave of Finn- married Birger Åström of Norsgården Swedish foster parents. ish refugees walked across to Swe- farm in Gäddvik. He was also one den bringing their cows and porta- of those who received Finnish refu- “Mother dead – bombing.”116 ble household items. Many of them gees and their cows. “They could have By the beginning of March 1942, were housed 80 children had been placed in and in Tornedalen, around Luleå and Gammelstad. By the while others end of April, a further 47 children had walked on un- been placed according to the lists of til they found the Aid Committee for Finland’s Chil- somewhere. dren. All social classes were engaged On Skeppsbro-

103 Minorities in the world heritage site their cows in the summer cattle shed. villages around Luleå in the first half ible in the cultural heritage of Gam- So they themselves lived in the bakery of the 20th century was not specifi- melstad. For religious reasons, Juda- cottage. There were two men and two cally related to the war. It can rather ism was long forbidden in Sweden. women. I believe they were married. be compared to the Sámi and Finn- There were nevertheless a number of They only spoke Finnish,” he says. ish maids who in the 18th and 19th cen- itinerant Jewish traders in Sweden in Besides receiving war refugees, tury had seasonal jobs on farms. But the 17th century. According to an or- they occasionally employed Finnish the war years certainly contributed dinance from 1685, all Jews were to be maids who had seasonal jobs on the to opening the door to an increase expelled from the country, but in the farm. On another farm in Gäddvik, in this type of Finnish work migra- 18th century, Jews received the right to two Finnish sisters were employed as tion. In Gäddvik, Finnish labour was reside and own properties in Stock- maids by two brothers who shared not uncommon. Friendship ties were holm, and Norrköping. ownership of the property. The sis- forged and people visited each other The Jews were thus forbidden to set- ters each married one of the broth- in both Sweden and Finland. tle in other places in Sweden. It was ers and they remained in the village.119 Among the national minorities, the not until 1860 the government decid- Employment of Finnish maids in the Jews and the Roma are the most invis- ed that “Swedes of the Mosaic Con- fession” were entitled to live where they wanted. In sources that concern Gammelstad and Luleå, no Jews can be seen. On the other hand, the Jews were affected by the antisemitism that found expression particularly dur- ing the Second World War. For ex- ample, in 1943 a teacher at the school in Svartöstaden received a reprimand from the school council for spreading anti-Semitic propaganda in school.120 Swedish attitudes towards the Roma have been even tougher than against the Jews. In the 16th century, Arch- bishop Laurentius Petri issued a letter ordering the priesthood not to deal with the Roma, neither bury their bodies nor baptise their children. A nationwide ordinance was issued in Anna and Gunnar Boman were among those who received war children. Eight of the Finnish war 1637 to hang the men and expel the children were adopted by their foster parents in villages around Luleå after the war. women and children wherever they

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vik was formerly called Lappskatan and why in the 19th century many Sámi were registered in Notviken. However she does have recollections when she was 6 or 7 in the beginning of the 1950s of how the Roma would live for short pe- riods on the edge of the forest near Karlsvik, just north of pastures be- longing to farm. “There could be three very ba- sic caravans and you could sometimes hear how they were playing. It was often the women who had to drive the cows from the Finnish to the Swedish side when the Germans were I remember mostly that burning northern Finland in the final stages of the war. Over 1,500 cows and 100 horses were placed on farms in we felt very sorry for the villages around Luleå. them, because it could be cold and there were were found.121 The ordinance was not between Karlsvik and Notviken was a children. We did not really dare go so followed, but the attitudes towards place where people could live tempo- close because it was a little danger- the Jews, Roma and Sámi show what rarily. As a child she a long tradition of xenophobia has ex- had heard that the isted in Sweden. Sámi used to wan- Neither are the Roma particular- der around there. ly prominent in sources in Luleå. She had no idea A woman interviewed in Gammel- what was meant by stad tells us that in the 1950s, a Roma “wander around child was in her school class for a there”. Neither was few weeks, but she then disappeared this anything she and did not come back. Eva Sjöblom, had experienced brought up in Gäddvik, said in an in- herself, but it ex- terview in autumn 2018 that the area plains why Karls-

105 Minorities in the world heritage site ous. They were called vagrants. Peo- she wondered what it might feel like ians, especially during youth feasts. ple looked down on them a little be- to actually not have a fixed dwelling The Italian traders sold goods that cause they travelled around and did that was “home”.122 were in big demand among young not have a permanent dwelling like As regards the many traders who people such as bear mascots, whistles, we did in Gäddvik. It was like that in have been active in the Church Town rings and glasses.123 In addition they those days.” In a child’s perspective down the centuries, there are also Ital- could sell odd items such as balloons,

The Roma were recurring visitors close to Gammelstad. Some used to stay between Karlsvik and Gäddvik. Here a Roma orchestra is playing in present-day Hermelinsparken in Luleå in 1906.

106 Minorities in the world heritage site monkey walking sticks and ornamen- ities’ settlements and lives has shown did seasonal work herding cows in the tal pins. Italian traders can be traced that this has not been the case. forests, or as maids and farmhands on in Gammelstad Church Town at least There has never been a homoge- farms, as executioners, and sometimes as far back as the 1920s.124 Fragmen- nous Swedish population either at in administration. Some survived as tary accounts show that Gammelstad the mouth of the Lule River, in the beggars. and the surrounding villages have area surrounding the Church Town, The fact that the farmers around never been culturally homogenous nor in the parish as a whole. As ear- the Church Town have been Swed- area, but have always had elements of ly as the Iron Age, Sámi, Finnish and ish-speaking in modern times has other ethnic groups and nationalities. Swedish speakers in the coastal area lured us into thinking that the culture came together to fish, hunt and trade around Gammelstad has always been The World Heritage Site with each other. At some point, the Swedish. The historical narratives and the minorities groups must have been equally nu- above have shown that it has never The World Heritage Site in Gammel- merous, but very quickly, the farming been like that, either in the villages, in stad has a long multicultural histo- groups expanded. They were Swedes the town of Luleå or in Gammelstad ry. The name Luleå itself, where the who came to dominate the lower part Church Town. It was quite common Church Town grew and the town was of Lule River Valley. In the upper part, in times past to hear Sámi, Finnish founded in 1621, is the Sámi name for from the 17th century on, there was a and Swedish spoken in a wide variety the river, which indicates early Sámi gradual shift from hunting and fishing of contexts. At other times one could presence. The Sámi have always been to farming. Those who became set- hear Romani, Danish, Norwegian, conspicuously present in the Church tlers were Sámi, Finns and Swedes. Dutch, Russian or other languages. Town and in the villages around. This We have also seen that from the 17th The culture has never been homoge- is however a history which is conspic- century on, many Sámi moved down nous and static, but has been affected uously forgotten. This is because na- to the coastal area. That which has by different ethnic groups that have tionalistic rhetoric going right back been described as a one-sided colo- always been on the move. It is move- to the 17th century has trumpeted the nisation of Lapland met a narrower ment that is the natural condition, not message that the Sámi belong in Lap- stream flowing in the other direction. immobility. This is borne out not least land, not on the coast. According to Some of the Sámi who were living by today’s major movements of peo- the same type of nationalistic rheto- above the Lappmark boundary tried ple, both in times of peace and times ric, the Tornedalians have been placed to get to the coast to find work. They of war. in Tornedalen and the ethnic Finns worked with loading and unloading in Finland. The description of minor- goods in the new town of Luleå, or

107 notes Notes

1. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 10. Pellijeff, Gunnar (1990). Ortnamnen i Norrbottens . Del 9. Norrbottens museum, 17‒23. Luleå kommun. A Bebyggelsenamn. Umeå: DAUM, 40‒42; 2. Pellijeff, Gunnar (1990). Ortnamnen i Norrbottens län. Del 9. Nyström, Jan-Olov (2000). Antnäs historia – språk och min- Luleå kommun. A Bebyggelsenamn. Umeå: DAUM, 44; Kor- ne. Skrivdonet: Gävle, 26–29. honen, Olavi & Andersson, Hans (illustr.) (2010). Samis- 11. Berglund, Mats (2006). Gårdar och folk i norr. Bebyggelse, ka ortnamn vid vägar och färdleder i Lule lappmark. Jokk- befolkning och jordbruk i Norrbotten under 1500-talet. Umeå mokk: Förlag Hans Andersson, 89‒93. The spelling in Sámi universitet: Umeå, 7; Sandström, Anders (2014). ”Luleborna has been adjusted after review and comments by Nils Olof och Jokkmokks marknad”, i Stadsarkivets årsbok 2014–2015. Sortelius, language consultant at the Sámi Council. Luleå: Luleå kommun, 14. 3. Cantell, Ilse et al. (1995). WSOY:n Suomi–Ruotsi-opiskelus- 12. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: anakirjaan [Elektronic dictionary]. Norrbottens museum, 363. 4. Ramqvist & Hörnberg (2015). ”Burial mounds as settlement 13. Wiklund, K.B. (1904). ”Namnet Luleå och de forna nationa- indicators. Archaeological and palynological investigations litetsförhållandena i Norrbotten”. Offprint from Ymer, nr 2 at Sangis, northern Sweden.” Fennoscandia Archaeologica (1904), 180–186. XXXII (2015), 121-138. 14. Riksarkivet, Stockholm-Arninge. Lantmäteristyrelsens arkiv, 5. Lantmäteriet, the service Kartsök och ortnamn. https://kso. Norrbottens län, Nederluleå socken. Geografisk karta Å23- etjanster.lantmateriet.se/ 1:3 Luleå socken 1671. 6. Elenius, Lars (2018). ”Nationella minoriteters symboliska 15. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: nationsbyggande. Föreställningen om Kvänland och Sápmi Norrbottens museum, 91‒93. som nya former av etnopolitik bland finskspråkiga och sa- 16. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: miskspråkiga minoriteter”, i Historisk tidskrift, Nr 3 (2018). Norrbottens museum, 46‒47. Stockholm, 480‒509; Elenius, Lars (2018). ”Were the ’Kai- 17. Söderwall, K.F. (1891). Ordbok öfver svenska medel- nulaiset’ in the Kalix River valley Finns or Swedes?- a rein- tids-språket. Band 2, förr hälften M‒T. Lund: Svenska forn- terpretation of ethnonyms in Finland and the Gulf of Both- skriftsällskapet, 599. nia area from the Viking Age and onwards”, in Acta Borealia, 18. Lantmäteriet, the service Kartsök och ortnamn. https://kso. No 2 (2018), och Elenius, Lars (2019). ”The dissolution of etjanster.lantmateriet.se/. Hortlax is, like Kallax, from the ancient Kvenland and the transformation of the Kvens as an beginning a Finnish-speaking place name with the meaning ethnic group of people - on changing ethnic categorisations The Dog Bay (Swe. Hundviken). in communicative and collective memories”, in Acta Borea- 19. Harnesk, Börje (1990). ”Statligt experiment i norr‒Lule gård lia, No 2 (2019). 1558‒1563”, i (red. Sune Åkerman och Kjell Lundholm) Älv- 7. Svenska Akademiens ordbok http://www.saob.se/artikel/ dal i norr. Människor och resurser i Luledalen 1300‒1800. ?unik=H_1803-0091.pA6c and https://www.saob.se/arti- Luleå: Norrbottens museum, 167‒203. kel/?unik=G_1565-0092.bfC6&pz=3. 20. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 8. Lantmäteriet, the service Kartsök och ortnamn. https://kso. Norrbottens museum, 363. etjanster.lantmateriet.se/. 21. Hackzell, Nils (1928) [1731]. ”Staden Luleå och dess grann- 9. The information about Lappgärdan in Alvik comes from s o c k n a r ”. Diss. Transl. from latin of ”De Urbe Lula eiqve Arne Alman, Alvik. adjacentibus paroeciis” by H. Sundin, in Norrbotten 1928.

108 notes

Luleå: Norrbottens läns hembygdsförening, 33–62; Nord- Norrbottens museum, 86; Norrbottens museum, Luleå. berg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: Norr­ Albert Nordbergs enskilda arkiv 542. FI:1-I. Lappar i Luleå bottens museum, 51–54. (Nederluleå) II 767d. Excerptbok 2. Lappar i Luleå (Neder­ 22. Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 (1858). Stock- luleå) socken från 1708, the tag ”Callax/Ersnäs, Sunderbyn”. holm: Kungl. Samfundet för utgifvande af handskrifter rö- 29. Luleå forskarförening, Luleå. Husförhörslängder Nederluleå rande Skandinaviens historia, 26–28; Wallerström, Thomas församling. Vol. A1:5a–5c 1776–1805; Vol. A1:6a–6b 1806– (1995). Norrbotten, Sverige och medeltiden. Problem kring 1820. makt och bosättning i en europeisk periferi, D. 1. Diss. Lund: 30. Hultblad, Filip (1968). Övergång från nomadism till agrar bo- Lunds universitet; Sandström, Anders (2014). ”Luleborna sättning i Jokkmokks socken. Diss. Uppsala: Uppsala univer- och Jokkmokks marknad”, i Stadsarkivets årsbok 2014–2015. sitet, Familjeregistret, 203‒252. Luleå: Luleå kommun, 11‒42; , Ingela & Edlund, 31. Sandström, Anders (Odaterad). Korta utdrag ur domböcker Lars-Erik (2016). ”Birkarlar and Sámi – inter-cultural con- för Luleå tingslag åren 1635‒81. Luleå: Luleå forskarförening. tacts beyond state control: reconsidering the standing of 32. Åström, Rolf. Nederluleå, Vigda 1706-1850. (Luleå forskar- external tradesmen (birkarlar) in medieval Sámi societies”. förening, Luleå. Printed manuscript with excerpts out of the Acta Borealia, Vol 33, No 1 (2016), 52-80. primary sources, which are kept in the archive of Luleå fors- 23. Regarding the relation between Kvens, Kainulaiset and karförening, Luleå. Finns , see Elenius, Lars (2018). ”Were the ’Kainulaiset’ in 33. Johansson, Henning (1975). ”Samerna i den svenska befolk- the Kalix River valley Finns or Swedes?- a reinterpretation of ningsutvecklingen”, i Forskare om befolkningsfrågor. Blandve- ethnonyms in Finland and the Gulf of Bothnia area from the tenskaplig bilaga till Ett Folks Biografi. Stockholm, 329. Viking Age and onwards”, i Acta Borealia, No 2 (2018); Ele- 34. Sandström, Anders (2014). ”Luleborna och Jokkmokks nius, Lars (2019). ”The dissolution of ancient Kvenland and marknad”, i Stadsarkivets årsbok 2014–2015. Luleå: Luleå the transformation of the Kvens as an ethnic group of people kommun, 25‒26. - on changing ethnic categorisations in communicative and 35. Hårdstedt, Martin (2006). Finska kriget 1808-1809. Stock- collective memories”, in Acta Borealia, No 2 (2019). holm: Prisma. 24. Hultblad, Filip (1968). Övergång från nomadism till agrar bo- 36. Elenius, Lars (2014). ”Det vilda som gränsmarkör mellan sättning i Jokkmokks socken. Diss. Uppsala: Uppsala universi- nomader och bofasta i kolonisationsprocessen i Finland, tet, 158‒191; Arell, Nils (1979). Kolonisationen i : Sverige och Norge”, i Lars Elenius (red.) Nordiska gränser i några näringsgeografiska aspekter. Stockholm: Esselte studi- historien. Linjer och rum, konstruktion och dekonstruktion. um. Joensuu: University Press of Eastern Finland, 32‒69. 25. Hultblad, Filip (1940). ”De första nybyggarna i Jokkmokks 37. Luleå forskarförening, Luleå. Nederluleå förhörsbok och Gällivare socknar”, i Norrbotten 1940. Luleå: Norr­ 1820‒1831 I. Nederluleå kommun. Husförhörslängder. Vol. bottens läns hembygdsförbund, 33‒44. A1:7a. 26. Hoppe, Gunnar (1945). ”Ett blad ur Lappmarkens koloni- 38. Læstadius, Lars Levi (1981)[1824]. Om uppodlingar i Lapp- sationshistoria”, i Norrbotten 1945. Luleå: Norrbottens läns marken på det allmännas bekostnad. Faks.-uppl. Luleå: Tor- hembygdsförening, 63‒75. nedalica, 81‒82. 27. Hultblad, Filip (1940). ”De första nybyggarna i Jokkmokks 39. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: och Gällivare socknar”, i Norrbotten 1940. Luleå: Norrbot- Norrbottens museum, 87; Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Al- tens läns hembygdsförbund, 33‒44; Hultblad, Filip (1968). bert Nordbergs enskilda arkiv 542. FI:1-I. Lappar i Luleå Övergång från nomadism till agrar bosättning i Jokkmokks (Nederluleå) II 767d. Excerptbok 2. Lappar i Luleå (Nederlu- socken. Diss. Uppsala: Uppsala universitet, 161‒165. leå) socken från 1708, the tag ”Forsudden/Gamla staden”. 28. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå:

109 notes

40. About the meaning of ”sockenlapp” in other parts of Norr- 52. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: land, see Svanberg, Ingvar (1999). Hästslaktare och korg­ Norrbottens museum, 84–86. makare. Resursutnyttjande och livsstil bland sockenlapparna. 53. Enström, Artur (1985). Artur Enströms forskningsmaterial Umeå: Johan Nordlander-sällskapet. om Rutviks historia Band 16. Rutviks byaarkiv: Luleå. (Typed 41. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: manuscript out of Enströms’ handwritten notes in Rutviks Norrbottens museum, 359‒360. byaarkiv, Luleå), 3069. 42. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 54. Enström, Artur (1985). Artur Enströms forskningsmaterial Norrbottens museum, 86‒87; Norrbottens museum, Luleå. om Rutviks historia Band 16. Rutviks byaarkiv: Luleå. (Typed Albert Nordbergs enskilda arkiv 542. FI:1-I. Lappar i Luleå manuscript out of Enströms’ handwritten notes in Rutviks (Nederluleå) II 767d. Excerptbok 2. Lappar i Luleå (Neder­ byaarkiv, Luleå), 3069, 3077. luleå) socken från 1708, flik Mörtträsk/Persön. 55. Interview with Sven Sundström, Rutvik-Brännan, 2018-08- 43. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 674:1, 03. Måttsund. 56. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 159:1, 44. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 675:1, Rutvik-Brännan. Måttsund. 57. Sveriges geologiska undersökningar (SGU), digital map 45. Bergman, Ingela & Hörnberg, Greger (2015). ”Early Culti- service for determination of ancient shore lines. https:// vation at Sami Settlements: Challenging the Hunter-Gathe- www.sgu.se/produkter/kartor/kartgeneratorn/ rer Paradigm?”. Arctic Anthropology 52 (2015), 57–66; Hörn- 58. Lundholm, Kjell & Nyström, Maurits (red.) (1992). Luleå berg, Greger et al. (2015). ”Indications of shifting Cultivation kommuns historia. 1, Från istid till 1750. Luleå: Norrbottens West of the Lapland Border: Multifaceted Land use in Nort- museum, 120‒121. hernmost Sweden since AD 800”. The Holocene (2015). DOI: 59. Interview with Birger Sundström, Björsbyn, Luleå kommun, 10.1177/0959683625574894. 2018-08-07. 46. Interview with Bertil Öström, Måttsund, Luleå kommun, 60. Lundius, Nicolaus (1983) [1674‒1679]. “Descriptio Lappo- 2018-09-27. niæ”, i (red. Phebe Fjellström) Berättelser om samerna i 47. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 80:1, 1600-talets Sverige. Umeå: Skytteanska samfundet, 5‒40. Måttsund. 61. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 47:1, 48. Enström, Artur (1985). Artur Enströms forskningsmaterial Björsbyn. om Rutviks historia, Band 16. Rutviks byaarkiv: Luleå. 62. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 48:1, (Typed manuscript out of Enströms’ handwritten notes in Björsbyn. Rutviks byaarkiv, Luleå), 3020. 63. Rheen, Samuel (1983) [1671]. ”En kortt relation om lapparnes 49. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 191:1, Rut- lefwarne och sedher, wijdskiepellsser, sampt i många styck- vik. en grofwe vildfarellsser”, i (red. Phebe Fjellström) Berättelser 50. Enström, Artur (1985). Artur Enströms forskningsmaterial om samerna i 1600-talets Sverige. Umeå: Skytteanska sam- om Rutviks historia, Band 16. Rutviks byaarkiv: Luleå. fundet, 15. (Typed manuscript out of Enströms’ handwritten notes in 64. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: Rutviks byaarkiv, Luleå), 2949. Norrbottens museum, 86; Norrbottens museum, Luleå. 51. Bergman, Ingela & Ramqvist, Per H. (2017). ”Farmer-fis- Albert Nordbergs enskilda arkiv 542. FI:1-I. Lappar i Luleå hermen: interior lake fishing and inter-cultural change and (Nederluleå) II 767d. Excerptbok 2. Lappar i Luleå (Neder­ intra-cultural relations among coastal and interior Sámi luleå) socken från 1708, flik Sunderbyn. communities in northern Swweden AD 1200–1600”, i Acta 65. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: Borealia (2017). DOI: 10.1080/08003831.2017.1390662. Norrbottens museum, 323.

110 notes

66. The account about Anna Nilsdotter is based on the court resurser i Luledalen 1300‒1800. Luleå: Norrbottens museum, transcripts, see Luleå forskarförening, Luleå (digital copy of 205‒263. the original source). Svea Hovrätt, Advokatfiskalbyrån. 79. Riksarkivet. Svea hovrätt, Huvudarkivet BIb1:12, Koncept 10 Västerbottens län EXIe:3972 Dombok 1697. Protokoll vid juli1707; Riksarkivet. Svea hovrätt, Huvudarkivet BIa:80, extraordinarie ting i Luleå sockens tingslag 26 januari 1697, Registratur 10 juli samt 28 september 1707. 318–336. 80. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 67. Luleå forskarförening, Luleå (digital copy of the original Norrbottens museum, 323. source). Svea Hovrätt, Advokatfiskalbyrån. Västerbottens län 81. Nordberg, Albert (1965). ”Per Qwicks finger och andra his- EXIe:3972 Dombok 1697. Protokoll vid extra ordinarie ting i torier från Lule sockens tingsstuga i slutet av 1600-talet”, i Luleå sockens tingslag 26 januari 1697, 318–336. Norrbotten 1930. Luleå: Norrbottens läns hembygdsförening, 68. Riksantikvarieämbetet, Fornsök. RAÄ Nederluleå 444:1, 24. Rutvikssund. 82. Åström, Rolf. Nederluleå, Vigda 1706-1850. (Luleå forskar- 69. Lundius, Nicolaus (1983) [1674‒1679]. “Descriptio Lappo- förening, Luleå. Printed manuscript with excerpts out of the niæ”, i (red. Phebe Fjellström) Berättelser om samerna i primary sources). 1600-talets Sverige. Umeå: Skytteanska samfundet, 18‒19. 83. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 70. The account about Karin Olofsdotter is based on the court Norrbottens museum, 112; 133. transcripts, see Riksarkivet (digital copy of the original sour- 84. Hülphers, Abraham Abrahamsson (1734-1798). ”Samlingar ce). AIb Domböcker och protokoll vid urtima ting, Luleå til en beskrifning öfwer . [Del 6], Femte samlingen tingslags häradsrätts (1680–1830) arkiv, Domböcker och pro- II bandet om Westerbottens städer.” Westerås tryckt hos J.L. tokoll vid urtima ting och extra förrättningar. Protokoll vid Horrn 1797, 81. extraordinarie ting i Luleå sockens tingslag 13 juni 1707. 85. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 71. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: Norrbottens museum, 126–127. Norrbottens museum, 121. 86. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Albert Nordbergs enskilda 72. Lundius, Nicolaus (1983) [1674‒1679]. ”Descriptio Lappo- arkiv 542. FI:1-I. Lappar i Luleå (Nederluleå) I 767b. Excerpt niæ”, i (red. Phebe Fjellström) Berättelser om samerna i book, the tag ”Avan”. 1600-talets Sverige. Umeå: Skytteanska samfundet, 39. 87. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Albert Nordbergs enskilda 73. Interview with Birger Åström in Norsgården, Gäddvik, arkiv 542. FI:1. Anteckningar för ”socken historien” hösten Luleå kommun, 2018-09-16. 1923 vol 1 - v 767 j. 74. The mining area between the two mountain peaks is today 88. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: named Silbbatjåhkkå. Norrbottens museum, 112; 133. 75. Written information through mail from Eva Sjöblom, 89. Nordberg, Albert (1965). ”Per Qwicks finger och andra his- daughter to Birger Åström from Norsgården. torier från Lule sockens tingsstuga i slutet av 1600-talet”, i 76. Interview with Birger Åström in Norsgården in Gäddvik, Norrbotten 1930. Luleå: Norrbottens läns hembygdsförening, Luleå kommun, 2018-09-16. 36–38; Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. 77. Riksarkivet. Rikets allmänna kartverk, Norrbottens län. Luleå: Norrbottens museum, 126. Häradsekonomiska kartan J122-28-1-Boden 1859–1878. 90. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: 78. Awebro, Kenneth (1983). Luleå silververk: ett norrländskt Norrbottens museum, 136–137. silververks historia. Luleå: Norrbottens museum; Awebro, 91. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. FOAN 12, Nederluleå socken, Kenneth (1990). ”Ädelmetall till varje pris. Bruksknektarna Kyrkstugor, Enskilt arkiv 393. Informant is Margareta Hans- och Luleå silververks första svåra år 1660‒1664”, i (red. Sune son, Ängesbyn. Åkerman och Kjell Lundholm) Älvdal i norr. Människor och

111 notes

92. Magnusson, Börje (1986). Att illustrera fäderneslandet: 106. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Luleå hembygdsförening, A1 en studie i Erik Dahlberghs verksamhet som tecknare. Diss. Protokoll 1922–1934. Arbetsutskottets protokoll 23 nov 1922. Uppsala: Uppsala universitet. 107. Riksantikvarieämbetet. Ämbetsarkivet 3. FIXb:31 Handling- 93. Nordberg, Albert (1965). Luleå sockens historia I. Luleå: ar rörande länsmuseer och länsinstitutioner. Korrespondens Norrbottens museum, 83–84. Västerbotten: Luleå 1923‒1976. Luleå Museum 1923‒1970. 94. Sandström, Anders (2014). ”Luleborna och Jokkmokks Inspection report of Gustaf Hallström: Norrbottens läns marknad”, i Stadsarkivets årsbok 2014–2015. Luleå: Luleå hembygdsförenings samlingar på Gültzaudden i Luleå, july kommun, 12‒15. 1926. 95. Bergman, Ingela & Edlund, Lars-Erik (2016). ”Birkarlar and 108. Riksantikvarieämbetet. Sigurd Curmans arkiv. F2b:vol 106. Sámi – inter-cultural contacts beyond state control: reconsi- Letter from county governor Gösta Malm to director-gene- dering the standing of external tradesmen (birkarlar) in ral of the central board of national antiquities, Sigurd medieval Sámi societies”, in Acta Borealia, Vol 33, no 1(2016), Curman, 10 september 1926. 52-80. 109. Riksantikvarieämbetet. Ämbetsarkivet 3. FIXb:31 Handling- 96. Laestadius, Petrus (1977) [1831]. Petrus Læstadius journaler: ar rörande länsmuseer och länsinstitutioner. Korrespondens faksimiletext och kommentar. 1, Journal för första året af hans Västerbotten: Luleå 1923‒1976. Luleå Museum 1923‒1970. tjenstgöring såsom missionaire i Lappmarken. Umeå: Skyt- Gustaf Hallströms’ answer on lappfogde Claes Öster- teanska samfundet, 80‒140 grens’petition to Norrbottens läns hembygdsförening. 97. Sundström, Nils Fredrik (1982) [1932]. Luleå stads borgare 110. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Luleå hembygdsförening, A1 i den gamla goda tiden. Silhuetter och konturer från svunna Protokoll 1922–1934. Arbetsutskottets protokoll 27 oktober dagar. Luleå: Luleå bokförlag, 23, 33‒37, 57. 1926. 98. Hoppe, Gunnar (1945). Vägarna inom Norrbottens län. Stu- 111. Riksantikvarieämbetet. Ämbetsarkivet 3. FIXb:31 Handling- dier över den trafikgeografiska utvecklingen från 1500-talet till ar rörande länsmuseer och länsinstitutioner. Korrespondens våra dagar. Diss. Uppsala: Uppsala universitet, 246‒264. Västerbotten: Luleå 1923‒1976. Luleå Museum 1923‒1970. 99. Samernas sedvanemarker: betänkande. SOU 2006:14 (2006). Lappfogde Claes Östergrens’ official letter to Norrbottens Stockholm: Fritze, 408–412; Korhonen, Olavi (2009). ”Sa- läns hembygdsförening about the criticism from Gustaf miska ortnamn nedanför lappmarksgränsen”, i (red. Per Hallström. Moritz) Norrbotten 2009. Luleå: Norrbottens museum, 230. 112. Riksantikvarieämbetet. Ämbetsarkivet 3. FIXb:31 Handling- 100. Dardel, Fritz von (1911). Minnen I. 1833‒186. Stockholm: ar rörande länsmuseer och länsinstitutioner. Korrespondens Norstedt & Söner förlag,168‒183. Västerbotten: Luleå 1923‒1976. Luleå Museum 1923‒1970. 101. Manker, Ernst (1968). Skogslapparna i Sverige: fältanteck- Gustaf Hallströms’ answer on lappfogde Claes Östergrens’ ningar. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 32‒85. petition to Norrbottens läns hembygdsförening. 102. Interview with the former reindeer herder, Sören Andersson 113. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Luleå hembygdsförening, A1 in his home in Boden, Bodens kommun, 2018-04-17. Protokoll 1922–1934. Arbetsutskottets protokoll 11 augusti 103. Korhonen, Olavi & Andersson, Hans (illustr.) (2010). Samis- 1927. ka ortnamn vid vägar och färdleder i Lule lappmark. Jokk- 114. Luleå kommun. Luleå stads Stadsfullmäktige. A1:79 Proto- mokk: Förlag Hans Andersson, 44, 66‒67. koll 1936. Brev från Norrbottens läns hembygdsförening 16 104. Samernas sedvanemarker: betänkande. SOU 2006:14 (2006). september 1936. Stockholm: Fritze, 408–412. 115. Luleå kommun. Luleå stads Stadsfullmäktige. Stadsfull­ 105. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. Norrbottens museiförening, A1 mäktiges protokoll 29 maj 1941. Protokoll 1886–1922. Styrelsens protokoll 15 februari 1886. 116. Norrbottens museum. Enskilt arkiv 31. Helny Wanhainen. FI:1.

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117. Norrbottens museum. Enskilt arkiv 539. Östlings familje­ 122. Interview with Eva Sjöblom in her home as a child in arkiv. Gäddvik, Luleå kommun, 2018-09-16. 118. Norrbottens museum. Enskilt arkiv 31. Helny Wanhainen. 123. Norrbottens museum, Luleå. FOAN 12, Nederluleå socken, FI:1. Kyrkstugor, Enskilt arkiv 393, informant Selfrid Eriksson, 119. Interview with Birger Åström, Gäddvik, Luleå kommun, Mörön i april 1930, [E.U. 1328], 290. 2018-09-16. 124. Ullenius, Gunnar (1944). ”Norrländsk kyrkstad och kyrk- 120. Luleå kommun. Luleå stads Skolstyrelse. A1:6 Protokoll helg”, i Svenska turistföreningens årsskrift, Stockholm, 1944, 1940‒1945. 142–143; Erixon, Sigurd (1938). ”De norrländska kyrkstäder- 121. Tillhagen, Carl-Herman (1965). Zigenarna i Sverige. na”, i (red. Sigurd Erixon & Sigurd Wallin) Svenska kultur­ Stockholm: Natur och kultur, 9‒14. bilder – ny följd, sjätte bandet del XI & XII. Stockholm: Skoglund, 68.

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Photographs and illustrations

Cover picture p.11. Sámi with lasso and two reindeer. Postcard “Lapland. The cover photograph was taken by Ludvig Wästfelt in Jokk- Lasso throwing.” Norrbotten Museum. mokk around 1943–44. It shows Anna Länta, born 1899. p.11. Reindeer cheese. Photo: Ernst Manker 1933. Nordic Ájtte Mountain and Sámi Museum. Museum. Repro photo: Norrbotten Museum. p.12. Meeting between Vikings and wilderness hunters. th Chapter 1. Meetings between peoples “Göther and Lapps”. Lithography: A.J. Salmson c. mid-19 p.4. Portrait of author Lars Elenius. Photo: Andreas Aarflot. century. Nordic Museum. Repro photo: Lars Elenius. p.6. Aerial photo of Gammelstad. Photo: Östersund Air Corps. p.12. Viking era burial mound in Sangis, 2013. Photo: Lars Norrbotten Museum. Elenius. p.8. Church cottages with church people in Gammelstad and p.13. Tornio on the northern Bothnian Gulf, from Olaus the church in the background. Unknown photographer. Magnus, Historia om de nordiska folken. Photo: Lars Elenius. Norrbotten Museum. p.13. Spear gaff for salmon fishing. Photo: István Rácz 1970. p.9. Felt tip pen drawing of Sámi man. Unknown artist. Norrbotten Museum. Norrbotten Museum. p.14. Birch-bark goahte hut at Storavan-Uddjaur in Arjeplog p.10. Map of Luleå extended parish. Cartographer: Samuel Parish. Photo: Björn Allard 1955. Norrbotten Museum. Svärd.

116 Photographs and illustrations p.14. Map showing the Lappmark boundary. Detail from Franz p.29. Close-up of Laxholmen at Edefors (Holmen). Detail von Schéele’s map of Luleå Lappmark and part of Norr­ from map of Luleå Parish, 1671. National archive. Photo: botten County, 1828. Photo: Lars Elenius. Lars Elenius. p.15. Well at Lappgärdan in Alvik. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.29. Structures in Lule River Valley1671. Detail from map of p.15. Moose slaughtering site at Lappgärdan in Alvik. Photo: Luleå Parish, 1671. National archive. Photo: Lars Elenius. Lars Elenius, 2018. p.30. The Lapp Pine on Laxholmen with inscription from 1753. p.16. Map with Lappön island. Detail from map of Luleå Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Parish, 1671. National archive. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.31. “Crossbowman from the Finnish Lappmark area” made p.17. Map with Renskär island. Detail from map of Luleå c. 1800–1820. Artist: Carl Gustaf Gillberg. Finnish Heritage Parish, 1671. National archive. Photo: Lars Elenius. Agency, Finland. p.18. Oskar Andersson, Tjärnberg, with fishing net. Photo: p.32. Luovvaluokta new construction in Tuorpon Sámi com- Kurt Kihlberg. Norrbotten Museum. munity, Jokkmokk. Photo: Gunnar Ullenius 1932. Norr­ p.19. Kamlungeforsen Rapids in Kalix River. Watercolour botten Museum. by Fritz von Dardel 1858. . Photo: Lars p.32. Seine fishing, from a boat and from the shore at Edefors. Elenius. Photo: Gustaf Holmström 1933. Norrbotten Museum. p.20. Map of Finnavan, Rutvik and Björsbyn and also Gam- p.33. Reindeer ráidu caravan. Spring migration to the mounta- melstad church glebe. Detail from map of Luleå Parish, 1671. ins at Tarraätno River just below Kvikkjokk boat landing at National archive. Photo: Lars Elenius. the village. Photo: Ludvig Wästfelt 1941. Ájtte Mountain and p.21. Map of Finnavan. Detail from map of Luleå Parish in S.G. Sámi Museum. Hermelin’s map collection from the end of the 18th century. p.34. Reindeer skin shoes. Photo: Örjan Wallström 1971. War archive. Photo: Lars Elenius. Norrbotten Museum. p.21. Property boundary between the Priest’s glebe in Gam- p.34. Box of shoe hay. Photo: Örjan Wallström 1969. Norr­ melstad and Rutvik. Detail from a map of the boundary botten Museum. between the Luleå priest’s glebe and the land of Sunderbyn p.35. Sigga Pålsdotter Sunnak from Sjokksjokk. Drawn and and Rutvik, 1769. Lantmäteriet, Historical maps. engraved by Carl Gustaf Gillberg, 1801. Nordic Museum. p.22. Barn at Finnavan, Rutvik. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.23. Fishing camp at Jerisjärvi in northern Finland. Photo: p.36. Sámi wedding couple. Artist: probably J.F. Höckert. Lars Elenius 2013. Nordic Museum. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.24. “Finnish inhabitant from Tornio Parish”, made c. 1800– p.38. Christina Thomasdotter and another Sámi woman in 1820. Artist: Carl Gustaf Gillberg. Finnish Heritage Agency, Svartlå. Watercolour by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. National­ Finland. museum. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.39. Two Sámi women in Svartlå, called Marie (left) and Inga, Chapter 2. Settlement and matrimony her mother (right) Watercolour by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. p.26. Storage frame with nets on two poles by a lake. Photo: Nationalmuseum. Photo: Lars Elenius. Ernst Manker. Nordic Museum. Repro photo: Norrbotten p.40. The Sámi and settler Nils Petter Silfversparre from Rö- Museum. dingsträsk. Place identified by Agneta Silversparf, Boden. p.28. “Snow landscape from Lapland, tax payment”. Oil pain- Watercolour by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. Nationalmuseum. ting on canvas. Unknown artist. Photo: Karolina Kristers- Photo: Lars Elenius. son. Nordic Museum. p.41. Woman with child and other people around the carria-

117 Photographs and illustrations

ge of Karl XV on his journey to northern Sweden, 1858. De- p.54. Njalla-like timber store on poles. Photo: Ernst Manker tails from a watercolour by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. National­ 1948. Nordic Museum. Repro photo: Norrbotten Museum. museum. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.56. Cultural remains at Lappnäset near Brännan outside p.42. The crofter C. A. Spjut with mother-in-law Lisa Kajsa Rutvik. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Ahlman at Almtorpet Croft in Alviksheden. Photo: Adolf p.56. Rusty heater at Lappnäset near Brännan outside Rutvik. Hjort, late 1920s. Norrbotten Museum. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.57. Birger Sundström at Lappgärdan outside Björsbyn. Chapter 3. Sámi in Lule region Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.44. Sámi woman smoking a pipe. Drawing by Otto Wallgren, p.57. Drying up stream at Lappgärdan outside Björsbyn. 1854. Nordic Museum. Photo: Lars Elenius. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.46. Elsa and Henrik Mattsson, Brännudden, on skis in rein- p.58. Birger Sundström, Björsbyn. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. deer skin clothing. Unknown photographer. Norrbotten p.59. Stone construction at Gammelåkern in Björsbyn. Photo: Museum. Lars Elenius, 2018. p.47. Forest Sámi settlement in Malå Parish. Photo: K.B. p.60. Marja Sevä with nephew in Viikusjärvi. Photo: Ernst Wiklund. Manker 1932, in Ernst Manker, Skogslapparna in Sverige: p.47. Household catechism examination register, Nederluleå fältanteckningar (1968). Repro photo: Lars Elenius. Parish. Luleå Research Association. p.61. “White-haired Lapp, Kvikkjokk”. Oil painting by Helmer p.48. Interior from Sámi cabin in Ålloluokta. Photo: Borg Osslund, 1911. Nationalmuseum. Mesch. Kiruna photo library, Kiruna Municipality. p.62. Parish Hall at the church square in Gammelstad. p.49. Household catechism examination register, Nederluleå Unknown photographer. Norrbotten Museum. Parish. Luleå Research Association. p.63. Court minutes Luleå district court, 26 January 1697. p.50. “Lapp boy with a broken ski”. Drawing in black ink and Research archive, Luleå. pen and washed drawing, by Gerda Tirén, 1886. National- p.63. Sámi boy from Jokkmokk. Watercolour by Fritz von museum. Dardel, 1858. Nationalmuseum. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.50. Sámi winter lávvu in Lakaträsk, Boden Municipali- p.64. Cattle shed ruin at Lassgården farm in Rutvikssund. ty, 1908 or 1912. Nordic Museum. Unknown photographer. Photo: Lars Elenius 2019. Repro photo: Lars Elenius. p.64. Cellar air-hole from cattle shed ruin at Lassgården farm p.51. The Lávvu Stone in Måttsund. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. in Rutvikssund. Photo: Lars Elenius 2019. p.51. Bertil Öström, Måttsund. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.65. Land parcelling map from 1786 of Rutvik. Detail. p.51. The Lávvu Trail in Måttsund. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Lantmäteriet, historical maps. p.52. Bertil Öström, Måttsund, in relict field on the family’s p.65. Land parcelling map from 1786 of Rutvik. Detail. land. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Lantmäteriet, historical maps. p.53. Goldeneye nest box at Kammarhamptjärn, Rutvik. Photo: p.66. “Four children and a basket”. Graphic print attributed to Lars Elenius, 2018. Johan Klengel 1887. Separated detail. Nationalmuseum. p.53. Kammarhamptjärn, Rutvik. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.67. North Harbour in Luleå. Detail from a watercolour p.53. Lappgärdan at Antberget Mountain, Rutvik. Photo: Lars by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. Nationalmuseum. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Elenius.

118 Photographs and illustrations p.68. Man and woman herding cows outside Luleå. Wash Chapter 4. Minorities in the World Heritage Site drawing by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. Nationalmuseum. p.80. Finnish refugee children in transit home at Storgatan 17 Photo: Lars Elenius. in Luleå. In the foreground, assistant matron Kristina Eng- p.68. Map of Gäddvik from 1686. Lantmäteriet, Historical zell. Photo: Carl Josefsson 1944. Municipal archive, Luleå maps. Municipality. p.69. Map for the great land partition in Gäddvik, 1774. p.82. Two men with reindeer at the Church Town in Kalix. Lantmäteriet, Historical maps. Photo: Gunnar Ullenius, 1929. Norrbotten Museum. p.69. Norsgården farm in Gäddvik. Photo: Reinhold p.83. Fritz von Dardel in conversation with a Finnish woman. Odencrants. Norrbotten Museum. Wash drawing by Fritz von Dardel, 1858. Nationalmuseum. p.70. Marsh in the forest on the north side of Gäddvik. Photo: Lars Elenius. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.83. Wood cut, coopers. Vänersborg Museum (Europeana-CC p.71. Tuft in the forest on the north side of Gäddvik. BY-SA). Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.84. The Russian general Nikolai Kamenski. Oil painting by p.72. Two women in Svartlå. Wash drawing by Fritz von Friedrich Georg Weitsch, 1807–1810. Hermitage, St Peters- Dardel, 1858. Nationalmuseum. Photo: Lars Elenius. burg (Wikimedia commons). p.73. Birger Åström, Gäddvik. Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. p.84. Finnish herding girl outside Luleå. Wash drawing by p.73. Court minutes, Luleå district court 13 June 1707. National Fritz von Dardel. Nationalmuseum. Photo: Lars Elenius. archive. p.85. Resting reindeer herd with Sámi and dogs. Postcard p.74. Remains from silver works in Kvikkjokk. In the back- “Resting Lapps”. Norrbotten Museum. ground, the outflow of Kamajokk and Kvikkjokk. Photo: p.86. Drawing of old Luleå (Gammelstad). Slightly cropped. Göran Bäärnhielm, 1970. Norrbotten Museum. Artist: Gustav Läw, 1695. National Library of Sweden. p.74. “Two skiing Lapps”. Oil painting by Anna Nordlander, p.86. Reindeer with geres sleigh. Detail from drawing of old second half of the 19th century. Nationalmuseum. Luleå (Gammelstad) above. P.75. Man and woman with pack reindeer. Drawings from p.87. Engraving of old Luleå (Gammelstad). Slightly cropped. mine inspector Hans Philip Lybecker’s map of Nasafjäll Artist: Eric Dahlberg, 1700. National Library. 1638–1642, photographed from Kenneth Awebro, Luleå p.87. Hunter. Detail from engraving of old Luleå (Gammel- silververk (1983). Repro photo: Lars Elenius. stad) above. Artist: Eric Dahlberg, 1700. p.75. Generalstaben Map of Boden 1859–1878. National p.88. The harbour in Gammelstad. Detail from drawing of old archive. Luleå (Gammelstad) above. Artist: Gustav Läw, 1695. p.76. Traders from Luleå on their way to Luleå Lappmark. p.88. The harbour in Gammelstad. Detail from engraving of Unknown artist. Nordic Museum. Digital image made av- old Luleå (Gammelstad) above. Artist: Eric Dahlberg, 1700. ailable through the municipal archive, Luleå Municipality, p.88. Church with foreground. Detail from drawing of old from a paper copy by Maurits Nyström. Luleå (Gammelstad) above. Artist: Gustav Läw, 1695. p.77. Sámi youth. Unknown artist. Norrbotten Museum. p.88. Church with foreground. Detail from engraving of old p.78. Notes for verdict in Svea Court of Appeal, 10 July 1707. Luleå (Gammelstad) above. Artist: Eric Dahlberg, 1700. National archive. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.89. Engraving of new Luleå. Slightly cropped. Artist: Eric Dahlberg, 1700. National Library of Sweden.

119 Photographs and illustrations p. 91. “From the craft exhibition in Luleå, August 1877”. Execu- p.100. Two storey storehouse from Kukasjärvi in Torne­ ted from a sketch by J. O. Högstadius, 1877. Municipal archi- dalen, erected on Gültzaudden. Unknown photographer. ve, Luleå Municipality. Norrbotten Museum. p.93. Sören Andersson, Boden, Forest Sámi from Flakaberg. p.101. Sámi timber goahte on Gültzaudden Point. Photo: Photo: Lars Elenius, 2018. Helmer Groth. Norrbotten Museum. p.94. Reindeer towing hay-laden sleigh. Photo: Sven Edfast p.101. Pitegården farmstead being dismantled on Gültzau­dden 1937. Nordic Museum. Repro photo: Lars Elenius. Point. Photo: Staffan Forsberg. Norrbotten Museum. p.95. Reindeer roundup in Råneå Parish. Petter Eriksson p.102. Finnish war children in the playground in Stadspar- (right) and son Helmer Eriksson (left), both Sámi from Fla- ken in Luleå. Photo: Carl Josefsson 1944. Municipal archive, kaberg. In the middle, Gunhild Hansson, born in Orrbyn. Luleå Municipality. Unknown photographer. Norrbotten Museum. p.103. Thank-you letter with photo from Finnish war child. p.96. Two ájtte stores in Flakaberg with hanging reindeer sto- Norrbotten Museum. Photo: Lars Elenius. machs full of reindeer blood. Photo: Gunnar Holmström. p.103. Logotype of Mannerheim League for Child Welfare. Norrbotten Museum. Norrbotten Museum. Photo: Lars Elenius. p.97. Copy of Luleå Town Hall on Gültzaudden Point. p.104. Anna and Gunnar Boman with Finnish war children Norrbotten Museum. Kosti and Kyösti Karppanen. Unknown photographer 1942. p.97. Drawing of old town hall Luleå. Unknown artist. Municipal archive, Luleå Municipality. Norrbotten Museum. p.105. Finnish women driving livestock. Unknown photo­ p.98. Members of the 1907 reindeer forage commission, two grapher 1944. Municipal archive, Luleå Municipality. of whom Sámi from Västerbotten County. Unknown photo- p.105. Same Finnish women in a group facing forwards. grapher. Norrbotten Museum. Unknown photographer 1944. Municipal archive, Luleå p.99. Sámi lávvu tent on Gültzaudden Point. Photo: Helmer Municipality. Groth. Norrbotten Museum. Repro photo: Norrbotten p.106. Roma performing in Stadsträdgårdsparken (present-day Museum. Hermelinsparken) in Luleå. Photo: Henny Tegström 1906. p.99. Archaeologist Gustaf Hallström with Swedish Lapp- Municipal archive, Luleå Municipality. hund Birne in his home in Kummelnäs outside Stockholm. Unknown photographer 1910. Research archive, Umeå Uni- versity.

Contact details: Visitor Centre, Luleå Municipality www.visitgammelstad.se

120 ometimes we imagine that communities in olden times were static and unchanging. SThis is of course not the case. In Meetings between Peoples, historian Lars Elenius looks at how dynamic and multicultural the old Luleå Parish actually was. We encounter personalities on the international stage, such as the Russian general Kamenski who spent time during the Russian occupation northernmost Sweden in 1809 living at the vicarage in Gammelstad. Even more fascinating is the story of the two sisters who moved at the same time to St Petersburg with two Russian officers and were married there. Another is the fate of the Danish cooper who lived in Gammelstad at the end of the 17th century and was charged with treason for insulting the King of Sweden in a heated discussion. Most touching perhaps are the two trials that concerned two Sámi women at the end of the 17th century and the early 18th century. Anna Nilsdotter, called Lapp-Anna, was bru- tally murdered by serving staff on a farm in Rutvikssund. Her two children were left to starve in the shack in the forest where they were living with their mother. Karin Olofs- dotter was only 16 years old when, in a middle-class home in Luleå, a Sámi farmhand made her pregnant. Seven months later, when she was herding cows on a farm in Gädd- vik, she gave birth to a stillborn child which she left in the forest. The district court sen- tenced her to death for infanticide. Elenius uses court records, household strategies examinations and matrimonial records to reconstruct Sámi presence in Gammelstad and the lower river valley. As recently as the mid-19th century, many in the population could speak Sámi, Finnish or Swedish. We can also trace the collective memory regarding Sámi settlements in villages such as Rutvik, Alvik and Måttsund. There are place names there such as Lappgärdan as a topo- graphical reminder of Sámi who lived there. The book also sheds new light on the ear- ly Finnish-speaking population in the coastal area. We learn for example that the first known name of Gammelstadsviken was Finnavan. From the history of the 20th century there are accounts of how Finnish war children in all haste had to leave Finland that was in the throes of a war with the Soviet Union. The first war children arrived in 1942 and were boarded out to families. Some of them remai- ned even after the war. We see from the historical sources that the World Heritage Site in Gammelstad has a long multicultural history. The book upends our perception of the Church Town as a homogenous Swedish cultural heritage.