CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction Moral Education Has

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction Moral Education Has CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction Moral education has always been a perennial aim of education. The function of schools, it was believed, was not only to make people smart but also to make them good. However, with industrialization, the moral aim of education receded to the background as the demands of capitalist markets centered mainly around the provision of skilled manpower, culturally ready to integrate into labour markets. The return of moral education to the limelight is attributable to the fact that modern societies increasingly have to deal with disturbing trends both within schools, and in the wider society. Mounting discipline problems culminating in violent outbursts, alarming rates of teenage pregnancy and drug abuse are phenomena often explained by the breakdown of the family or are generally situated in the aftermath of industrialization. Many have also located the dysfunction of the school as one contributing to the degeneration of social mores. Prime among these dysfunctions is the fact that our schools are not adequately providing for one important aspect of child and adolescent development, that is, moral education. Those who believe that we need to provide for some form of moral education in our curriculum are not a homogeneous group. Amongst them we find, at one extreme, the traditionalist who argues that we should return to the good old ways of teaching values through religious literature or some other relevant material of universal significance. At the other extreme, some argue that, rather than teach values, adults have to model 1 desirable behaviour and the school’s hidden curriculum must be used to help children become morally autonomous adults. In Mauritius, moral education has, so far, been the concern of confessional schools (those with religious denominations). However, it is undeniable that the interethnic conflicts of February 1999 (Matadeen Report:1999) acted as a catalyst in propelling character education into the limelight by emphasising the need of some form of moral education, an indispensable ingredient, for peaceful cohabitation in a multicultural society. Our renewed interest in character education forms part of a wider educational and political agenda aimed, not only, at revamping our system of education but also at giving a new impulse to a quasi non-existent social policy. The goodwill of the government, no doubt fuelled by the political urgency of a dormant social crisis, has manifested itself through the inclusion of Living Values Programmes in the school curriculum and in many of the teacher training programmes at the Mauritius Institute of Education. Implicit in these policies is the assumption that all the stakeholders within the school are ready and willing to assume the roles that others are carving out for them. Despite the general agreement that schools are responsible to a certain extent for character education, there seems to be a general vagueness as to what this responsibility consists of and how schools can conceive and implement such a programme formally and informally in a multicultural context. No study has so far been undertaken to investigate the perceptions of stakeholders about moral education in Mauritian secondary schools. The aim of this present study is to fill this gap by describing and developing an understanding of the perceptions of some stakeholders in secondary education about moral education in the context of Mauritius. 2 This study will provide the groundwork which may assist policy decision makers to take into account the needs and expectations of different stakeholders in relation to moral education in our schools. 1.2 OVERVIEW OF OUR GLOBAL CONTEMPORARY CONTEXT While most social theorists (Burbules and Torres 2000:5) agree that we are living in an age of rapid scientific and technological change, they also do not deny that such changes have varying impacts on different social groups within the same society and across different societies. The existing literature about post industrial and post modern societies (Beck 1995: 127- 136) and its effects on social groups and families is growing rapidly in view of the all pervasive effects of globalisation. At the economic level, changing trade patterns and world order have compelled all societies to readjust structurally. The free flow of capital and its rising value as compared to labour has meant increasing inequity across most societies with resultant outbreaks in violence and conflicts. Changes in patterns of production, distribution and consumption worldwide together with the possibilities offered by information and communication technology have meant the adoption of radically new work culture that has impacted on the family. Changing relations of production have produced in time changing philosophies and outlooks which have permeated all spheres of life - both public and private. In the public sphere, discourse came to be centered on the concept of individual merit and rights with the attendant connotations of individual freedom, which is at the basis of most democratic societies. From the agrarian societies maintained by the collectivity, the building block of post-industrial societies is the person and not the community. Such a transformation meant a radically different political agenda, more 3 sympathetic to the capitalist set up. While the neomarxists have highlighted the sinister agenda of industrialized countries in affirming the supremacy of the capitalist economic system as the only viable economic system and legitimizing the cultural dominance of the West, one cannot ignore the benefits conferred by industrialization in terms of health improvements and better life expectancy. However, as Mac Laren (1995:3) argues the benefits of progress are confined to a few and the cost of such progress is borne by too many. Economic compulsions represent the driving force of modern societies, to which everything else becomes subservient. Mac Laren (1995:1) opens the discussion in his book “Critical Pedagogy and Predatory Culture” with this description of postmodern societies: The prevailing referents around which the notion of public citizenry is currently constructed have been steered in the ominous direction of the social logic of production and consumption. Maintaining high rates of economic growth is the priority of all industrialized countries - a priority which looks formidable since Pareto efficiency has already been reached making it difficult to push productivity beyond the present levels. As a result people generally have to work harder to keep up with the demands of the workplace. Increasing dissatisfaction with the present economic set up, disillusionment caused by the crumbling of the welfare state, the disintegration of the family and mounting social unrest in many parts of the world, disruptions in climatic conditions and a general deterioration of the environment, have caused many people to question this very model of development and 4 governance. The democratic ideal, with its emphasis on individual- “centredness”, is frequently scrutinized critically and reformulated to suit the changes and requirements of contemporary societies. There tends to be general agreement among economists themselves, that, together with economic indicators, we need to consider those related to the well being of people and the quality of life. Many political leaders have crafted their campaign around this growing disillusionment and are using slogans that use catch words like family values and democratic values. The dismal picture projected by the postmodern societies is one where people and their governments are trying to wrestle with often mutually exclusive ends. The conflicts arise at three different levels: (i) the need to reconcile dwindling resources with rising expectations (ii) the need to have a common vision while maintaining one’s distinct identity (iii) the need to consider individual needs in the face of societal requirements. While many would tend to view these problems as one of resource management, my contention is the core of those conflicts is essentially a moral and philosophical issue related to what we think is right for society and should be done and what kind of life one should lead. But modern societies do not have the moral resources to recognize and analyse the ethical implications of those decisions. The usual approach to tackling such a variety of social problems arising out of one or more of the conflicts mentioned above, has been piecemeal and has remained within predefined economic parameters. Economic solutions are brought to bear on problems which are non economic in 5 nature. Indeed economic problems related to the use and distribution of scarce resources stem essentially from a general philosophical and moral position. Decisions are made on the basis of what people value individually and not on what the society desires. This situation has produced highly undesirable outcomes at the level of the family, community and society at large. Critics (MacLaren 1995:1-87) have identified many reasons for the failure of modern society to respond to the aspirations of people. Chief among these is the growing insensitivity of people towards the needs of others (Noddings 1995: 365), an outcome of our rapidly dehumanizing society. The issue now, however, is to identify the ways in which perspective and outlook can be influenced to embrace a more inclusive interpretation of caring, that, is caring for others. 1.3 CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF THE ROLE OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS Education
Recommended publications
  • Life on Sugar Estates in Colonial Mauritius
    Journal of Anthropology and Archaeology December 2018, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 1-10 ISSN 2334-2420 (Print) 2334-2439 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jaa.v6n2a1 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jaa.v6n2a1 Life on Sugar Estates in Colonial Mauritius Mrs Rashila Vigneshwari Ramchurn1 Abstract This research paper seeks to examine life of descendants of indentured labourers on sugar estates in Mauritius. Attempt will be made to unravel gender disparity in all its forms. This study demonstrates how the bourgeoisie exploited and dominated the proletariat and preserved the status quo from the Marxist perspective as well as other theoretical approaches. Empirical data has been collected by conducting qualitative research using the face to face unstructured interview with elders aged 70 years to 108 years in the Republic of Mauritius and critical analysis of speeches of the leader of the Mauritius Labour Party. Secondary data has also been employed through qualitative research. The interviews were recorded in the year 2016,2018 and 2018 on digital recorder, transcribed and translated in English. All of the researches have been carried out objectively in a systematic manner so as to erase any bias in the study conducted. 70% of modern Mauritians are descendants of the indentured labourers. 1.1. Introduction Mauritius is an island in the South West Indian Ocean. Four hundred years ago there was no indigenous population on the island. All the people in Mauritius are immigrants. Mauritius has known three waves of immigrants namely the Dutch, the French and the British.
    [Show full text]
  • Unwind Mauritius Times Tuesday, July 13, 2021 13
    66th Year -- No. 3694 Tuesday, July 13, 2021 www.mauritiustimes.com facebook.com/mauritius.times 18 Pages - ePaper MAURITIUS TIMES l “The talent of success is nothing more than doing what you can do, well”. -- Henry W. Longfellow ‘POCA states clearly that the Director of ICAC should not be under the direction or control of any other person... If he chooses to be subservient, it is not only his personal problem...’ By LEX + See Page 4-5 Accountability Global Minimum or Impunity? Corporate Tax Rate By Jan Arden + See Page 3 Five lessons on bringing truth back to politics from Britain's first female philosophy professor By Peter West, Durham University + See Page 2 By Anil Madan + See Page 5 Mauritius Times Tuesday, July 13, 2021 www.mauritiustimes.com Edit Page facebook.com/mauritius.times 2 The Conversation Economic Security, Five lessons on bringing truth back to politics Society’s Security from Britain’s first female n last Friday’s issue of this paper we published MT, in an article in l’express takes a position which an interview of Lord Meghnad Desai who counters the rosy picture that Lord Desai depicted philosophy professor requires no formal introduction to the Mauritian of the MIC. The article puts forth several arguments Ipublic, and who was Chairman of the Mauritius of a very technical nature, but the sum total is that Investment Corporation Ltd (MIC) - a creation of the things could have been done differently, so as to Bank of Mauritius set up in the context of the Covid- preserve financial soundness at the same time as 19 pandemic as its economic and social impacts meeting the objectives of supporting companies began to be felt.
    [Show full text]
  • Read L'express Weekly 25 February,2011
    INTERVIEW] Ahmar Mahboob: “The prestige of Creole has to be raised.” > pp. 38-39 Insert N° 3 • Friday 25 February 2011 Editorial ] by Touria PRAYAG From ideology to personality ny entity which lasts for 75 years deserves our full res- pect. When a political party lasts that long and is in STRAIGHT TALK ] power, there is a lot to celebrate. Congratulations then Ato the Labour Party on an anniversary celebrated in a grand style but without too much wallowing in nostalgia or per- The Labour Party’s Diamond Jubilee sonality cult. The tribute paid to the founding fathers of the party > pp. 44 - 45 was justifi ed and, on the whole, measured. It is undeniable that the party has left an indelible footprint in every aspect of the history of this country and it still is a major force to be reckoned with in today’s Mauritius. But a celebration is not ISKON vs McDonald’s restricted to reminiscing about the past. It is also about refl ecting on the present and looking into the future. To claim that the present La- bour Party has not deviated from its original ideology is not entirely supported by facts. The ideology on which the party was founded has defi nitely moved towards more economic pragmatism, involving The burger of discord a range of measures verging, some might say, on neo-liberalism. Free market policies such as the removal of trade barriers, barriers to the infl ow and outfl ow of capital, the Stimulus Package and the Economic Restructuring and Competitiveness Programme, the fl at corporate tax rate to mention only a few cannot, by any yard stick, be qualifi ed as socialist in nature.
    [Show full text]
  • THE GOVERNMENT GAZETTE of MAURITIUS Published by Authority
    THE GOVERNMENT GAZETTE OF MAURITIUS Published by Authority No. 140 - Port Louis : Friday 13 November 2020 - Rs. 25.00 TABLE OF CONTENTS GENERAL NOTICES 1742 — Legal Supplement 1743 1 to / Notice under the Land Acquisition Act 1782 ) 1783 — Medical Council of Mauritius - Amendments in the Annual List 2020 1784 — Medical Council of Mauritius - Notice 1785 — Notice of Change of Address 1786 — Notice under the Statutory Bodies Family Protection Fund Act 1966 - Statutory Bodies Family Protection Fund Board 2020 1787 j to 7 Clinical Research Regulatory Council - Clinical Trial Licences 1789 ‘ 1790 — Notice for Public Inspection of EIA Report - True Tesla Technologies (Mauritius) Ltd 1791 — Notice for Public Inspection of Decision on EIA Application 1792 — Notice under the Prevention of Corruption Act 2002 (PoCA 2002) 1793 to Notice under the Insolvency Act 2009 1795 . 1796 1 to . / Notice under the Companies Act 1869 J 1870 1 to ? Change of Name 1874 ) 1875 — Notice under the National Land Transport Authority 1876 1 to 7 Notice under the Patents, Industrial Designs & Trademarks Act 1878 ) LEGAL SUPPLEMENT See General Notice No. 1742 5054 The Mauritius Government Gazette General Notice No. 1742 of2020 Towards the East by State Land [TV201501/001118] on five metres and four LEGAL SUPPLEMENT centimetres (5.04m). The undermentioned Government Notice is Towards the. South by land occupied by Heirs published in the Legal Supplement to this number Matabadul JUGGURNATH on sixty four metres of the Government Gazette : and fifty six centimetres (64.56m). The Road Traffic (Extension of Time for Towards the West by land belonging to Bhai the Validity and Renewal of Licence for a Saoud JUGGROO on five metres (5.00m).
    [Show full text]
  • Life on Sugar Estates in Colonial Mauritius
    Journal of Anthropology and Archaeology December 2018, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 11-20 ISSN 2334-2420 (Print) 2334-2439 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jaa.v6n2a2 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jaa.v6n2a2 Life on Sugar Estates in Colonial Mauritius Mrs Rashila Vigneshwari Ramchurn1 Abstract This research paper seeks to examine life of descendants of indentured labourers on sugar estates in Mauritius. Attempt will be made to unravel gender disparity in all its forms. This study demonstrates how the bourgeoisie exploited and dominated the proletariat and preserved the status quo from the Marxist perspective as well as other theoretical approaches. Empirical data has been collected by conducting qualitative research using the face to face unstructured interview with elders aged 70 years to 108 years in the Republic of Mauritius and critical analysis of speeches of the leader of the Mauritius Labour Party. Secondary data has also been employed through qualitative research. The interviews were recorded in the year 2016,2018 and 2018 on digital recorder, transcribed and translated in English. All of the researches have been carried out objectively in a systematic manner so as to erase any bias in the study conducted. 70% of modern Mauritians are descendants of the indentured labourers. 1.1. Introduction Mauritius is an island in the South West Indian Ocean. Four hundred years ago there was no indigenous population on the island. All the people in Mauritius are immigrants. Mauritius has known three waves of immigrants namely the Dutch, the French and the British.
    [Show full text]
  • (Hansard) (Unrevised) First Session Tuesday 04 July 2017
    1 No. 18 of 2017 SIXTH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) (UNREVISED) FIRST SESSION TUESDAY 04 JULY 2017 2 CONTENTS PAPERS LAID QUESTIONS (Oral) MOTION STATEMENT BY MINISTER BILLS (Public) ADJOURNMENT 3 THE CABINET (Formed by Hon. Pravind Kumar Jugnauth) Hon. Pravind Kumar Jugnauth Prime Minister, Minister of Home Affairs, External Communications and National Development Unit, Minister of Finance and Economic Development Hon. Ivan Leslie Collendavelloo, GCSK, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Energy and Public SC Utilities Hon. Sir Anerood Jugnauth, GCSK, Minister Mentor, Minister of Defence, Minister for KCMG, QC Rodrigues Hon. Showkutally Soodhun, GCSK Vice-Prime Minister, Minister of Housing and Lands Hon. Seetanah Lutchmeenaraidoo, GCSK Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Integration and International Trade Hon. Yogida Sawmynaden Minister of Technology, Communication and Innovation Hon. Nandcoomar Bodha, GCSK Minister of Public Infrastructure and Land Transport Hon. Mrs Leela Devi Dookun-Luchoomun Minister of Education and Human Resources, Tertiary Education and Scientific Research Hon. Anil Kumarsingh Gayan, SC Minister of Tourism Dr. the Hon. Mohammad Anwar Husnoo Minister of Health and Quality of Life Hon. Prithvirajsing Roopun Minister of Arts and Culture Hon. Marie Joseph Noël Etienne Ghislain Minister of Social Security, National Solidarity, and Sinatambou Environment and Sustainable Development Hon. Mahen Kumar Seeruttun Minister of Agro-Industry and Food Security Hon. Ashit Kumar Gungah Minister of Industry, Commerce and Consumer Protection Hon. Ravi Yerrigadoo Attorney General Hon. Jean Christophe Stephan Toussaint Minister of Youth and Sports Hon. Soomilduth Bholah Minister of Business, Enterprise and Cooperatives Hon. Marie Roland Alain Wong Yen Minister of Social Integration and Economic Cheong, MSK Empowerment Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
    BRITISH COLONIAL LEGACIES AND DEMOCRATIC SURVIVAL By EMILY PUKUMA A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2017 © 2017 Emily Pukuma To Dzarnyi and Azilqwa ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am especially grateful to my advisor, Benjamin Smith, who provided the perfect combination of independence, allowing me the space to envision, research and write this dissertation, and availability to answer questions, advise on difficult areas, and provide feedback on numerous applications and dissertation drafts. He encouraged me to embrace the big question this research entails and to allow the question to dictate the research design needed to answer it. His guidance in key moments consistently gave the project renewed life. I would like to thank my dissertation committee members including Michael Bernhard, Leonardo Villalón, Badredine Arfi and Susan O’Brien for valuable assistance and helpful criticism and feedback throughout this process. I am grateful for my colleagues at the University of Florida who were always willing to read, discuss and provide feedback on my research. I am especially thankful for my Africanist colleagues Anna Mwaba, Chesney McOmber, Dan Eizenga and Mamadou Bodian. I am constantly inspired by their dedication, drive and passion to understand the politics on the continent. They are also kind, compassionate and humble people. Beyond our professional relationship, they have become some of my closest friends. I am thankful to the University of Florida Department of Political Science, Center for African Studies, Graduate School and College of Liberal Arts and Sciences as well as the Smith Richardson Foundation and National Security Education Program Boren Fellowship for providing generous funding to complete overseas research and write this dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • Mauritian Independence
    MAURITIUS INDEPENDENCE: Marginalism and political control (part 2) Article paru dans Le Mauricien | 4 mars, 2012 - 15:00 Mauritius and its dependencies were, as a whole, a genesis of colonialism, a purely novel French and predominantly British creation. In theory, a return of power to a non-existent indigenous society (decolonization) does not arise. There would simply be a transfer of power in 1968. Despite the terms of the Capitulation Treaty of 1810, which allowed the conquered inhabitants to preserve their property (Article 7) and allowed them to conserve their religion, laws and customs (Article 8), there was a lingering mutual distrust between them and the British. The Franco-Mauritians and elite Creoles, staunch Catholics, regarded the British as foreigners, and disliked Anglicanism, English language and British culture. Most British Governors, in their despatches, suspected the loyalty of Franco-Mauritians and elite Creoles to the British Crown. But a symbiotic relationship developed between them arising out of economic needs. The Franco-Mauritians needed to maintain their established plantation economy with a constant supply of coerced labour. The British needed money-tax derive from the plantation economy which would provide revenue to administer the island and maintain law and order. A diarchy evolved : the Franco-Mauritians controlled the economy, and the British controlled the policy and the administration. However, the Mauritius sugar-based economy created institutional structures and a socio-economic hierarchy. At the top were the Franco-Mauritians and elite Creoles, quite happy with their sugar estates, factories and lucrative commercial concerns. They were culturally content as long as Britain did not interfere with their sentimental attachment with France.
    [Show full text]
  • REFERENCES to COLONIALISM, COLONIAL, and IMPERIALISM Mauritius Truth Commission
    REFERENCES TO COLONIALISM, COLONIAL, AND IMPERIALISM Mauritius Truth Commission Abstract A list of references to colonialism, colonial, and imperialism in the Mauritius Truth Commission. Chelsea Barranger Links to Data Visualization This section contains links to all data visualization for the Mauritius report. Comparison Charts • References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism chart • References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism excel list Word Trees • Colonial • Colonialism • Imperialism References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism This section contains all references to colonialism, colonial, and imperialism from the Mauritius report. <Files\\Truth Commission Reports\\Africa\\Mauritius.TJC_.Report-FULL> - § 942 references coded [3.69% Coverage] Reference 1 - 0.01% Coverage a) (b) (c) (d) (e) make an assessment of the consequences of slavery and indentured labour during the colonial period up to the present; conduct inquiries into slavery and indentured labour in Mauritius during the colonial period and, for that purpose, gather information and receive evidence from any person; determine appropriate reparative measures to Reference 2 - 0.01% Coverage its observations, findings and recommendations. The Commission has, therefore, focused, in the first instance, on the continuities in history up to the present, especially, from an economic and social perspective, and then, on specific themes relating to colonialism, slave trade, slavery and indenture. We shall, therefore, elaborate on the resulting observations and findings before elaborating on the recommendations. We shall elaborate on our Reference 3 - 0.01% Coverage live up to this day. For long, there has been a dearth of literature on the real history of slavery in Mauritius. The history of the colony of Mauritius was first viewed as the history of the ruling class consisting of French colons and their descendants.
    [Show full text]
  • Negotiating Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Diasporic
    NEGOTIATING RACE, ETHNICITY AND NATION: DIASPORIC MULTICULTURALISM AND THE POLITICS OF LANGUAGE IN MAURITIUS by Eleanor Nicole Thornton A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland February 2017 i Abstract This dissertation examines the tension between diaspora and nativity in the construction of multiculturalism in Mauritius, a plural, postcolonial society that showcases a variety of ethnic groups that are officially recognized in the Constitution, including Mauritians of Hindu, Muslim and Chinese descent. Yet a fourth group—Afro-Mauritians, or Creoles—are singly designated as a residual category unrecognized by the state. Although Creoles represent nearly a third of the population, their decades-long struggle for recognition has been consistently met with resistance. Creoles are also the most impoverished group and are largely marginalized from civil society and the political arena. What explains the lack of recognition of the Creole community in multicultural policy? While scholars of multiculturalism in the West point to the continued ethnonationalism of Western countries as barriers to immigrant incorporation (Modood, 2013; Kymlicka, 1996), scholarship exploring multiculturalism and racial politics in the Americas highlights the relationship between race and ethnicity as two distinct categories that work differently for the populations in which they are ascribed, limiting the benefits of multiculturalism for racialized groups (Paschel, 2013; Wade, 2010; Hattam, 2007; Hooker, 2005). My dissertation builds on these theories by analyzing both national and transnational processes in the formation of multiculturalism—an approach that highlights the role of diasporic politics in the negotiation of national belonging.
    [Show full text]