DOCSLIB.ORG

The South Caucasus Beyond Borders, Boundaries and Division Lines Conflicts, Cooperation and Development

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The South Caucasus Beyond Borders, Boundaries and Division Lines Conflicts, Cooperation and Development The South Caucasus beyond Borders, Boundaries and Division Lines Conflicts, Cooperation and Development Edited by Mikko Palonkorpi 2015 ii The publication has been supported by the Ministry for For- eign Affairs of Finland. Papers in this volume reflect the per- sonal opinions of the authors and not those of the publishers, sponsors or any other organizations including ones with which the authors are or were affiliated. The South Caucasus beyond Borders, Boundaries and Division Lines Conflicts, Cooperation and Development Edited by Mikko Palonkorpi Layout & cover design Petteri Linnakangas ISBN 978-951-51-0018-4 © 2015 Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland © 2015 Aleksanteri Institute © 2015 The authors Juvenes Print – Suomen yliopistopaino Oy Turku, Finland 2015 Contents Preface Mikko Palonkorpi v 1 A Region of Regions: The Historical Failure of Integra- tion in the South Caucasus Jeremy Smith 1 2 Nagorno Karabakh under Soviet Rule Jeremy Smith 9 3 The Åland Autonomy – an Alternative to Secession and Independence? Elisabeth Nauclér 29 4 Azerbaijan and Energy Security in Europe: balancing Na- tional Priorities and International Commitments Gulmira Rzayeva 49 5 Azerbaijan, the EU and Migration Policy Sergey Rumyantsev and Tiina Sotkasiira 71 6 The Situation of Young People in Armenia Arseniy Svynarenko 93 7 The 2008 War in Georgia: Lessons from the Caucasus Heikki Talvitie 119 iii iv 8 Politics of Insecurity: Cross-Border Conflict Dynamics and Security Challenges in Georgia Kornely Kakachia 171 9 The EEU, the EU and the New Spheres of Influence Game in the South Caucasus Suvi Kansikas and Mikko Palonkorpi 197 10Policy Recommendations Mikko Palonkorpi 231 List of Contributors 237 Preface Mikko Palonkorpi In the past twenty-five years, the Caucasus region – North and South Caucasus combined – has been a semi-permanent epicenter of reoc- curring ethno-separatist conflicts and inter-state wars. This has led not only to redefinitions of identities, borders and boundaries in the region, but also to the contested and controversial political and le- gal statuses among the regions’ recognized and unrecognized con- stituent parts. In recent decades the military clashes in the area of former Soviet Union (FSU) have concentrated in the Caucasus region, with just a few exceptions due to conflict flare-ups in Cen- tral Asia (Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan) and in Moldova (Transnistria). Given the fact that the entire Caucasus region is only a minuscule slice of the total landmass and population of the FSU, its proven tendency for conflict and over-representation in this regard are all the more surprising. The military crises in Crimea and in Eastern Ukraine that succeeded the prolonged violent standoff between President Victor Yanukovych and the protestors in the Maidan Square sent shock waves to the West partly because these crises brought epicenter of the FSU conflicts hundreds of kilometers westward, closer to the doorsteps of the EU and NATO. At the heart of the demonstrations which eventually ousted the pro-Russian Yanukovych from the power in Ukraine was a widespread dissatisfaction to the U-turn in its negotiations with the EU, and in particular the abandonment of the Accession Agreement at the very last minute in November 2013. What made matters worse was a declared intention of the v vi Ukrainian leadership at the time to deepen trade relations with Russia and the Eurasian Union. Much less attention has been paid to the fact that the small Ar- menia, highly dependent on Russia for its energy, security and trade, also had to turn down its Accession Agreement with the EU (allegedly also due to a Russia’s pressure) months before Euromaidan. Now that Armenia is about to sign a treaty on joining the Eurasian Union, and Georgia has already signed Association Agreement with the EU, these two decisions will have an impact on the power and trade dy- namics of the South Caucasus. One of the outcomes of the recent developments is an introduction of a new dimension into the concepts of borders and boundaries in the South Caucasus. From the geopolitical (or rather geo-economic) perspective, the South Caucasus is becoming one of many border regions between two integrationist projects: the European Union and the Eurasian Union. These border regions – South Caucasus in- cluded – could be regarded as buffer zones between the integration processes or spheres of influence rivalry areas between them. In recent years, the states comprising the European Union and the Eurasian Union have been relatively stable and tranquil, unlike some of the countries in the border regions between two blocks (Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova for example) which have been riddled with conflicts and instability. Although this might be true in very gen- eral terms, a closer look reveals a somewhat different picture. The Eurozone has had its financial crisis, which affected most severely the economies of Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal. The financial crisis also led to various degrees of domestic political turmoil in these southern EU-member states. In a slightly longer historical perspective, the stability and tranquility of the Eurasian Union mem- ber states is even more questionable. Russia’s two wars in Chech- nya are not too distant in memory, and ongoing armed clashes be- tween Islamist militants and Russian security services in the volatile North Caucasus are often recurring phenomena in this restless part of the Russian Federation bordering the South Caucasus. Add to this the Russo-Georgian war in 2008, in which Russia was an ac- tive party of the conflict. Also exchange of fire over the line of con- tact in Nagorno-Karabakh has intensified recently, and August 2014 witnessed fiercest fighting since 1994 ceasefire between Azerbai- jani and Karabakh Armenian forces, leaving up to forty people killed vii and many more wounded. Downing of an Armenian helicopter over Karabakh by Azerbaijani forces in November has increased tensions even further. Therefore, the member states of the Eurasian Union appear far less stable and far more threatened by military conflicts inside or near their borders than their counterparts in the EU. Even the wider Eurasian geopolitical landscape is in flux. Pak- istan and India are expected to become new member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in 2015. This would im- ply greater security integration of the Central Asian states with the South Asia (India & Pakistan) and the East Asia (China). Not only could this signify further orientation of Central Asian states away from Europe, but in a long run it could also erode Russia’s dom- inant role in Central Asia and add to Russia’s fears that China is becoming the dominant partner in the SCO. This would be detrimen- tal to Russia’s proclaimed aim to recapture the FSU (excluding the Baltic States) in its sphere of influence. The end result could be Russia’s further emphasis on the importance of the Eurasian Union and such organizations, where its leadership of the block remains unchallenged. The recent developments in the adjacent regions like the Middle East also need to be taken into consideration. The latest round of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict further strained the relations between Is- rael and Turkey, but the strategic cooperation between Israel and Azerbaijan has remained on a high level. The ISIS advancement in Iraq and Syria has almost put Turkey and the Kurds back on the war path, but ISIS threatens the security of all three regional powers surrounding the South Caucasus (Turkey, Iran and Russia) more di- rectly, Russia’s volatile North Caucasus being the main concern in this regard. This, in turn, has raised fears for the security of the Georgia’s Pankisi Gorge. Just over two years ago, Georgian security forces battled with the armed militants in Lapankuri near Pankisi Gorge. The same is true for Azerbaijan, which also shares the fear of Islamist radicalism. Armenia, on the other hand, has to cope with the influx of Armenian refugees from Syria and Iraq, as they have fled the fights and the ISIS rule. Some of these refugees have been resettled in Nagorno-Karabakh, which in turn has had an impact on the ethnic composition of the enclave. This could complicate con- flict resolution efforts in the future by adding a new obstacle for any referendum on the political status of the Nagorno-Karabakh. viii In many respects, the prospects for cross-border cooperation in the South Caucasus appeared much more optimistic in the beginning of 2010, when the project “The South Caucasus Beyond Borders, Boundaries and Division Lines: Conflicts, Cooperation and Develop- ment” was launched than what the prospects are now. The Turkish- Armenian rapprochement seemed in 2010 like a promising exception for conflict transformation in the South Caucasus, but currently the normalization process is as frozen as the conflicts in the region. Rus- sia has been erecting physical obstacles for movement across the ad- ministrative boundary line (ABL) in South Ossetia and Abkhazia as part of its “borderization” policy. The new draft treaty on alliance and partnership between Russia and Abkhazia will further reduce possibilities for cross-border cooperation. Heightened tensions in Nagorno-Karabakh are not promising any progress in this regard ei- ther. Therefore the quick pace of the developments on the ground in the South Caucasus region and beyond has reshaped the empirical reality of the study, and as a result, the project has at times resem- bled the effort to catch a moving train. Paradoxically, at a same time as the environment for the cross-border cooperation in the South Caucasus has become more difficult, the importance of the CBC as one of the few instruments for conflict resolution and trust-building has remained. The Aleksanteri Institute’s project was implemented within the Security Cluster of the Wider Europe Initiative (WEI), funded by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland, as a part of a research con- sortium with the Tampere Peace Research Institute (TAPRI) and the Karelian Institute at the University of Eastern Finland.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Variationist Linguistics Meets CONTACT Linguistics
    Published in: Lenz, Alexandra N./Maselko, Mateusz (Eds.): VARIATIONist Linguistics meets CONTACT Linguistics. - Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2020. Pp. 25-49. (Wiener Arbeiten zur Linguistik 6) DOI: https://doi.org/10.14220/9783737011440.25 Katharina Dück Language Contact and Language Attitudes of Caucasian Germans in Today’sCaucasus and Germany Abstract: This article examines the language contact situation as well as the language attitudes of the Caucasian Germans, descendants of German-born inhabitants of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union who emigrated in 1816/ 17 to areas of Transcaucasia. After deportationsand migrations, the group of Caucasian Germans now consists of those who havesince emigrated to Germany and those who still liveinthe South Caucasus. It’sthe first time that socio- linguistic methodshavebeen used to record data from the generationwho ex- perienced living in the South Caucasusand in Germanyaswell as from two succeeding generations. Initial results will be presented below with afocus on the language contact constellations of German varieties as well as on consequences of language contact and language repression, which both affect language attitudes. Keywords: language contact, migration, variation, language attitudes, identity Abstract: Im Zentrum der nachstehendenBetrachtungen stehen die Sprachkon- taktsituation sowie die Spracheinstellungen der Kaukasiendeutschen, Nachfah- ren deutschstämmiger Einwohner des Russischen Reichs und der Sowjetunion, die 1816/17inGebiete Transkaukasiensausgewandert sind. Nach Deportationen
    [Show full text]
  • CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 86, 25 July 2016 2
    No. 86 25 July 2016 Abkhazia South Ossetia caucasus Adjara analytical digest Nagorno- Karabakh www.laender-analysen.de/cad www.css.ethz.ch/en/publications/cad.html TURKISH SOCIETAL ACTORS IN THE CAUCASUS Special Editors: Andrea Weiss and Yana Zabanova ■■Introduction by the Special Editors 2 ■■Track Two Diplomacy between Armenia and Turkey: Achievements and Limitations 3 By Vahram Ter-Matevosyan, Yerevan ■■How Non-Governmental Are Civil Societal Relations Between Turkey and Azerbaijan? 6 By Hülya Demirdirek and Orhan Gafarlı, Ankara ■■Turkey’s Abkhaz Diaspora as an Intermediary Between Turkish and Abkhaz Societies 9 By Yana Zabanova, Berlin ■■Turkish Georgians: The Forgotten Diaspora, Religion and Social Ties 13 By Andrea Weiss, Berlin ■■CHRONICLE From 14 June to 19 July 2016 16 Research Centre Center Caucasus Research German Association for for East European Studies for Security Studies Resource Centers East European Studies University of Bremen ETH Zurich CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 86, 25 July 2016 2 Introduction by the Special Editors Turkey is an important actor in the South Caucasus in several respects: as a leading trade and investment partner, an energy hub, and a security actor. While the economic and security dimensions of Turkey’s role in the region have been amply addressed, its cross-border ties with societies in the Caucasus remain under-researched. This issue of the Cauca- sus Analytical Digest illustrates inter-societal relations between Turkey and the three South Caucasus states of Arme- nia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, as well as with the de-facto state of Abkhazia, through the prism of NGO and diaspora contacts. Although this approach is by necessity selective, each of the four articles describes an important segment of transboundary societal relations between Turkey and the Caucasus.
    [Show full text]
  • Should Ukraine Aim to Join the EU's Customs Union?
    Understanding the EU’s Association Agreements and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia Should Ukraine aim to join the EU’s customs union?1 Michael Emerson and Veronika Movchan 8 September 2017 1 This paper was prepared at the invitation of Rasmussen Global. Michael Emerson is Associate Senior Research Fellow at CEPS, Brussels. Veronika Movchan is Academic Director at the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting, Kyiv. Available for free downloading at http://www.3dcftas.eu/ Research and policy advice project supported by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). Contents Executive summary .................................................................................................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 2 2. The customs union in economic theory and integration models ....................................... 3 3. Current political context for customs unions in the wider European and Eurasian space 5 4. More on economic and political costs and benefits for Ukraine ........................................ 7 5. The other DCFTA cases – Georgia and Moldova ............................................................... 10 6. Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 11 List of Tables Table 1. Different stages of economic integration ...................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring the Link Between Power Concentration and Ethnic Minorities’ Mobilization in Post Soviet Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine
    Exploring the Link between Power Concentration and Ethnic Minorities’ Mobilization in Post Soviet Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine by Stela Garaz Department of Political Science, Central European University A Doctoral Dissertation submitted to the Central European University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date of submission: April 30, 2012 Supervisor: Dr. Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, Hungary 2012 I hereby declare that this thesis contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. I hereby declare that this thesis contains no materials previously written and/or published by any other person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Stela Garaz Budapest April 30, 2012. ii Abstract In political science literature, power concentration is dominantly viewed as a negative phenomenon that encourages strategies of confrontation and causes protest. The regimes with concentrated power are believed to be particularly dangerous for the states with deep ethnic cleavages. This latter concern is a question of great importance for the post-Soviet region, because since the collapse of the Soviet Union some of the multi-ethnic post-Soviet states had the experience of both ethnic conflicts and concentration of power. Consequently, the main goal of this research is to determine whether power concentration encourages the escalation of ethnic conflicts. For this, I explore three mechanisms that may link the degree of power concentration with ethnic minorities’ mobilization against the state: identity-related state policies, electoral rules, and centralization. The empirical investigation is built on the analysis of three post-Soviet cases – Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine – based on the structured focused comparison technique.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Migration Experience Pdf 0.52 MB
    Valdai Papers #97 From Mistrust to Solidarity or More Mistrust? Russia’s Migration Experience in the International Context Dmitry Poletaev valdaiclub.com #valdaiclub December, 2018 About the Author Dmitry Poletaev Leading researcher at the Institute of Economic Forecasting of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Director of Migration Research Center This publication and other papers are available on http://valdaiclub.com/a/valdai-papers/ The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Valdai Discussion Club, unless explicitly stated otherwise. © The Foundation for Development and Support of the Valdai Discussion Club, 2018 42 Bolshaya Tatarskaya st., Moscow, 115184, Russia From Mistrust to Solidarity or More Mistrust? Russia’s Migration Experience in the International Context 3 The ease of transportation and communication in the modern world makes it possible to quickly deliver potential migrants to countries that they previously could only see on their television screens, hear about from family and friends living and working there, or read about in glossy magazines. A new era has dawned, different from anything humanity has ever experienced, and as the world becomes increasingly open to migration, the seeming simplicity of changing status, workplace and place of residence becomes all the more tempting. Unfortunately, ‘migration without borders’,1 once regarded as a promising strategy for the future, is increasingly viewed an undesirable outcome by a signifi cant number of people in host countries, and migrants can expect to fi nd solidarity mainly among fellow migrants and left-wing parties. Freedom of movement and freedom to choose a place of residence can be ranked among the category of freedoms which, as part of the Global Commons, have been restricted to varying degrees at the level of communities, states, and international associations.
    [Show full text]
  • In-Depth Review of the Investment Climate and Market Structure in the Energy Sector of the REPUBLIC of ARMENIA
    In-depth review of the investment climate and market structure in the energy sector of THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA ENERGY CHARTER SECRETATIAT 22 January 2015 In-depth review of the investment climate and market structure in the energy sector of THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA ENERGY CHARTER SECRETATIAT 22 January 2015 About the Energy Charter The Energy Charter Secretariat is the permanent office based in Brussels supporting the Energy Charter Conference in the implementation of the Energy Charter Treaty. The Energy Charter Treaty and the Energy Charter Protocol on Energy Efficiency and Related Environmental Aspects were signed in December 1994 and entered into legal force in April 1998. To date, the Treaty has been signed or acceded to by fifty-two states, the European Community and Euratom (the total number of its members is therefore fifty-four). The fundamental aim of the Energy Charter Treaty is to strengthen the rule of law on energy issues, by creating a level playing field of rules to be observed by all participating governments, thereby mitigating risks associated with energy-related investment and trade. In a world of increasing interdependence between net exporters of energy and net importers, it is widely recognised that multilateral rules can provide a more balanced and efficient framework for international cooperation than is offered by bilateral agreements alone or by non-legislative instruments. The Energy Charter Treaty therefore plays an important role as part of an international effort to build a legal foundation for energy security, based on the principles of open, competitive markets and sustainable development. The Treaty was developed on the basis of the 1991 Energy Charter.
    [Show full text]
  • Developing the Protected Area System of Armenia
    UNDP Project Document – Amendment for split of the project into two subprojects After decision to execute one part of the project by WWF, the project was split into two subprojects by means of budget revision, creating two AWPs with separate Atlas numbers and budgets. The signed versions of AWP between UNDP and WWF Armenia and the signed version of the budget revision of the existing AWP between UNDP and the Ministry of Nature Protection are attached in PIMS database and Atlas system. UNDP-GEF Medium-Size Project (MSP) Government of Republic of Armenia United Nations Development Programme PIMS: 3986 Subproject with NEX execution: Atlas Award 00057439; Atlas Project ID 00070966 Subproject with NGO execution: Atlas Award 00060500; Atlas Project ID 00076187 Developing the Protected Area System of Armenia Brief description: The project’s goal is to conserve globally significant biodiversity in Armenia. The project’s objective is to catalyze the expansion of the nature reserves to provide better representation of ecosystems within Armenia’s current protected area system and enable active conservation of biodiversity. The project’s two components will focus upon: (1) rationalization of the PA system through improving the regulatory and institutional framework relevant to Sanctuary establishment and operation; and (2) institutional capacity building by piloting a suite of Sanctuary management tools largely absent from Armenian’s current protected area management regime. This project’s efforts will result in a national protected area system better equipped to include and conserve currently under- represented ecosystems and associated species. Project investment will be in community areas to improve management of productive landscapes while helping to promote connectivity and alleviate poverty.
    [Show full text]
  • Flags of Asia
    Flags of Asia Item Type Book Authors McGiverin, Rolland Publisher Indiana State University Download date 27/09/2021 04:44:49 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10484/12198 FLAGS OF ASIA A Bibliography MAY 2, 2017 ROLLAND MCGIVERIN Indiana State University 1 Territory ............................................................... 10 Contents Ethnic ................................................................... 11 Afghanistan ............................................................ 1 Brunei .................................................................. 11 Country .................................................................. 1 Country ................................................................ 11 Ethnic ..................................................................... 2 Cambodia ............................................................. 12 Political .................................................................. 3 Country ................................................................ 12 Armenia .................................................................. 3 Ethnic ................................................................... 13 Country .................................................................. 3 Government ......................................................... 13 Ethnic ..................................................................... 5 China .................................................................... 13 Region ..................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05
    CO VERIN G CO N FLICT Reporting on Conflicts in the N orth Caucasus in the Russian M edia N M AY 2008 ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Am w ell Street, London EC1R 1U Q , U nited Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 · Fax +44 20 7278 7660 · info@ article19.org · http://w w w .article19.org ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media May 2008 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 978-1-906586-01-0 Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 ii i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION A CKN O W LED G EM EN TS This report was researched and written by the Europe Programme of ARTICLE 19. Chapter 6, on ‘International Standards of Freedom of Expression and Conflict Reporting’ was written by Toby Mendel, Director of ARTICLE 19’s Law Programme. Chapter 5, ‘Reporting Conflict: Media Monitoring Results’ was compiled by Natalia Mirimanova, independent conflict resolution and media consultant. The analysis of media monitoring data was carried out by Natalia Mirimanova and Luitgard Hammerer, (formerly) ARTICLE 19 Regional Representative - Europe, CIS.
    [Show full text]
  • Eiropas Savienība Kā Tiesību Subjekts: Problēmas Un Risinājumi
    Renāte Fila EIROPAS SAVIENĪBA KĀ TIESĪBU SUBJEKTS: PROBLĒMAS UN RISINĀJUMI Promocijas darbs tiesību doktora zinātniskā grāda iegūšanai Specialitāte – juridiskās zinātnes Apakšnozare – starptautiskās tiesības Darba zinātniskais vadītājs: Dr. iur., asociētais profesors Jānis Grasis Promocijas darbs izstrādāts ar ESF līdzfinansēta projekta “Atbalsts doktorantiem studiju programmas apguvei un zinātniskā grāda ieguvei Rīgas Stradiņa universitātē”, vienošanās Nr.2009/0147/1DP/ 1.1.2.1.2/09/ IPIA/VIAA/009, atbalstu. Rīga, 2014 ANOTĀCIJA Promocijas darba mērķis ir izpētīt Eiropas Savienībā esošo starptautisko līgumattiecību administratīvi tiesiskos aspektus, kompleksi ar administratīvo tiesību avotu piemērošanas teorētisko un praktisko jautājumu izpēti, apzināt Eiropas Savienības jurisdikcijas apjomu, robežas un ar noteikto jurisdikciju saistītās problēmas un izstrādāt priekšlikumus, kas dotu iespēju precīzi norobežot valsts konstitūtiem piemītošās administratīvās tiesības no administratīvajām tiesībām, kuras starptautiskajās attiecībās pilnvarota īstenot starptautiska organizācija un tās konstitūti. Promocijas darbā ir ievads, piecas pamatdaļas, kuras ir sadalītās vairākās apakšnodaļās, secinājumi un priekšlikumi un izmantotās literatūras saraksts. Teorētisko un praktisko atziņu analīzes rezultāti ir atspoguļoti 8 (astoņos) attēlos. Darba ievadā tiek aplūkota pētāmās tēmas aktualitāte, tiek izskaidrots pētījuma mērķis, uzdevumi, pētījuma objekts un priekšmets, kā arī pētījumā izmantoto zinātnisko metožu pamatojums. Darba pirmo daļu veido administratīvi
    [Show full text]
  • Dramatic Expansion of the Range of the Invasive Ash Pest, Buprestid Beetle Agrilus Planipennis Fairmaire, 1888 (Coleoptera, Buprestidae) in European Russia M
    ISSN 0013-8738, Entomological Review, 2013, Vol. 93, No. 9, pp. 1121–1128. © Pleiades Publishing, Inc., 2013. Original Russian Text © M.Ja. Orlova-Bienkowskaja, 2013, published in Entomologicheskoe Obozrenie, 2013, Vol. 92, No. 4, pp. 710–715. Dramatic Expansion of the Range of the Invasive Ash Pest, Buprestid Beetle Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire, 1888 (Coleoptera, Buprestidae) in European Russia M. Ja. Orlova-Bienkowskaja A.N. Severtsov Institute of Ecology and Evolution, Moscow, Russia email: [email protected] Received June 23, 2013 Abstract—The emerald ash borer (Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire, 1888) is a dangerous invasive pest of ashes. It was previously believed that in European Russia it occurs only in Moscow, Moscow Province, and in the eastern regions of Smolensk Province. An examination of ash trees in 12 cities of European Russia has revealed a much wider area of the emerald ash borer invasion. The pest was found in Konakovo (Tver Province), Tula, Kaluga, Orel, and Voronezh. We have found that A. planipennis damages not only Fraxinus pennsylvanica (an American species which is commonly planted in cities), but also the aborigine European ash Fraxinus excelsior. Ashes in the European forests and in the protective forest belts are badly endangered. DOI: 10.1134/S0013873813090042 The emerald ash borer Agrilus planipennis Fair- The first foci of A. planipennis in Europe were maire, 1888 is the most dangerous trunk pest of ash- found 10 years ago in Moscow (Izhevskii, 2007; trees. Invasion of this Asian beetle into North America Volkovitsh, 2007; Mozolevskaya, 2007; Shankhiza, has led to killing tens of millions trees (Emerald Ash 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform?
    WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Information Warfare in the Second (1999-Present) Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform? by Timothy L. Thomas, Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS., 2002. This article was previously published in Russian Military Reform 1992-2002 Published by Frank Cass Publishers, 2003 Chapter 11, Page 209-233 During the past ten years, the Russian military has attentively studied the subject of information war (IW). The main catalyst for this interest was the successful use of IW by coalition forces during Operation Desert Storm. Russian military theorists watched coalition planes bomb Iraqi targets in real time with precision and understood that warfare had entered a new phase, one dominated by information-based equipment and resources. Two further motivators were the poor use of IW by the Russian armed forces during the first Russian-Chechen war (1994-1996), which contributed to the loss of Russian morale, and the successful use of IW by NATO during the conflict over Kosovo. The success of the coalition forces in both Desert Storm and Kosovo indicated that military reform would be bankrupt if the technical aspect of reform did not include information-based technologies. These technologies must be imbedded into new military equipment, from sensors and radars to jet fighters and cruise missiles. However, Russia was also concerned about the impact of information technologies on the brain and consequently morale.
    [Show full text]