Collection 1485

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records

1825-1869 59 boxes, 152 vols., 64.25 lin. feet

Contact: The Historical Society of Pennsylvania 1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia, PA 19107 Phone: (215) 732-6200 FAX: (215) 732-2680 http://www.hsp.org Processed by: Joanne Danifo Processing Completed: February 2005 Sponsor: Processing made possible by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities Restrictions: None.

© 2004 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. All rights reserved.

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records, 1825-1869 59 boxes, 152 vols., 64.25 lin. feet

Collection 1485

Abstract Matthias Baldwin (b. 1795), a former jeweler and tool manufacturer, was commissioned in 1831 by Franklin Peale to fashion a miniature locomotive engine to be displayed at his Philadelphia Museum. Soon the Philadelphia, Germantown and Norristown Railroad asked Baldwin to construct “Old Ironsides,” his first full-size engine, in 1832. Subsequently, M.W. Baldwin, incorporated in 1831, became an establishment for the manufacture of locomotive engines at 400 North Broad Street in Philadelphia. The poor economic climate of the first half of the nineteenth century caused Baldwin to seek out financial support for his new company, which he found through partnerships with George Hufty, George Vail, Asa Whitney, and Matthew Baird. The company produced engines for a multitude of American and international railroads. During the Civil War, many southern Railroads withdrew their purchases due to Matthias Baldwin’s alleged abolitionist stance, but in the meantime Baldwin built no fewer than thirty engines for the federal government. Baldwin passed away in 1866 and Matthew Baird became the senior member of the company. By 1873, Baird had sold his shares to George Burnham, Charles T. Parry, and Edward H. Williams, who renamed the company Burnham, Parry, Williams & Co. In 1890 the company was officially incorporated as Baldwin Locomotive Works, which had been the name of its center of operations in Philadelphia for many years, and in 1929 operations moved to Eddystone, Pennsylvania. The company remained there until, due to halted production and the downturn of steam engines, it merged with the Lima-Hamilton Company in 1950. Baldwin Locomotive Works stopped production in 1956.

The materials in this collection span the years 1825 to 1869, representing the earliest years of Baldwin Locomotive Works’ existence, and contain few gaps. The information in the collection deals mainly with the economic aspects of the company, its operations, and its numerous technological advancements, which take the form of diagrams, illustrations, and specification charts. The volumes have been divided into three series: Correspondence, Orders, and Account books. The bulk of the collection can be found in the correspondence, because this series spans the longest period of time – from 1836 to 1867 – and contains the richest records, touching on finance, company operations, orders, and politics.

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Background note Matthias Baldwin was born December 10, 1795, in Elizabeth, N.J., the only son of William and Phebe (Skinner) Baldwin. He was brother to seven sisters – Sarah, Mary R., Mary Louise, Cecilia, Cornella, Catherine, and Phebe, who died in infancy. Baldwin entered the jewelry trade at a young age holding an apprenticeship at Woolworth Brothers. By the age twenty-two, he was employed at Fletcher and Gardiner, jewelers and silversmiths of Philadelphia. During this time he married Sarah Crane and together they would have three daughters and one son. He continued in the jewelry trade, opening his own shop two years later. But by 1824 Baldwin left this occupation to pursue engraving and the manufacture of book-making tools and cylinders for calico production. He and his partner, David Mason, opened a small shop for their business around Fourth and Walnut Streets in 1825, where Baldwin designed and constructed a steam engine to aid in them in their endeavors. Franklin Peale of the Philadelphia Museum soon heard of this steam engine and commissioned Baldwin in 1831 to design a miniature model train to be displayed at his museum. This marked a turning point in Matthias Baldwin’s career, because upon seeing this fully-functioning model train at the museum, the Philadelphia, Germantown and Norristown Railroad Company asked Baldwin to construct a real locomotive engine.

“Old Ironsides,” the name of Baldwin’s first engine, was completed for the Philadelphia, Germantown, and Norristown Railroad on November 23, 1832. By 1835, Baldwin received engine requests from the Hudson and Mohawk Railroad and the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for its State Road, which spurred the opening of new manufacturing facilities at Broad and Hamilton Streets. Beginning with the construction of “Old Ironsides,” Baldwin executed trials for his engines, by sending engines to various railroads. As engine requests increased and Baldwin felt financial strains in the 1830s, he joined into a partnership with George Hufty and George Vail in 1839 and by 1842, Hufty withdrew from the partnership, and that year George Vail also left to join his father Stephen in the iron works business.

Following the dissolution of this partnership, Asa Whitney joined Baldwin in the manufacturing business. Whitney previously held the position of superintendent of the Hudson and Mohawk Railroad and brought with him some experience and his son George, who would serve Baldwin & Whitney as a clerk. The other main employees during these early years of the company included foreman Matthew Baird, superintendent Charles Parry, and finance man George Burnham, who would serve the company for seventy-six years. As they created “a system of locomotive engines matured by us which we think are better adapted for all varieties of circumstances,” Baldwin & Whitney decided to create a naming system, assigning a letter to an engine with a specific set of specifications. The earliest letters of Baldwin & Whitney include this chart, which gives full descriptions for four types of engines – “A,” “B,” “C,” and “D.” However their partnership was also very brief and Asa Whitney would leave to open A. Whitney and Sons for the purpose of manufacturing locomotive wheels before becoming the president of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad in 1860.

Business was bustling for the company, which after three years as Baldwin & Vail, then Baldwin & Whitney, was now simply M.W. Baldwin. The company was so inundated 2 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records Collection 1485 with engine orders that by 1845 they were building twenty engines per year on average and had that same amount on order. For the next decade, Baldwin acquired more employees at his facilities on Broad and Hamilton Streets, he expanded the list of railroads that he furnished engines, and he applied for more patents. On March 7, 1848, he wrote to the commissioner of patents requesting a patent for three improvements he had made on his locomotive engines. He also acquired the patent for a fountain pen designed by Azel Lyman. Lyman had written to Baldwin in the beginning of 1848 and told him that he had fallen ill and was in a great deal of debt. Lyman said that he would be willing to sell his design for the fountain pen to an interested party and eventually he and Baldwin struck a deal – Baldwin would pay Lyman $2332 for the pen design and the rights to Lyman’s Historical Charts. Baldwin could then apply for a patent for the design.

At the same time that Baldwin was expanding his locomotive works and pursuing more business ventures, he encountered problems with his employees. November 15, 1848, chairman Milton Mendenhall and secretary John H. Johnson, representing a group of men employed at Baldwin’s factory, wrote to Baldwin about the “inconvenience, want, and suffering occasioned by the non-reception of our wages.” They noted that they maintained high respect for Baldwin, but they were losing lines of credit and their children must “go to school barefoot” for want of “clothing, food, and fuel.” It is unclear whether anything ever came of these complaints, until about 1860 when there was a formal employee strike.

Baldwin’s business continued to prosper with few obstacles into the 1850s and, in turn, he hired a growing number of machinists, engineers, and apprentices. The first two groups, which included William and Robert Pettit, Jacob Schieble, and H.T. Peake, often did not remain at Baldwin’s main facilities in Philadelphia, but were sent to different railroads that needed expert assistance throughout the country and even overseas. They would frequent these roads either to deliver and set up a new engine for a company or in response to mechanical difficulties. They would then report back to M.W. Baldwin and write of their progress on these various roads, which was the term that Baldwin employees used when referring to different railroad lines. Baldwin also employed agents to represent his company’s financial interests abroad. H.R. Riddle, B.H. Wright, Gilead Smith, and T.M. Tyng all served as agents for Baldwin and their duties included settling company accounts, placing orders with local suppliers and arranging the shipment of orders. This arrangement did not always prove fruitful for Baldwin as in the case of H.R. Riddle, who was an agent for Baldwin in Cuba. There was an episode that occurred in the beginning of 1848 involving a disagreement between Riddle, Wright, and John Eaton, who had an open account with Baldwin. Wright wrote to Baldwin claiming that Riddle knowingly charged Eaton incorrectly and Eaton intended to sue Riddle and take his business elsewhere. Subsequently, Baldwin appointed Wright as an agent for Baldwin’s company, replacing Riddle.

Gilead Smith and, later, T.M. Tyng, whose official titles were Iron Commission Agents, each served as agents for Baldwin in New York for periods of time in the late 1850s and 1860s. These two men did much traveling in their work for the company and settled accounts and orders in such locales as Chicago, New York, and London. They would 3 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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travel often, because they were required to gage the needs of the railroads, write back to the Baldwin office in Philadelphia for advice and to report problems on the roads and to service them accordingly. Smith and Tyng operated out of an office in New York City located on Broadway.

Although there was the constant threat of the economic downturns that were so prevalent in the 1840s, the company continued to manufacture a great number of engines into the 1850s. However, business was not uneventful at this time. On March 17, 1853 a shipwreck involving one of Baldwin’s locomotives occurred near Key West. Baldwin had shipped a locomotive engine on the Cimbus to the New Orleans, Opelousas, and Great Western Railroad care of its superintendant B.H. Payne, however the ship never made it to New Orleans. Since Payne had not yet paid for the engine, John Keefer of the Mercantile Mutual Insurance Company compensated Baldwin for the loss of the locomotive, which totalled $3500. Sometime after June, the engine was recovered from the water near Key West and, upon inspection, it was determined that the recovered engine from the Cimbus was actually a used engine. The only parts that seemed new on the engine, according to Payne, were the boiler and the tire. Thus, Payne wrote to Keefer and his colleague Edward Harris Miles and told them of the discrepancy and possible fraud. Payne believed Baldwin had attempted to sell him a used engine and suspected wrongdoing on the part of Matthias Baldwin, but he never filed a formal accusation of fraud against Baldwin due to the latter’s universally esteemed character in the railroad industry.

As the Civil War loomed on the horizon, Baldwin’s business relationships began to feel the strain of both outside competition and the country’s sectional conflict. Baldwin & Co.’s chief competitor, Rogers Locomotive and Machine Works, threatened to unseat them as the primary manufacturer of engines in the United States. Feeling this pressure and the need to sell more engines, George Burnham wrote to Matthew Baird in 1858 that they “needed to land a sale to keep the company out of Rogers’ hands.” Competition was not the only risk that caused the firm members to feel pressure by the end of the 1850s. In the beginning of March 1860, some of the shop workers went on strike at the Baldwin & Co. shop in Philadelphia. The cause of the employee strike and the outcome was unclear. Baldwin wrote to many colleagues asking them if they could spare any workers, but he made it clear that the shop did not need apprentices. In turn, several associates offered to send some hands to help Baldwin & Co., but certain colleagues feared that his hands would get into trouble with Baldwin’s striking employees. However, Baldwin was able to avoid a major disruption in operations and by March 20, Baldwin assured his associates and customers that business would be on schedule, because the company was able to employ a decent amount of laborers at this point.

The political differences of the nation threatened to jeopardize Baldwin’s business relationships in the late 1850s. Rumors had spread throughout the industry that Baldwin had been the president of an abolitionist meeting. Many of Matthias Baldwin’s southern counterparts expressed concern over Baldwin’s political leanings and questioned how they could continue business dealings with a man who allegedly opposed slavery. He tried to appease his southern contacts, but even his engineers that were placed with 4 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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southern railroads warned Baldwin that these views could cause him to lose business. Before the outbreak of the war, Baldwin struggled to appease his southern customers and denied any involvement in abolitionist meetings. Soon his allegiance to the Northern cause became too difficult to conceal and as soon as war broke out, Baldwin promised to defend the northern cause and offered his loyalty and business to the federal government.

The Civil War greatly changed Baldwin & Co.’s business orientation. As soon as war was declared, Matthias Baldwin aligned his loyalties with the Union, offering the federal government his services. They soon took advantage of this offer and commissioned Baldwin to make more than thirty engines, which turned his attention away from his main customers. Baldwin told Colonel Pleasanton in April 1861 that the company was “at the service of the City, State, and General Government for the manufacture of munitions of war, or whatever may be needed for the maintenance of the Authority of the Government.” While production at the facilities on Broad and Hamilton Streets increased, the prices of engine parts rose and fell often and the company was dealing mostly in cash. Soon, Baldwin & Co. felt the effects that the war had on its work force and operations. Many of Baldwin’s apprentices deserted the firm without permission in increasing numbers, many left with permission to join the Union army for a four month period, and also the overseas workers that they had depended upon were reluctant to come to the States, because they feared the military draft. This last predicament involved mostly ironworkers and artisans from England, who felt sympathy for the southern cause. The British believed that Baldwin underestimated England’s dislike for the northern states, which made British workers disinclined to join Baldwin & Co.

While Baldwin & Co.’s relationship with its British counterparts became complicated during the war, they continued their business with the Cuban roads. The Cuban roads became the focus of most of the company’s endeavors when they were not occupied with orders from the federal government. Matthias Baldwin and Matthew Baird corresponded often with Jose Antonio Echeverria, the head of the Havana Railroad Company. Echeverria ordered several engines, requested engineers, inquired about repairs and even discussed the state of the war with Baldwin. At a time when Baldwin lost many customers in the South and support from England, the Cuban railroads proved to be an invaluable source of business during the Civil War.

As soon as victory became a reality for the Union forces in April 1865, Baldwin & Co. resumed their regular business. However, Baldwin & Co. still needed to tie up the loose ends with the orders placed by the government during the Civil War. This was not an easy task for the company, for Baldwin had to write to Captain H.L. Robinson and countless other military figures in an attempt to settle their account with the federal government for several months. Baldwin claimed that the government owed them $151,558.17, which included the engines, labor, materials, and business lost as a result of diverting the majority of their resources to the government, while the government believed the owed sum to be $97,507.75 (1/25/1865). This disagreement did not last long and Baldwin & Co. directed the government to ascertain product prices from their customers so that they might pay the company the correct amount. Other than this situation, Baldwin & Co. were able to pick up their business where they left off before 5 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records Collection 1485 the war. They continued to engage in sales with southern roads again and built a new shop around the year 1864, making Baldwin & Co.’s facilities as follows: a machine shop, a blacksmith shop, paint shop, boiler shop, a copper sheet iron shop, a pattern shop, a foundry, and a drawing room. The newly expanded facilities were bound by Sixteenth Street and Broad Street on the west and east and north and south by Spring Garden and Hamilton Streets.

Matthias Baldwin, the senior member of Baldwin & Co., passed away on September 7, 1866 at his country home in Tacony. However, his death was not sudden, for he was ill often and his health had taken a turn for the worse in the months leading up to his death. He left behind a great legacy which included numerous machine patents, holdings in various railroads, and membership in many prestigious societies. He was one of the founding members of the Franklin Institute, a member of the General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen of New York, and rented a pew at the Church of the Saviour at Thirty-eighth and Ludlow Streets. He also engaged in many philanthropic activities before his death, donating money to the Association for Colored Orphans, serving as the vice-president of a home for “imbecile and idiotic” children in Germantown, and serving on the board of the American Systematic Beneficence Society. John Clayton, his son-in- law, and “Townsend” were named the executors of Baldwin’s estate and Matthew Baird, who was abroad at the time of Baldwin’s death, assumed the lead position at the company. The operation of Baldwin Locomotive Works was now under the control of M. Baird & Co.

The company would undergo several name changes before the end of the century. Baird served as the head of the company until 1873, when he sold his shares to his partners and long-time Baldwin employees, George Burnham, Charles Parry, and Edward H. Williams. The company was reformed under the name Burnham, Parry, Williams & Co. and would keep this name until 1890. Although the center of operations at Broad and Hamilton streets had been called Baldwin Locomotive Works for many years, it was finally incorporated under this name in 1890 and placed under the direction of George Burnham, Charles Parry, Edward H. Williams, William Henszey, John H. Converse, William C. Stroud and William L. Austin.

In 1929, Baldwin Locomotive Works relocated their operations to Eddystone, Pennsylvania, and began to experience a series of setbacks. Steam locomotives were becoming dated and the final blow to Baldwin Locomotive Works came during World War II. The government placed a limit on the company’s production of diesel engines and at the same time General Motors won the government contract to build engines for the war. As a result, General Motors’ technology eclipsed that of Baldwin Locomotive Works. Trying to keep up with the competition, Baldwin Locomotive Works merged with the Lima-Hamilton Corporation, an Ohio locomotive manufacturer, in 1950. By 1956, the year that engine production ended for Baldwin Locomotive Works, they had produced a total of 70, 500 engines.

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Scope & content The materials in this collection date from 1825 to 1869, representing the earliest years of Baldwin Locomotive Works’ existence. These records contain few gaps and they relate mainly to the operations and finances of the company and its technological development. The collection contains numerous diagrams and sketches of engine parts and many engine specification charts that offer great detail into the construction of locomotive engines. The materials have been divided into three series: Correspondence, Orders, and Account books. The correspondence is the bulk of the collection. It spans the longest period of time – from 1836 to 1867 – and contains the richest records, touching on company operations, engine orders, financial records, and the political climate of the nation.

Correspondence consists of letters written between the years 1836 and 1867, which have been divided into two subseries – outgoing and incoming. The correspondence gives the reader much insight into the daily operations of Baldwin & Co. through engines and parts requests, discussion of apprentice issues, supply purchases and advertisements for technological innovations and patents. Since a majority of the letters pertain to the ordering and repair of parts, this series has a wealth of diagrams and drawings, detailing the measurements and specifications for a wide variety of engine parts. There are also many charts that accompany the letters that outline the construction and specifications for all of the engine varieties produced by Baldwin & Co. While the letters do not have much information concerning the personal lives of the Baldwin and his employees, they do offer an occasional glimpse into the political leanings of Baldwin and the political climate of the country, especially in the letters that precede the outbreak of the Civil War. In the outgoing correspondence there is one volume that does not relate directly to the business of the locomotive works and contains letters pertaining to the activities of the American Systematic Beneficence Society, which counted Matthias Baldwin as a member. John Gulliver is the author of these letters and the recipients of his letters include H.W. Beecher, Charles Finney, and many other preachers, who Gulliver encourages to preach a message of Christianity coupled with capitalism.

The orders, which span from 1852 to 1869, consist strictly of financial and product information. The reader can also use the orders to trace purchasing patterns and to obtain pricing information for various engines and parts, such as cranks, axles, and lamps. This series shows which companies ordered goods from Baldwin and at which point in time.

The account books have been subdivided into five subseries: ledgers, journals, daybooks, cashbooks, and miscellaneous. The ledgers date from 1825 to 1867 and, much like the orders, contain mainly financial records, in the form of the debits and credits of Baldwin & Co.’s accounts. The ledgers kept record of the holdings of several Baldwin family members and also the estates of deceased employees, including Baldwin. Thus, this information gives some insight to the families of the senior members of the company, including Matthias Baldwin and Matthew Baird, since several of the entries pertain to their wives and children. The journals (1839-1867) and the daybooks (1829-1866) contain the same information as the ledgers except some of the entries are a bit more detailed. Employee wages, expenses of the company, and other such financial 7 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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information can be drawn from these two types of volumes. While the cashbooks (1839-1867) track debits and credits like the previous volumes, they deal only with cash transactions, resulting in entries with greater details. For example, the expenses of the company, which included tables and clothes, are specified in these volumes.

Several account books that could not be included in the previous subseries have been grouped into miscellaneous. There is one receipt book (1849-1854), one inventory book (1855), which includes a list of the products manufactured on the Baldwin & Co. premises, three apprentice books (1854-1868), one charge book (1846-1849), one charge book for shop work (1858), and a memorandum for loans (1865-1869). Most of these volumes offer the same degree of economic data that the daybooks, ledgers, and journals have within their pages. The apprentice books have the richest records that do not relate to finance, because they hold the contracts for apprenticeship for a great number of boys employed by Baldwin & Co. These volumes reveal much about nineteenth century industrial apprenticeships including salaries, length of servitude, employment practices in wartime, and causes for and frequency of employee absences.

Overview of arrangement

Series I Correspondence, 1836-1867 88 volumes, 58 boxes a. Outgoing, 1836-1867 87 volumes, .75 box b. Incoming, 1838-1867 1 volume, 57.25 boxes Series II Orders, 1852-1869 5 volumes, 2 folders Series III Account books, 1825-1869 55 volumes, 1 box a. Ledgers, 1825-1867 13 volumes, 7 folders b. Journals, 1839-1864 12 volumes, 2 folder c. Daybooks, 1829-1867 17 volumes, 1 folder d. Cashbooks, 1839-1867 9 volumes, 2 folders e. Miscellaneous, 1846-1869 8 volumes, 5 folders

Series description

Series 1. Correspondence, 1836-1867 (Vol. 1-88, Boxes 1-58) a. Outgoing, 1836-1867 The outgoing correspondence of Baldwin Locomotive Works consists of letterpress books that contain copies of letters and one letterpress book that has been preservation photocopied. The volumes are arranged by date and follow an unbroken sequence of time between 1836 and 1867. The majority of the letterpress books are concerned with “orders and specs” in that most of the letters contain customers’ orders and diagrams and measurements of engines and their parts.

The letters offer much insight into the business practices of Baldwin Locomotive Works and how they interacted with both their suppliers and their customers. The former included companies like Hendricks Brothers and vendors like Nathan Rogers of Utica, who produced everything from copper tubing to locomotive lamps to be 8 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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used in engine construction. Often included in these volumes are formal contracts between Baldwin and the supplier, which outline the goods being sold, the price and the delivery arrangements. One such contract, written by Baldwin regarding his purchase of copper from Harmon, Henry, & Montague Hendricks for $36,000, is included in volume 13. The letters also suggest that Baldwin served as a middleman for many of these products. For example, he purchased copper from Hendricks Brothers to be used in copper tubing and in turn he sold this tubing to his customers. While there are many letters written to suppliers, there is an equal number of letters written by the locomotive company to their customers, which included the nation’s many railroad companies and, during the Civil War, the federal government. The railroad companies that dealt with Baldwin spanned not only the United States, but the globe. Some of the railroad companies included in the outgoing correspondence include the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, the Camden and Amboy Railroad Company, the New York and Erie Railroad Company, the Royal Württemberg Railroad Company, the Havana Railroad Company, and countless others. The letters to these companies often include pricing information for the locomotive engines, shipment information, and a request for the name that was to be engraved onto the engine. Since the company was newly formed and the technology was newer, Baldwin included information pertaining to the capabilities of the locomotive engines in the earlier books.

Baldwin’s outgoing correspondence also sheds light on their financial situation throughout the years that saw several financial panics and a Civil War. Many Americans suffered fiscal losses in the 1840s and Baldwin counted himself among them. In 1841, he wrote a letter about the company’s “embarrassment” – the Bank of the United States was threatening to mortgage Baldwin’s property and by May, the company found that the bank had a suit filed against them. The climate had not changed much by 1848, as Baldwin wrote that “money is scarce” and the company was having trouble collecting bill payments from their customers. By the early 1850s, many of Baldwin’s letters commented that his “engagements for building engines are heavy” and he is sending out “one per week.” (Letter April 7, 1851) In 1858, the company began to feel more financial strains and desired to “land more sales” in order to “keep the company out of Rogers’ hands.” Rogers Locomotive Company was Baldwin’s biggest competitor at the time this letter was written. By the 1860s, there is a lack of outgoing letters to different southern Railroads, partly due to the Panic of 1857 and the Civil War, which led to an unofficial boycott by the southern roads due to Matthias Baldwin’s supposed abolitionist activities.

A fewer number of letters at this time focused on issues with apprentices, patents, and technological innovations. With regards to apprentices, the company hired many young boys for paid apprenticeships that lasted four to five years. From these volumes, it appears that parents “desire[d] to get there children in this business,” but Baldwin and his partners wrote many letters telling parents and guardians that they lacked many openings at the shop and factory. Baldwin also wrote several letters to parents informing them of their sons’ behavior. For example, in April of 1850 Baldwin encountered problems with both the son of Mr. Nate, who refused to “pay

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attention to the business” and a Cuban boy, who was an acquaintance of Jose Echeverria of the Havana Railroad. This boy insisted on “breaking the rules.”

The other type of letters that was written to a lesser extent concerned the credit attributed for certain patents and advancements in locomotive technology. Baldwin’s company held the patent on several inventions, including the “spark arrester” for which there was a $50 usage fee. Therefore, he wrote many letters ensuring payment for the use of this invention as well as others. The letterpress books also contain much information regarding the specifications of the company’s engines. In the 1830s and 1840s, the letters that the company sent to customers included charts, which gave the complete descriptions for each of the three types of Baldwin locomotives – A, B, C. Letters from later years show that the company had achieved advancements with the introduction of D and E engines.

There are two volumes that have not been placed with the letterpress books that detail orders and specifications. Volume 86 contains letters that were written by Baldwin and his partners to their agent in New York City, Gilead A. Smith. He served as the locomotive company’s New York agent during the 1850s and his duties included handling accounts with suppliers and customers based in New York City.

The other volume that does not fall into the orders and specification sequence is the American Systematic Beneficence Society Letterbook. This book contains letters written by John Gulliver, the head of the Society, to various preachers throughout the nation, including H.W. Beecher and Charles Finney. The purpose of the Society, which originated in Philadelphia in 1856, was to “bring up every Christian to do his duty with regards to benevolent contributions” with the goal of causing a “moral earthquake.” The Board of Managers for the Society had twenty-nine members, including Thomas Cooper, Matthias Baldwin, George H. Stuart, and Thomas Walton. The group was of many evangelical denominations and sought to “arm every evangelical minister with a copy of Gold and the Gospel.”

b. Incoming, 1838-1867 This subseries consists of disbound letterbooks and one volume entitled Old Specifications Letterbook No. 3. They are arranged chronologically and cover the years from 1838 to 1867. The topics of the incoming letters are similar to those in the outgoing letterbooks. The letters that Baldwin received were mostly written by railroad companies requesting engines, machinists and engineers employed by Baldwin to work on different roads, people advertising their patents, and people seeking positions at the company. The last type of letter often came in the form of a relative seeking an apprenticeship for a young member of their family. On October 24, 1844, Macpherson Miller asked Baldwin to place his younger brother with a family so that he might avoid the “vices of the city.” According to several letters, apprentices that did not have relatives in Philadelphia were either placed with a family or lived in a boarding home.

The incoming letters offer much insight into the growth of the company and also Baldwin’s political leanings. After the early years of the company in the 1830s, the 10 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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incoming letters show an increasing number of railroads requesting engines from all over the country and even some international requests from Cuba, Württemberg, and Egypt. Railroads also sent letters to Baldwin requesting different engine parts that needed replacing and also “sober, skillful, & cautious” engineers. There are many letters from these said engineers reporting to Baldwin on the progress of the various roads.

In the 1840s, there is also a series of letters concerning the politics of Baldwin and his colleague Simeon Guilford of Lebanon, Pennsylvania. Guilford wrote that “every German farmer & mechanic. etc. should possess” a publication of Whig principles and there should be publications available in the German language. Guilford wrote this in “preparation for the presidential election.” (4/16/1844) There are several other letters written by William Brewster regarding this same election. On October 14, 1844, Brewster wrote that as a resident of Michigan, he would cast a vote for Clay and congratulated Baldwin on the victory of the “Whig cause in Pennsylvania.” In an 1846 business letter to Baldwin & Whitney, F & J Parke included political observations about the “locosfocos” [radical Democrats] and the lowering of the tariff. (July 9, 1846) Presidential elections were not the only political topics of conversation in Baldwin’s incoming letters. Writing from Harrisburg on January 18, 1848, George Whitney, unhappy with “Shunk” (Francis Rawn Shunk, governor of Pennsylvania), lamented that people were waiting for “dirty crumbs to fall from the hands of him they worship.”

Most of the letters over the next decade lack political ruminations, until the years leading up to the Civil War in the late 1850s. The political differences that caused rifts in the business relationships of Baldwin and many of the Southern railroads foretell of the differences that would lead to the Civil War. By 1858, election issues reappeared and several of Baldwin’s colleagues sent a flyer organizing people behind a Congressional candidate who supported the following resolutions: “enabling farmer to become a larger customer to the manufacturer and the manufacturer to become a larger customer to the farmer,” “domestic commerce” and the “transfer of our workshops from the soil of Europe to our own.” They officially endorsed E. Joy Morris for the House of Representatives and Simon Cameron for Senate in a letter dated July 28, 1858.

Just before the outbreak of the Civil War in 1860, two southern railroad men wrote a series of letters accusing Matthias Baldwin of being anti-slavery. William Hudson and Thomas Dodamead, superintendent of the Central Railroad, questioned Baldwin’s attitude toward slavery and asked about his role as president of an abolitionist meeting that took place in Philadelphia in 1859. Dodamead related the following to Baldwin: a man who was a former resident of the northern states told Dodamead that Baldwin & Co. were “hostile to the idea of doing business with men who were surrounded by this peculiar institution [slavery].” Matthias Baldwin vehemently denied his abolitionist leanings to both Dodamead and William Hudson and wrote to his engineer D.H. Ferger, asking him if he has been telling the southern roads that he harbored abolitionist leanings. Ferger denied this, but reminded Baldwin on April 30, 1860, that he [Ferger] was pro-slavery and that his business was 11 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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almost “exclusively Southern.” In the correspondence, Baldwin never claimed to be a staunch abolitionist, therefore it is unclear whether Dodamead’s and Hudson’s accusations were valid. The arguments continued up until the outbreak of the Civil War, when Baldwin made clear his loyalties – but not before the southern railroads decided to suspend their dealings with Baldwin & Co.

Due to the turmoil between the northern and southern states and Baldwin’s official support of the government in the North, the incoming correspondence from the South lessened dramatically during the war years. The correspondence at this time centered on requests from the federal government and Cuba, who became increasingly important customers in wartime. There are countless letters from the federal government requesting engines to be made for the war cause, many asking for patriotic names like “Stars and Stripes” to be engraved on the engines. Baldwin also wrote to Andrew Curtin, governor of Pennsylvania, asking for some help with laborers, who had become more scarce during the conflict.

After the Civil War ended, the incoming correspondence resembled the letters from the 1840s and early 1850s. Railroads continued to place engine orders and engineers reported to Baldwin on the conditions of various roads. The southern railroads resumed their business with Baldwin’s company and Baldwin’s colleagues complained about the politics of the nation, namely President Johnson’s policies. Matthias Baldwin passed away in 1866 and there are several letters concerning his affairs. Matthew Baird assumed many of Baldwin’s responsibilities as he became the senior member of the company upon the founder’s death. There is also a folder that contains Baldwin’s estate information and the bonds that he owned (Folder 5 October 1866).

Of note is folder 25 in box 39, which contains a series of letters from W.S.C. Otis addressed to Baldwin & Co. The letters refer to claims that Baldwin made against the Cleveland and Pittsburgh Railroad for failure to make mortgage payments. Otis represented Baldwin in the case, which took place May 9, 1860, and he was to collect the money awarded to the company. The decision was cast in favor of Baldwin & Co., but Baldwin questioned whether Otis misrepresented the financial condition of the Cleveland and Pittsburgh Railroad and if Otis kept some of the money for himself. In his letters, Otis defended his course of action and the amount of money awarded to Baldwin.

Boxes 57 and 58 contain correspondence solely from Baldwin’s New York office to the Philadelphia location. All of the letters in box 57 were written by Baldwin’s New York agent Gilead Smith. Smith’s letters concerned purchases, such as glass and different metals, which he made for Baldwin both in the United States and abroad. In folders 11 and 12, letters show that Smith purchased goods for Baldwin in London and Learnington, England. Box 58 contains the same type of correspondence as the previous box, but the author of these letters is T.M. Tyng. According to the letterhead of these letters, T.M. Tyng replaced Gilead Smith as the New York agent for Baldwin by 1865. However, Smith was still involved with the locomotive company as is evidenced by several telegrams from Smith in New York 12 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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in box 58. Tyng’s correspondence deals mostly with the shipment of raw materials to Baldwin, locomotive parts to different roads, and the settling of accounts with suppliers and customers. Smith’s and Tyng’s letters cover the period between 1861 and 1867.

The only bound volume in this subseries, Old Specifications Letter Book No. 3, contains letters from 1838 to 1843, which represent the earlier years of the company. The letters were written by different railroad companies that had tested Baldwin’s new locomotives. They sent Baldwin charts that recorded the speed of the engine, its weight, the problems that were encountered and the weather in which the tests were conducted. Some of the results of engine-testings were addressed to newspapers and serve as advertisements for Baldwin’s company. One such letter hailed a “successful and extraordinary experiment in steam locomotives railroads.” Included in the front of this volume, which does not relate to the engine experiments, is a copy of the minutes from a Trustees Meeting of Philadelphia Ice Boat Company dated March 22, 1837-Janaury 23, 1838. The topics of the meeting included filling the vacancy on the board caused by Matthias Baldwin’s resignation, plans for boats that would clear the Delaware River of its ice, and the board’s solicitation of Baldwin to construct the engines for these boats.

Series 2. Orders, 1852-1869 (Vol. 89-93, Box 59) The volumes in this series track orders placed by Baldwin customers. They have been arranged according to date and span a short period of time from 1852 to 1869. The left-hand column of each entry is the item that has been ordered and then the right-hand column offers both the name of the customer and a more detailed description of the item ordered. Customers’ orders included items like copper tubing and services and repairs. Most of the time, the entries do not provide the cost of the orders. The clerk noted in the entry whether the customer ordered the item “verbally,” “by letter,” or “by telegraph.” They also made note if the customer “wanted order soon.” Slash marks or “executed” indicate that the item has been recorded in the cashbook and sent to the customer. “C.b.” written in red also indicates the order’s placement in the cashbook.

The left-hand column in volume 93 is not an ordered item or service, but a number. Volume 89 contains solely orders placed for “engines and extras” and the “unfinished orders of 1852.” The delivery date for each purchase was noted. The journal from Sept. 6, 1856-Dec. 31, 1856 was inserted into this volume, but has been removed and placed into a folder (see box 59 folder 1).

Series 3. Account Books (Vol. 94-152, Box 59) a. Ledgers, 1825-1867 These volumes contain the debits and credits of Baldwin’s customers, senior members of the company, and often their family members. The volumes in this subseries begin in 1825, the earliest years of the locomotive company, and the last ledger dates to 1867. The years of the ledgers overlap, but there are no gaps in the years of the ledgers. In the front of each volume, there is an index of entries with corresponding page numbers. The first few entries in the ledgers often deal with 13 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records Collection 1485 debits and credits as they relate to the company’s stock holdings, merchandise sales, “interests and discounts,” “bills payable,” and “hands accounts.” For example, the “stock” section of volume 101 shows that Baldwin held interest in many different organizations, such as the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, New York and Erie Railroad Company, Chestnut Hill Railroad Company, the American Mutual Insurance Company, and several churches.

The rest of the entries in the volumes consist of customers and members of the company. Under each entry their credits and debits with regards to “merchandise,” “cash,” and “sundries” are listed by date. The ledgers do not offer many details, but only which type of debit or credit the transaction was and the monetary value. Volumes 102 and 103 do not have indices.

Part of volume 94 predates the activities of the locomotive works and Baldwin’s construction of his first engine. Thus, many of the purchases and balances in this ledger pertain to Baldwin’s previous trade – tool making and engraving. These entries balance the accounts of customers that purchased tools and requested engravings from Baldwin before he was commissioned by Franklin Peale to build the locomotive engine for the Philadelphia Museum. b. Journals, 1839-1867 The volumes in this subseries have been arranged in order by date with the earliest volume dating to 1839 and the latest one dating to 1867. The years of the volumes overlap often and some of the volumes had previously been assigned numbers, which were occasionally written on the cover. Since they represent the step between the ledger and daybook, the pages are arranged chronologically and each customer is given his own entry. Within each entry, the customer’s debits and credits for the day are listed. Some of these credits and debits include loans and purchases. Since some of the entries are concerned with transactions made by Baldwin & Co., there are also entries for the payment of factory hands and for the personal expenses of the senior members of the company.

Each entry includes the customer’s or firm member’s name, their expenses for the day, the credits in their favor for the day, the money value for all of these transactions, and the corresponding ledger page for the account. Some valuable information that can found in the journals is the wages paid the Baldwin hands, loans given to some customers, debts of different customers, and purchases frequently made, such as engine repairs and parts, and their prices. c. Daybooks, 1829-1867 These volumes, which represent the essential daily tool for a business, are arranged chronologically and span from 1829 to 1867. At some point, several of the daybooks were assigned numbers, which were written on the volume cover. In these volumes, Baldwin & Co. recorded their expenses and sales throughout the day. Since many of the purchases include engine parts and repairs, there are many diagrams drawn throughout the daybooks to accompany these purchases.

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Much like the ledgers, the earliest daybook predates Baldwin’s locomotive manufacturing and, therefore, the entries deal with Baldwin’s tool-making and engraving activities. In volume 115, he sells customers “lathes,” “binder tools,” and engraves “plates” and “boxes.” These earlier volumes contain somewhat informal entries and are a little disorganized, while the later ones resemble journals, because each purchase was given its own entry. The main column has the transaction and it was usually worded as follows: “merchandise to sundries” or “Pennsylvania Railroad to cash.” The cash in each transaction was tallied and totaled at the end of the entry. The information that can be gathered from these volumes include the various companies that purchased engines and parts from Baldwin & Co., the prices of these engines and parts, and the frequency with which orders were placed. Of note is volume 123, which contains information about the partnership between Matthias Baldwin and Matthew Baird formed on March 26, 1853. The volume contains the business contract for this business partnership, which allowed Baldwin to retain “two thirds of the capitol stock” and Baird “one third” and it also lists the items that were shared in the partnership – the premises, inventory, the tools, machinery and drawings (in the shop).

Several volumes in this subseries are called “Daybooks (charges),” because the entries have notations that indicate the billing date and sometimes the manner in which the purchase was made (e.g. verbally, letter). d. Cashbooks, 1839-1867 The cashbooks are arranged chronologically and date from 1839 to 1867. Baldwin & Co. used these volumes to track the flow of cash on a daily basis. The volumes consist of the cash debits and credits of the company and its customers. The following are the types of transactions that have been recorded in the cashbooks: loans, the accounts of hands, merchandise sales and purchases, and the personal expenses of members of the company.

One volume to note is volume 137, which contained inserts pertaining to investments in the Mine Hill Railroad Company (see box 59 folder 13). They indicate that Matthias Baldwin was not the only member of his family that had stock in railroad companies and the sheets recorded the names of several Baldwin family members, including Matthias’ wife Sarah, his sister Mary, and his daughters Mary Louise, Cecilia, and Anna B. Clayton. The entries accompanied by charts tracking “installments” and “dividends” of the Mine Hill Railroad Company. e. Miscellaneous, 1846-1869 The volumes in this subseries contain financial records and inventory records. The earliest volume, Charge book A, dates to 1846 and the latest volume, Memorandum for Loans #57, has information from 1869. Like volumes have been grouped together and arranged chronologically.

The first volume in the subseries is a receipt book that contains receipts for payments made by Baldwin & Co., including bill payments and supply purchases. The next volume is an inventory book that does not have a great amount of 15 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records Collection 1485 information, consisting of a few pages of information from several months in 1855. The volume was used to keep record of “Items received and manufactured at the Factory,” which ranged from mallets to cement. Inserted in the volume were papers pertaining to the “Shop Books of N & G Taylor Company,” which manufactured tin.

In this subseries, there are three apprentice books that date from 1854 to 1868. These volumes offer a bit of information about the employees of Baldwin & Co. and at times, the employment practices of the company. Volume 143 has an index of the apprentices in the front of the book with a corresponding page number. Each apprentice’s page chronicled his service time, absences, both excused and unexcused, length of service, and whether the time was completed. The length of the apprenticeship usually lasted five years and, in this volume, absences of both kinds became more and more frequent after the first year of service. The apprentice supervisor at this time seems to be George Russell, who made many notations in the volume. This volume is missing pages fifty to ninety-five.

The next apprentice book, which contains the records for the apprentices that began their service between January 1858 and July 1861, continues the same pattern as volume 143, but at this point Baldwin & Co. had drafted official apprentice contracts. Each apprentice’s entry in this volume consists of his official contract on the left-hand page and a record of his “lost time” on the right-hand page. The contract includes the apprentice’s name, place of birth, date of birth, the trade being taught, and a yearly break-down of his salary. This last record shows that apprentices’ salaries increased slightly each year that they worked for the engine company and it also shows that the different apprenticeships, which included machinists, draughtsman and blacksmiths, called for differing salaries. The contracts also show that, since the boy seeking the apprenticeship was a minor, a witness’ signature was required in order for the contract to be valid. This was usually a parent or guardian. The right-hand page provides information regarding the frequency of absences and the cause of these absences. Most of the lost time was due to the apprentice being “deceased,” “discharged,” or “freed.”

Often, Baldwin took note of the apprentices’ behavior and wrote if they were “bad boys” in these volumes (volume 144). If the period of service ended prematurely, there is a note of mutual dissolution of the contract. If their absence was due to illness, a doctor’s note was required and was attached to their contract in the volume. For example, John L. Bottorff’s doctor sent Baldwin a note describing the boy’s “delicate condition.” This particular volume also has an increasing number of “runaways” noted, which is most likely due to the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861. While Baldwin gave many boys permission to volunteer for the army during the period of their contracts, several opted to enlist without said permission and were labeled runaways. Charles Parry wrote a letter May 23, 1861, which can be found in volume 143, explaining that apprentices who wished to volunteer to serve in the army would be permitted four months of leave without pay.

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This subseries also has two types of charge books. Volume 146, which has been named Charge Book A, dates from July 8, 1846 to April 26, 1849. This volume is organized much like the daybooks in the collection, but there are several key differences. The volume is arranged chronologically and each entry includes the following information: a reference number in the first column, the customer with a list of their debits and credits in the main column, and then the monetary total for each customer. The most marked difference between this charge book and the daybooks is that the notations that are made throughout the book pertain to accounts being billed. “Billed,” “Charged,” and “pd” are written next to each entry accompanied by a date. Offering slightly different information than the traditional daybook, it seems that the transactions in this volume are charged to an account and the bill is paid at a later. This volume is also concerned with the way in which orders are placed – “verbally,” “in person,” etc. The other type of charge book is volume 147, which has been named Charge Book for Shop Work. This volume deals solely with the construction of engines and the different repair work that was required for each engine. The volume only covers one month of orders and offers this information chronologically with each railroad company having its own entry. With a layout similar to that of the previous charge book, each entry gives the specifics of the engine that was built and the repair work involved, such as the replacements of parts like flues and the addition of parts like snow ploughs. The first page of this charge book lists all of the railroads that commissioned engines accompanied by the weight of the engine in tons.

The last volume in this subseries had been named Memorandum for Loans #57. This book has a layout that is similar to a ledger in that the entries are organized by account with the debits on the left-hand page and the credits on the right-hand page. Yet, each entry deals primarily with cash advances, loans and credits awarded to the account or customer. According to the volume, the account balances were paid regularly.

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Separation report None.

Related materials Related collections at other institutions: Baldwin-Lima-Hamilton Corp. Records, Department of Special Collections, Stanford University. Finding aid: http://www.oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf8v19p03r

Papers, manuals, records, blueprints, and diagrams of the Baldwin Locomotive Works from the Matthew Gray Collection, the Charles Scott Collection and the Frank Moore

Collection, 1920-1950, Railroad Museum of Pennsylvania.

Herbert Broadbelt Collection of Baldwin Locomotive Works Records, 1890-1940, Railroad Museum of Pennsylvania.

Baldwin Locomotive Collection, DeGoyler Library Collections, Southern Methodist University.

Baldwin Locomotive Works Drawings, 1870-1890, National Museum of American History: Archives Center, Smithsonian Institute. Finding Aid: http://americanhistory.si.edu/archives/d8353.htm

Baldwin-Hamilton Company, 1971, Hagley Museum and Library. (trade books) Baldwin-Lima-Hamilton Corporation, 1950-1965, Hagley Museum and Library. (trade books) Baldwin Locomotive Works, 1929-1950, Hagley Museum and Library. (trade books)

Bibliography History of the Baldwin Locomotive Works, 1831-1929. Philadelphia: The Bingham Company, 1923.

Simpson, Henry. The Lives of Eminent Philadelphians. Philadelphia: W. Brotherhead, 1859.

Presbytery of Philadelphia, http://www.presbyphl.org/News/Doorways-summer 2003.htm#8 (accessed February 9, 2005)

Railroad Museum of Pennsylvania, www.rrmuseumpa.org (accessed February 9, 2005).

Subjects Apprentices – Pennsylvania – 19th century Apprenticeship programs – Pennsylvania – 19th century 18 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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Cuba – Commerce – 19th century Cuba – Economic conditions – 19th century Cuba – Emigration – 19th century Eddystone (Pa.) – Industries – 19th century Eddystone (Pa.) – Industries – 20th century Eddystone (Pa.) – Manufactures – 19th century Eddystone (Pa.) – Manufactures – 20th century Elizabeth (N.J.) Financial crises – United States Locomotive engineers – Philadelphia Locomotive industry– Accounting Locomotive industry – History Locomotive industry – Pennsylvania – Philadelphia Locomotive industry – Prices – 19th century Locomotive industry – Wages – 19th century Locomotive works – Accounting Locomotive works – History Locomotive works – Pennsylvania – Philadelphia Locomotive works – Prices – 19th century Locomotive works – Wages – 19th century Locomotives New York City (N.Y.) – Commerce – 19th century New York City (N.Y.) – Industries – 19th century New York City (N.Y.) – Manufactures – 19th century Philadelphia (Pa.) – Commerce – 19th century Philadelphia (Pa.) – Economic Conditions – 19th century Philadelphia (Pa.) – Industries – 19th century Philadelphia (Pa.) – Manufactures – 19th century Philadelphia (Pa.) – Social conditions – 19th century Factories – Pennsylvania – 19th century Freight and freightage Iron-works – History Iron-works – United States – 19th century Learners – Industrial – Pennsylvania – Philadelphia – 19th century Manufacturing industries – Accounting Manufacturing industries – New York Manufacturing industries – Pennsylvania Merchants – Correspondence – 19th century Merchants – New York – New York City – 19th century Merchants – Pennsylvania – Philadelphia – 19th century Presidents – United States – Election Railroads – Cuba – 19th century Railroads – United States – 19th century Railroads – Wurttemberg (Germany) – 19th century Railroads – Freight Shipment of goods – 19th century Steam Locomotives 19 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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United States – History – Civil War, 1861-1865 – Economic aspects United States – History – Civil War, 1861-1865 – Equipment and supplies United States – History – Civil War, 1861-1865 – Finance United States – History – Civil War, 1861-1865 – Foreign public opinion United States – History – Civil War, 1861-1865 – Technology United States – History – Civil War, 1861-1865 – Transportation United States – Industries – 19th century United States – Politics and government – 19th century United States – Social conditions – 19th century Wages – Apprentices

Baird, Matthew, 1817-1877 Baldwin, Matthias W. (Matthias William), 1795-1866 Burnham, George, d. 1912 Cadwalader, George, 1806-1879 Clayton, John Echeverria, José Antonio Gulliver, John Hendricks, Harmon, 1771-1838 Hendricks, Henry, 1804-1861 Hendricks, Montague, 1811-1884 Hufty, George Lyman, Azel S. (Azel Storrs), b. 1815 Parry, Charles T., 1822-1887 Peale, Franklin, 1795-1870 Smith, Gilead A., b. 1822 Tyng, T.M. Vail, George, 1809-1875 Vail, Stephen, 1780-1864 Whitney, Asa, 1791-1874 Williams, Edward H. (Edward Higginson), 1824-1899

American Systematic Beneficence Society A. Whitney & Sons Baldwin-Lima-Hamilton Corporation. Baldwin Locomotive Works Baldwin Locomotive Works – History Baldwin locomotives Baldwin locomotives – History Burnham, Parry, Williams & Co. Camden and Amboy Railroad and Transportation Company Fletcher and Gardiner Franklin Institute (Philadelphia, Pa.) General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen of the City of New York New York and Erie Railroad Company Pennsylvania Railroad 20 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania

Baldwin Locomotive Works Records Collection 1485

Philadelphia and Erie Railroad Company Philadelphia & Reading Railroad Co. Rogers Locomotive and Machine Works – Locomotives and locomotive building M. Baird & Co. Peale's Museum (Philadelphia, Pa.) Whig Party (U.S.)

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Baldwin Locomotive Works Records Collection 1485 Administrative Information

Restrictions None.

Acquisition information Gift of Baldwin Locomotive Works, 1946.

Preferred citation Cite as: [Indicate cited item or series here], Baldwin Locomotive Works Records (Collection 1485), The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

Processing note Processing made possible by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this finding aid do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Volumes 6 and 88 have been treated for mold. Letterbook August 11, 1842-October 4, 1843 was preservation photocopied, the copies of the letters were placed in box 1, and the original letters were discarded. The incoming letterbooks had been disbound in the summer of 2004.

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