RIPON I

OCTOBER, 1970 VOl. VI No. 10 ONE DOLLAR MICHAEL S. LOTTMAN School Desegregation - - HEW Guidelines and the Courts

ALSO THIS MONTH

I The U.S. Army in Europe Edward L. King Political Parties: A Dose of Self-R'eform D Tony Stewart Combating' Housing Abandonment Charles E Goodell SUMMARY OF CONTENTS THE RIPON SOCIETY, INC. ~.IC: 0':::::~':;':11 :b m:~~ EDITORIAL -8 bers are young business, academic and professional men and women. It has nationai headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusatts, chapters In el_ cities, National Associate members throughout the fifty states, and several affiliated groups 01 subchapter status. The Society Is supported by chapter STATE SPOTLIGHT dues, Individual contributions and revenues from lis publications and con· tract work. The Societr offers the following options for annual contribu­ Focus on New Jersey, where Nelson Gross is edging tion: Contributor $25 or more; Sustalner $100 or more; Founder $1000 rightward to outflank a third party conservative and Jr more. Inquiries about membership and chapter organization should be James Shue seeks to for~e a GOP urban coalition; and addressed to the National Executive Director. Rhode Island, where Jesuit John McLaughlin is producing NATIONAL GOVERNING BOARD political miracles against Senator Pastore. -5 OffIcers • Josiah Lee Auspitz, PresIdent "Howard F. Gillette, Jr., Cbalrman of the Board WASHINGTON VIEWPOINT "Bruca K. Chapman, Chairman of the Eae;utlve Commltt811 How the proliferation of moderate anti-war groups ·Mlchael F. Brewer, VICU-Presldent can coordinate their efforts to achieve not only scattered "Robert L. Beal, Treasurer electoral success, but also an unconventional, bipartisan, °Rlchard E. Beeman, Secreta.., multi-class political strategy that will convert Middle Boston Pbil.tdelpbla America on the long-range issues of peace and priorities. • Robert Gulick "Richard R. Block Martin A. Linsky Ch3rles Day -9 Michael W. Christian Roger Whittlesey Cambridge Seattle THE U.S. ARMY IN EUROPE • Robert Davidson "Thomas A. Alberg David A. Reil Camden Hail The U.S. Army in Europe is overstaffed, top-heavy Rhea Kemble William Rodgers and pampered; it is also unprepared to fight a "con­ Chicago ·R. Quincy White, Jr. Washington ventional" war without the use of "tactical" nuclear 'Harold S. Russell "Patricia A. (lo:dman weapons. Edward L. KIng believes it is time we stream­ Staphell Herbits George H. Walker III Linda K. Lee lined organization in terms of cost and manpower utili­ Dallas zation and examined the mission we might just be forced • Nell D. Anderson At Large Howard L. Abramson "·Christopher T. Bly!ey to carry out. -10 Robert A. Wilson Thomas A. Brown Hartford Richard M. Conley • Nicholas Norton Christopher DeMuth SCHOOL INTEGRATION: HEW & THE COURTS Robert G. Smith Bruca D. fraser William J. McKinney, Jr. Emil H. Frankel Busing, neighborhood schools, guidelines, percentages! Ralph J. Heikkinen School desegregation has become not only an emotional Los Angeles Paul Leach "Lee W. Huebner issue but a bureaucratic disaster and a political foot­ New Hmm Philip C. Johnston ball Michael S. Lottman traces the shameful vacillation ·Harward L. Draper WII lam J. Kilberg of the present (as well as the previous) Administration. Deke Karzon ." J. Eugene Marans Paul C. Capra Thomas E. Petri He concludes that the only effective means to gain and New York •• John R. Prlca, Jr. enforce the elimination of dual schools is court action. ·Richard Zimmer Clair W. kodgers, Jr. No instant integration is promised, but at least the Werner Kuhn •• John S. Saloma iii courts can spare us the political meddling and the end­ Marianne Magocsl Frank E. Samuel, Jr. less negotiability involved in the HEW guidelines. -18 Ea·OffIclo At Large oRobert D. Behn, National Eaecutlve Dlractor Howard L .Reltar, Editor of tha Ripon FORUM BUILDING THE ALABAMA GOP William G. Rogers, Research Director Terry A. Barnett, Political Director Bert Nettles, the lone Republican state legislator Christopher W. Seal, Poller Chairman from the "Heart of Dixie," replies to Michael Lottman's •• Peter J. Wa!lison, Finance Chairman • National Eaecutlwe Commlttae Member chapter on Alabama in "The GOP and the South." His "Peat PresIdent. Chairman of tha Board, or ChaIrman of the EaecutJ" projections, if realized, would indicate a stellar future Commlttae for the party of Lincoln in the land of Wallace. -20 THE RIPON FORUM Is published monthly by the Ripon So- ciety, Inc., 14& Eliot Street. Cambridge. Massachusatts 02138. Second class postage rates psld at Boston Massa­ HOW TO REFORM OUR POLITICAL PARTIES chusetJs. Contanls are copyrighted © 1970 by the Ripon Society. Inc. Correspondence addressed to the Editor Is welcomed. The political events of 1968 seemed proof enough In publishing this magazine tbe Ripon Socletr seeks to pravlde a that Americans expected the Democratic and the Republi­ forum for fresh Ideas, well· researched proposals and for a spirit of criticism, can parties to reform themselves. At the halfway mark innovation, and Independent thinking within the Rapubllcan Party. Articles to the 1972 conventions, both appear to have taken tenta­ do not necessarily represent the opinion of the Netlonal Governing Board or the Editoriel Board of the Ripon Socletr, unless they ara explicitly eo tive steps to change the way they choose party officials labelled. and party nominees. Unfortunately, the GOP, so tiar, has lagged far behind the well-publicized example of the SUBSCRIPTION RATES are $10 a year, $5 for students, serviceman and for Peece Corps, Vista and other volunt8llrs. Overseas air mail. $10 McGovern Commission. With an eye for the RNC, extra. Advertising rates on request. D. Tony Stewart offers a plan to 'achieve equalitarianism in these most archaic and undemocratic institutions. Editor: Howard L. Reiter -21 MauagJDg Editor: Evel", F. Ellis Consulting Editor: Mlcheel S. Lottman TacJmlcal Editor: John Woodman ONE PERCENT CLUB BY-LAWS -24 Centrlbuton: Christopher W. Beal, Duncan K. Foley, Pblllp C. Johnson, . Douglas Matthews, William D. Phelan, Jr •• David Omar Whlta. CIrcaJatJon Dept.: Hope Fellows PUIBLICATIONS PAGE -26 Correspondents Arthur F. McClure. II. M1SSDUr1 Mrs. Barbara Mooney, Conn. WIlliam Harding, NeIIrasJuI Maggie Nichols, California Charles O. Ingraham. New York 14A ELIOT STREET -27 Alex M. Hehmeyer, No. Calif. Deryl Howard, North Carolina James F. McCollum, Jr•• florida Henri Pell Junod, Ohlci Cullen Hammond, GeorgIa William K. Woods. OhIo Michael McCrary. ldabo Stephen Jones, ~ GUEST EDITORIAL Ben Violette, Illluols Eric R. Blackledge, Oragou Senator Obar'les E. Goodell of New York discusses J. Kenneth Doke. ludlana Richard Ober, Jr•• Pennsrlwanla Terrence Dwyer, Iowa Donato Andre D'Andrea, R. I. two excellent bills he has introduced to combat housing Eric Karnes, Kentucky Bruca M. Selya Rbode IsJend abandonment. Rehabilitation of neighboorhoods is quicker Henry Bernstaln, louisiana Harris Beach, Jr., So. Carolina and cheaper than conventional urban renewal, and pre­ WIlliam A. Merrill, IIIass. Stanford M. Adelateln. S. D. Don Fowler. Maine Robert R. Murdoch," YJrglnla ventive action could stop abandonment before liveable Terrence Dwyer, Mlcblllllll W. Stuart Parsons, W1-mn dwellings become boarded-up shells. -28 EDITORIAL Ever since the Supreme Court made school And so Mr. Lottman concludes that we must integration a major national issue in 1954, one of now rely on the judiciary to eliminate segregation the most intractable problems for civil rights ad­ throughout the South. The experiences of this last vocates has been to devise a program that is both month have illustrated the effectiveness of this ap­ morally satisfying and politically effective. Sixteen proach, as a significant number of school districts years of trying to implement Brown vs. Board of have instituted court-ordered desegregation plans. Education have made this all too clear. Neither And in Mobile, Alabama, where the school board executive action nor legislative mandates have attempted to circumvent a Federal court order, the succeeded in eliminating segregation in SOuthern Justice Department has taken the school board into schools. court. The advantages of a judicial approach in­ The most recent device to integrate the schools clude: has been part of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In - In most districts, school cases on appeal that Act, Congress authorized the Department of receive expedited treatment. Health, Education and Welfare to establish "guide­ - The courts are no longer staying desegrega­ lines" to measure a school district's progress to­ tion orders pending appeal by defendant school ward integration. If the district fails to desegregate boards. with appropriate diligence, HEW may cut off Fed­ - Federal judges, appointed for life, are freer eral funds. of political pressures than Washington bureaucrats In this issue, we present a well-documented study dealing with Congress and local officials. by Michael S. Lottman which concludes that the - Judicial proceedings are part of the public guidelines technique has been a failure and that the record. Federal courts must now become the main vehicle for - Southern officials, who are forced by judi­ integrating Southern schools. If this proposal, to cial action to desegregate, can tell their constituents drop the executive branch's chief desegregating that they had no choice. Guidelines make them ap­ device, had come from another source, we might pear to desegregate voluntarily, which is often doubt the sincerity of the author. But Mr. Lottman politically dangerous in the South. has unquestionable credentials as a civil rights activ­ - Though there are unquestionably Federal ist and attorney. He was editor of the newspaper judges who favor segregation, the weight of prece­ The Southern Courier and the author of our recent dent is now firmly against their legislating their Southern report which raised the hackles on quite personal feelings. Personal preferences have, after a few conservative Republicans in Dixie and else­ all, less weight in the judicial process than in the where. Above all, Mr. Lottman's arguments are political one. strong and convincing: In endorsing Mr. Lottman's approach, the - Historically, the guidelines have been handl­ Ripon Society considers his conclusions a serious ed so inconsistently, so ambiguously, and so weakly indictment of the Nixon Administration's lack of as to discredit them completely, in the eyes of South­ commitment to equal rights and justice for all ern school officials, as an effective weapon of the Americans. In its shameful vacillation, the Adminis­ Federal government. tration has tarnished its name and the name of - Consequently, the guidelines themselves the Republican Party with black Americans and have become an emotional issue in the South, gen­ with civil rights advocates of all races. It is a sad erating united opposition and providing George Wal­ commentary on this Administration that we ad­ lace with one of his major themes in the 1968 and vocate a judicial approach because the executive 1970 campaigns. branch apparently lacks the motivation to use the - As with nearly all other bureaucratic regu­ guidelines approach with consistency and determina­ lations, the interpretation of how well school dis­ tion. tricts are complying with the guidelines is prey to But since this vacillation and inconsistency has political meddling, which reduces both their ef­ been a feature of the guidelines under the Johnson fectiveness and their legitimacy. administration, there is a lesson to be learned here - And the ultimate weapon, termination of that transcends the sorry record of any particular Federal aid, does nothing to promote further dese­ President or Administration: it is the morass that gregation. is produced by using bureaucratic approaches to at- 3 tempt to solve society's ills. The most penetrating tragic death. Until the labor movement produces treatment of the trouble with bureaucracy is Theo­ another genuine liberal leader who' can stand up to dore J. Lowi's The End of Liberalism (Norton, Meany, the unions will move farther and farther 1969), which documents in many policy -m:!as how behind the vanguard of social progress in America. regulatory bureaucracies are likely not only to be­ But Meany's words were not wholly encourag­ come captives of their supposed regulatees, but how ing to Administration strategists. Singling out Vice the administrative process, by its very nature, in­ President Agnew and Attorney General Mitchell for volves the kind of haggling, compromises, and dis­ criticism, Meany took vehemeflt exception to the respect for the rule of law that have made the HEW President's policies on education and civil rights. In guidelines so ineffective. Progressive Republicans, his most significant statement, the union leader said, who share both a healthy skepticism of bureaucracy "I still think that the biggest issue with our people and a commitment to civil rights, must inevitably is the economic issue . . . On the economic issue, as agree with Lowi's appraisal. of now, [President Nixon] would get bad marks." Despite the political assaults on the judiciary, Meany's comments only ratify what has been desegregation plans written by the courts are being obvious for several years - the union man is followed. And once the spotlight is on, the Justice more independent than ever in politics. But only Department will find it difficult not to back up the by appealing to his economic interests, not merely courts. Those who truly desire an end to the blight to his patriotism or his racial fears, can the Republi­ of school segregation will see that end by the route can Party win his lasting allegiance. of judicial decree, and not bureaucratic subterfuge...... The Ripon Society has remarked in the past Last August 25, the Senate voted on an amend­ on the failure of bureaucratic techniques to cope ment to the Military Procurement Authorization Act with important social problems. As this failure be­ ~hat would have raised military salaries and created, comes more apparent in wide areas of public policy, 10 effect, an all-volunteer military. As advocates of more reliance will have to be put on market sys­ such a step since 1966, we at Ripon were dis­ tems, private and voluntary enterprise, and guilds heartened when the proposal was decisively rejected like the lega} profession. Though we believe that by a vote of 52 to 35. The lopsided nature of the the legal-judicial process is prepared to deal with vote was due to the almost unanimous opposition school integration over the short-term, long-term of the Southern Democrats. The vote produced reforms are necessary to deal with the full weight some strange alliances; here is how Republicans of social decisions that will be referred to adversary voted. procedures as more and more bureaucratic devices FOR THE VOLUNTEER MILITARY Baker Hatfield fail. Mr. Lottman's proposal on school integration Boggs Jordan (Idaho) thus suggests a broader need: a program for re­ Brooke Packwood Cook Pearson form of the legal profession, the court system and Dole Percy the law enforcement process. Fannin Prouty ...... Fong Schweiker ... Goldwater Scott "It almost has got to be the party ,of the ex­ Goodell Smith (Illinois) Gurney Williams (Delaware) tremists insofar as these so-called liberals or new lefts, or whatever you want to call them, have taken AGAINST THE VOLUNTEER MILITARY Aiken Griffin over the Democratic Party." From the pages of Allott Hansen Human Events? No, this was a recent assessment by Bellmon Hruska Bennett Javits the AFL-CIO's crusty old president, George Meany. Case MiHer Cooper Smith (Maine) According to Meany, the Democratic Party is Cotton Thurmond "disintegrating" as working men move into the Ourtis Tower middle class and become conservative. Meany also Dominick Young (North Dakota) had predictably kind words for the Nixon Admin­ In addition, Murphy and Stevens. were paired istration's Southeast Asia policy, declaiming, 'We in favor, and Mundt and Saxbe against, the are completely opposed to the idea of bugging out" amendment. Praise is due the amendment's sponsors, - more right-wing rhetoric. And his comments on Senators Goldwater and Hatfield, for fighting for an young people were a kind of verbal equivalent of idea whose time has still not quite arrived. the hardhat attacks. Praise is also due those Republicans who We might note in passing that Meany could courageousl y supported the Amendment to End the only get away with this kind of rightist diatribe be­ War on September 1. They were Senators Hatfield, cause of the lack of any figure of equivalent stature Goodell, Javits, Schweiker, Case, Brooke and Math­ 10 the labor movement since Walter Reuther's Ias. 4 STATE, SPOTLIGHT I NEW JERSEY: Gross seeks a middle way, while Shue shapes an urban strategy

New Jersey Senatorial nominee Nelson Gross, with his support of truly open state and local primaries, 38, a Saddle River attorney, Republican State Chair­ gave to his campaign echoes of Mark Hatfield and man, and former Chairman of the powerful Bergen Eugene McCarthy. Ironically (giv8l1 his general posi­ County organization, is known as the man who is in tion on defense spending) it was Queremba's support the right place at the right time. He supported Pre­ of Nixon's Cambodian venture that probably won him sident Nixon for the nomination in 1968 while Sena­ the most votes, primarily from disgruntled Republi­ tor Case and other.· Republican leaders were trying cans who did not like Gross' opposition to the Pre­ to hold the line for Rockefeller. In the 1969 primary sident. Though Queremba voiced his hope that the he was a vigorous supporter of William Cahill, a troops would be withdrawn as soon as possible, the little-known Congressman from South Jersey. Cahill distinction was enough. was subsequently elected Governor with 60 percent On June 2, Gross won by only two-to-one over of the vote. Thus he can claim the support of both the combined votes of his opponents. Queremba re­ the nation's and the state's chief executives. ceived 42,804 votes and trailed Gross by only four-to­ The only serious obstacle to Gross' ]uile primary three in their home county of Bergen. Joseph M. victory was cleared when U.S. Attorney Frederick Gavin, a conservative, received 31,975 votes and car­ Lacey, a protege of Senator Case, dropped a probe ried two of the rural counties of the state, Cumberland into possible links between the Gross law firm and a and Hunte,

5 as saying, "I want to assure you I am a Nixon man Carthy groups. Williams will base his campaign on all the way. I am first and foremost a Republican - President Nixon's economic policies. The decision in a Republican who can plan dramatically and effectively, November may well rest not on ideological but on but most of all one who backs President Nixon and pocketbook issues. Republican policies right up to the hilt." SHUE FOR CONGRESS This latest shift in position is also a reaction to The other interesting race in the state this year the independent candidacy of Joseph F. Job, the Re­ is in the 11th Congressional District, which includes publican Sheriff of Bergen County. Job bills himself the black Central Ward of Newark and the suburban as a silent majority candidate and tells voters that areas of Maplewood, South Orange and West Orange. Gross and Williams are both far too liberal for the The Central Ward of Newark is one of the poorest good of the nation. Gross fears Job is making inroads and most debilitated areas of urban America, while into the normally heavy Bergen GOP vote. Gross the tree-lined streets and large houses of South Orange strategists regarded Job so seriously that they arranged constitute the sixteenth-richest community in the a law suit to block his candidacy. Job's nominating United States. petitions were initially ruled invalid by the Secretary Since the accession of Hugh Addonizio to the of State, a Cahill appointee, but in July the State Su­ mayorship of Newark in 1962, this district has been perior Court, Appellate Division, restored Job to the represented by Joseph Minish, a former union leader ballot. Job's candidacy is very much the product of and Secretary-Treasurer of the Essex-West Hudson 15 years of warfare among Essex County Republicans, Labor Council of the AFL-CIO. Minish depends on split into two hostile camps since early last year. The the unions for much of his electoral and financial sup­ Essex County organization is headed by a close ally port. He has built ever-increasing pluralities by pro­ of Cahill, George M. Wallhauser, Jr. But quite a viding service to voters of the district on individual few Essex Republicans (including two County Free­ problems and sending congratulatory or condolence holders) support Joseph A. Intile, Jr., whose falling notes to constituents for events such as a graduation out with Cahill in 1969 made statewide headlines. It's or a death in the family. Also his "liberal" voting re­ no secret that Intile engineered Job's candidacy as cord (80 percent ADA rating, second highest in the a means of regaining power in Essex. If Job with­ state) and the traditional Democratic voting habits of draws from the race it will only mean that Cahill and blacks have helped him sweep every election. Intile have patched up their quarrel, at least tempor­ The voting habits of the district are clearly De­ arily. If Job remains on the ballot, Gross will be in mocratic. The Central and West Wards of Newark deep trouble. have constantly provided huge pluralities to Dem­ ocrats. The inner suburb of East Orange, which is THE LESSONS OF CAHILL more than 50 percent black and has a black Mayor, Despite Kevin Phillips' analysis of the Cahill usually adds to the Democratic plurality, as has Orange victory in 1969 as due mainly to Nixon's campaign which is about 1/3 black. The predominantly Italian swing through the state and Cahill's hawkish stand and Irish blue-collar and elderly voters which make up on Vietnam and campus unrest, the final outcome the rest of these towns are split between the Republican probably rested more on state issues, particularly the and Democratic Parties. The further out suburbs tend state sales tax, the forced busing of students, unem­ to vote Republican, although not overwhelmingly be­ ployment compensation for striking workers and six­ cause of pockets of educated liberal strength and teen years of uninterupted Democratic control of the because of a large Italian vote in Minish's home town, State House, combined with the failure of the De­ mocratic candidate, former two-term Governor Robert Meyner, to project himself as a new or lively political +-- Location of the figure. The fact that Cahill was a Catholic also help­ 11th in the state ed attract some traditionally Democratic voters in Hud­ of New Jersey son County. In 1970, Gross' greatest asset will be the lack­ luster quality of Senator Harrison Williams, who has strong AFL-CIO support but whose legislative efforts have been largely confined to working for better con­ ditions for migrant workers and for more effective mass transportation. Yet Williams has handled adroitly the issue of his former drinking problem, and his vote for the Hatfield-McGovern bill has alreaay The 11th Congressional District 1- The Oranges S - Maplewood gained him support from students and former Mc- 2-Newark Wards 4-Irvington 6 West Orange. Minish has been deliberately evasive race in which Minish remained silent, such strong en­ about just where his eth.nic roots do lie. Many Italians dorsement is unlikely. Though both Senatorial can­ consider him Italian, many Poles consider him Polish didate Gross and Governor Cahill have been in dis­ and many Jews consider him Jewish. He isn't about to cussions with Gibson in recent weeks, Gibson can make it definite. No reason he should. The district probably not afford to eschew the Democratic label is approximately 20 percent Italian, 15 percent Jewish, and risk the emergence of a strong black competitor 10 percent Irish, 30 percent black, and the rest scattered. for mayor in 1974. This year the Republicans are making their first The Essex County Republicans are suffering It strong challenge for this seat. The GOP candidate is bitter split over county patronage, a split even the James Shue, a 34-year-old attorney and graduate of newly-elected Governor's patronage could not heal. Columbia Law School, who has served for three years This adds to the problems of an aged party machine, as head of the New Jersey State Model Cities Program which has almost no organization in the one-third of within the New Jersey Department of Community the district which is black. Neither faction has any in­ Affairs. Shue hopes to build a coalition based on the clination to try and correct this lack; both are more in­ black votes of th~ inner city and the traditionally Re­ terested in consolidating support within the party than publican suburban votes. His program emphasizes aid expanding the base of the party. In addition, Shue's to local communities to solve problems such as drug endorsement of Gibson came in spite of Republican addiction and pollution. This emphasis on neighbor­ objections. So Shue can't expect very much help from hood control is combined with a call for cutbacks on this quarter either. spending at the national level, primarily for defense Despite all this, Shue may do creditably. The and space programs. Shue has called for the with­ bitter remembrance of Italian racism during the ma­ drawal of all U.S. troops from Vietnam by next June yoralty campaign, Minish's politics-as-usual attitude, 30 and agrees with Gross on opposition to preventive Minish's failure to speak out on the mayoralty race, detention and the no-knock bill. and Shue's attractiveness because of his involvement WILL GIBSON RECIPROCATE? with th€ N.ewark and East Orange Model Cities Pro­ The key to this election is the support for Shue grams may all add up to a sizeable number of black of Mayor Kenneth Gibson of Newark and Mayor votes. William Hart of East Orange, both black. Since Minish If he does d.o well, Shue could help establish the received 66 percent of the vote in the district in 1968, viability of a Republican strategy for the inner cities such endorsement is essential (Cahill got only 47 per­ based upon the traditional Republican principles of cent of the vote a year later). However, despite Shue's local control and a decreased role for the federal support for Gibson in his race against Addonizio, a government.

RHODE ISLAND: McLaughlin's miracle from on high

After six weeks of campaigning, the Senatorial neighboring Massachusetts, Kennedy's name is recog­ candidacy of John McLaughlin, S.J. seemed to need nized by 81 percent, Brooke's by 71 percent and a miracle from on high to establish its credibility. Governor Sargent's by 67 percent of the electorate.) McLaughlin, the first Catholic clergyman to win major This represents the kind of name recognition that party nomination for the Senate, was running a one­ normally takes thousands of dollars to buy, but man campaign. He answered his own phone, made McLaughlin had purchased it by being good news­ his own fundraising calls, wrote his own press releases paper copy (a Jesuit in politics) and by keeping up and budgeted an additional eight hours a day for a steady fire on the issues that assured him regular handshaking, speaking and press conferences. He had exposure in the media. Among his stands: no full-time campaign manager. A bunch of students, and one or two pros were the sum total of his cam­ McLAUGHLIN ON THE ISSUES • opposition to no-knock and preventive detention paign organization. legislation on constitutional grounds His first poll, conducted by 1970 census workers on a volunteer basis in Providence in mid-August • opposition to the ABM showed that this effort had at least paid off in getting • support for the women's rights amendment and his name known. Of those polled in the Democratic government provision of birth control informa­ stronghold, 74 percent had heard of Pastore, and a tion surprising 64 percent had heard of McLaughlin. (In • support for initiatives to help the young blue- collar.·worker a total surprise when the August 21 issue of the • criticism of the "unbeatable" incumbent, John Providence Visitor, the official diocesan newspaper O. Pastore for subservience to big out-of-state carried a statement from Bishop Russell J. McVinney financial interests in the defense and rommunica­ pointing out that he had not given McLaughlin per­ tions industries mission to run in the race and indicating that • support of the Nixon administration on 14 of its McLaughlin's candidacy was in violation of Canon underpublicized progressive programs Law 139. Alongside the statement, the newspaper ran McLaughlin's volunteer poll also showed Pastore an editorial reminding its reaaers that McLaughlin with only 52 percent of the vote, despite his showing was a Jesuit and that "imprudent meddling of the of over 82 percent in 1964. McLaughlin, at 19 per­ Society of Jesus in too many secular concerns once cent, with 29 percent undecided, was still very much contributed to its supression." an underdog. McLaughlin, a former associate editor of The big issue for McLaughlin was his roman col­ AMERICA, replied that as a Jesuit he was not a lar, and it was hurting him principally with Catholics. parish priest and did not need the bishop's permis­ Protestants and Jews were three times as likely to sion to run. He noted that Canon Law 139 was an vote for McLaughlin as for Pastore. But among the out of date "blue law" that also prohibited priests Catholic voters (who comprise 65 percent of Rhode from consorting with freemasons. He listed other Island's electorate and from whom Pastore draws 93 priests (and nuns) in politics this year, and also percent of his support) the big question was should released a list of 88 Protestant ministers who have a priest be in politics. Fifty-four percent of Pastore's served in Congress. He announced that on September supporters cited the priest issue as their major objec­ 12, the 10th anniversary of John F. Kennedy's Hous­ tion to McLaughlin, as did 25% of the undecideds. ton speech, he, like Kennedy, would meet with clergy­ If McLaughlin could only persuade one in three Catho­ men who were hostile to his candidacy. And he asked, lic Democrats to vote for him, he would have the finally, why McVinney had waited four months before election. But without the money even for billboards, denying McLaughlin permission. it seemed doubtful that he could get his message across. INTERPRETED AS INTERFERENCE John Pastore is an institution in Rhode Island There were other arguments to be made, but as politics. He has been a member of the Senate for 20 it turned out Father McLaughlin did not have to make years. His career has been marked by bombastic oratory them. The week that followed there was an outpouring (he would have been brilliant beside William Jen­ of pro-McLaughlin feeling from Catholics in Rhode nings Bryan, but it's no longer 1900), liberal rhetoric, Island. Newspaper stories noted Bishop McVinney's and a voting record which can be called, at best, highly longstanding friendship with John Pastore. Lay erratic. Very curiously, or perhaps not so curiously, Catholic groups endorsed the principle of his can­ Senator Pastore's ADA ratings have been consistently didacy. A local Catholic newspaper deplored the higher in those years preceding his reelection. McVinney statements as "an implicit attempt to instruct Catholics on how to vote." The President of PASTORE'S STRADDLING ACT the Rhode Island Catholic Youth Organization issued In 1967 Pastore advocated bombing Hanoi. As an outright endorsement of McLaughlin. Letters and late as early 1970, he publicly opposed a time-table calls of support flooded the two-room McLaughlin for troop withdrawals from Vietnam. Yet this August, headquarters in the Biltmore Hotel. And on the talk Senator Pastore called for that time-table which he shows, the feeling was extraordinary. "I am a Catholic has so long opposed. Through 1969 Senator Pastore and a Democrat, and I have.always voted for John supported the SST unquestioningly. Now he is ad­ Pastore. But nobody's going to tell me how to vote," vocating production of the proto-type only, while said one old lady whose response was typical. "If it studying the polluting effects of the SST. Finally, from is McLaughlin vs. McVinney, I'm for McLaughlin, 1967-1969, John Pastore was one of the Senate's even if he is a Republican," said another. A full week leading proponents of the ABM. In 1967, for exam­ after the McVinney statement, the newspapers in ple, he advocated spending as much as 24 billion Rhode Island were still running banner headlines dollars per year on an ABM system. This year Senator about the incident. The conclusion was summarized in Pastore is again looking for a course that will not a four column headline in the Providence Evening offend. He is supporting continuing, but not expand­ Bulletin: "Boost for McLaughlin is Seen from Bishop'S ing, the ABM system. Criticism." And David Broder reported in the Boston In Mid-August word reached the FORUM that Globe that Pastore was complaining that McLaughlin Pastore was bragging to intimates that "the Church" was now "driving (him) batty." would soon finish McLaughlin for good. So it was not - continued on page 27 8 Party for Peace

Several weeks ago the Edward Burlings hosted some 80 candidates they favored for election, all but a benefit cocktail party for peace in the garden of two of whom were Democrats. The American Friends their fashionable Georgetown home. A prominent Service Committee, in rating candidates on new pri­ Washington lawyer who served as a Scranton dele­ orities found Pete McCloskey of California and gate to the 1964 Republican National Convention, Edward Biester of Pennsylvania below the standards Burling had never engaged in anti-war activity of their opponents. Hogwash. before the American ground intervention into Cam­ In a much publicized article in the Washington bodia. Now, as an organizer of Washington lawyers Monthly for August, Sam Brown came to the none­ against the war and a co-chairman of the national too-startling conclusion that "it is not possible to citizens' committee to support the McGovern­ build a successful peace movement simply on a stu­ Hatfield Amendment, he had thrown himself into dent base." Brown urged the peace movement to the peace movement. direct itself toward Middle America. "In addition to The party effused a kind of euphoria felt establishing a tone acceptable to Middle America." throughout the peace movement this summer. Friends he wrote, .. the peace leadership should use the media and assiciates of Mr. Burling talked politics with to make becoming a dove more psychologically f.t­ Jesse Jackson, founder of the Bread and Peace Com­ tractive ·t~"Middle Americans." mittee, and his followers in the Washington black Many good ideas came out of the summer ex­ community. Moratorium leaders David Mixner and periments to gain support for new priorities. The Sam Brown mingled on the patio with Ripon officers Movement for a New Congress at Princeton has com­ Mike Brewer and Frank Samuel. Ramsey Clark, bined idealism with political action. The Continued Burling's co-chairman and a Presidential darkhorse, Presence in Washington, formed by Dartmouth stu­ insisted George McGovern, who reportedly has Pre­ dents, suggested the use of computers to track new sidential ambitions himself, take the floor to speak constituencies as they coalesced around issues. Jesse on behalf of the Amendment to End the War. In­ Jackson's Bread and Peace Committee showed the deed, after a hard winter of factionalism, critics of value of a continual watchdog in Washington to pro­ government war policy appeared to find this sum­ tect and promote poor people's interests in the Con­ mer conducive to cooperation. gress, including an end to the war. Now these ideas After a period of confusion following the Cam­ need a new political strategy. bodian invasion when many more new anti-war If the Burlings, the Clarks, the Jacksons, Gard­ groups were formed than functions could be found, ners, student groups and anti-war members of the the moderate peace movement seems to have coal­ Congress are to work together for new priorities esced. Five main university-oriented groups have they will have to unite their efforts behind priorities formed the National Coalition for a Responsible hashed out through serious bargaining. Congress, with real hopes they can muster up to During the fall elections the various peace groups 100,000 student volunteers and $2,000,000 for the will have to educate and be educated to the needs of fall elections. Their leaders predict that union mem­ Middle America as they seek votes, so that the new bers will canvass jointly with students this fall. A priorities groups which survive will operate from an new citizens' lobby, Common Concern, formed by expanding constituency. These groups need not be National Urban Coalition director John Gardner, all anti-Nixon either. They may find that the econ­ promises to generate continuing pressure in the next omy is the biggest issue in Middle America. Despite Congress for new priorities. the war's continued contribution to our economic Despite causes for optimism among the moderate problems, the President can hardly be blamed for peace organizations, many uncertainties cloud the all the faults compounded by eight years of Demo­ future hopes for building a "New Congress." cratic administration. Because many anti-war people Despite the efforts for coalition, peace groups also support the President, the approach to new un­ continually compete among themselves for scarce derstanding of priorities should build on the best of re:;ources, with new organizations entering the field the President's instincts, while pointing out specific all the time. Leaders of the National Coalition for a areas for improvement. Unless all these elements Responsible Congress have no idea whether the mood come together on a basis which stretches beyond on campus this fall will favor electoral activity. Too traditional party and class lines, the peace movement often peace groups are partisan to the point of may well face the violent storms this winter it was ridiculousness. The Bipartisan Congressional Clear­ spared during the summer. inghouse, for iastance, recently released profiles on HOW ARD F. GILLEI'TE, JR. 9 Flexible Response or Nuclear Disaster? The U'. 5.' Army in Europe In a recent article I touched on a few of the in combat. strategic and tactical implications of the organization All of these command and supply headquarters and purpose of U.S. Army forces in West Germany. require numerous generals (ove),: 30 in Stuttgart alone) , Let's now more closely examine these implications and field grade officers and senior NCO's to command and expand on the questions they raise in regard to U.S. staff them. This is in addition to the large number of conventional war force levels in Europe. troops required to man them. How many men are en­ Organization gaged in these noncombatant jobs? Is the U.S. Army overstaffed in West Germany? The best way to answer is to consider how many One way to figure whether there is fat in our European men are in the five combat divisions. Each division at command and force structure is to compare it to Army full strength contains around 16,000 men. If our com­ doctrine and World War II experience factors. bat divisions in Europe were at full strength (and they In West Germany the Army has stationed a total seldom have been during Vietnam) there would be a force of approximately 195,000 soldiers. Congress and total of about 80,000 men assigned to them. We can the public were told that these soldiers are all required then reasonably speculate that the remaining 115,000 to fight the enemy in a conventional war. This force is men (of the 195,000 total force) are serving in other under the overall command of the unified (i.e. tri­ than the combat divisions. In other words roughly 115,- service) U.S. European Command with headquarters in 000 men serve in administrative and logistic situations. Stuttgart, Germany. This headquarters, heavily staffed These 115,000 men are not the only ones serving with generals and admirals, also has an element in in these situations. Each division of about 16,000 men NATO headquarters in Belgium. In time of peace this includes only roughly 7,000 soldiers who are assigned unified command serves as the senior command for all the mission of firing at the enemy. The remaining U.S. armed forces in Europe, but in time of war it per­ 9,000 or so are assigned to administrative command forms NATO duties. U.S. European Command exer­ and logistic support positions within the division! This cises its command supervision by passing Joint Chiefs of Staff (in Washington, D.C.) directives to U.S. Army Europe/Seventh Army headquarters located 38 miles away in Heidelberg, Germany. In peacetime this head­ Joint Chiefs of Staff quarters commands all Army forces in West Germany. **** In wartime this combined Army headquarters performs I both NATO and U.S. command functions. HEADQUARTERS The next command level is the corps headquarters. (A corps headquarters exercises tactical command over military operations; it is not normally concerned with administrative support.) In West Germany there are two U.S. corps headquarters. Additionally, there is another command element approximately equal to a corps headquarters which provides logistical support. These three command levels (U.S. European Com­ mand, U.S. Army/Seventh Army, V & VII Corps headquarters) pass directives down to the combat divi­ I sions. There are the equivalent of five divisions in West Corps I Germany. And once we pass the division headquarters Headquartersl of these divisions, we will have finally found the Army units (the brigades and battalions) that actually engage

THE AUTHOR Edward L. King is a former Lieutenant Colonel in the United States Army. King wrote in last month's FORUM on reform in the Army and in December will analyze recent plans for Pentagon reorganization and belt-tightening.

10 means that in terms of combat manpower for conven­ automatically rotated back and forth during fiscal 1970. tional combat the U.S .Army in West Germany has only Much of this rotation is unnecessary and is done only about 40,000 soldiers in its combat divisions who are for career improvements. It is also one of the reasons assigned to place killing fire on the enemy. that nearly all Army personnel in Germany are either There is no valid military reason why the Army learning their job or "coasting," waiting to rotate back must organize itself so that it needs over 100,000 men to the U.S. to command and supply a combat force of 80,000 sol­ In any event there is no acceptable justification for diers (of which less than half fire at the enemy). For obvious military paunch even in times of national bud­ example, Army doctrine indicates that a corps head­ getary surplus, much less when inflation munches on quarters "normally" commands two or more divisions. tax-dollars and domestic programs are forced to exist on In World War II, each combat corps normally com­ subsistence levels. manded an average of four divisions. Moreover the U.S. Purpose Seventh Army commanded no less than three corps The organization of U.S. Army forces in Europe during World War II combat. is unsatisfactory in terms of costs and manpower utili­ So why thea d~: it require two corps headquar­ zation. Even worse are the problems which are created ters and a field army headquarters to command the qy their mission. equivalent of 5 under-strength divisions in peacetime? The U.S. combat units - in consort with other Because the U.S. Army in West Germany has grown NATO forces - are supposed to be able to fight a con­ top-heavy through (a) bureaucratic inertia, (b) mili­ ventional war against Soviet and satellite troops. Let us tary preference for soft career living in Europe rather assume that our 195,000 men were organized and com­ than extended periods of living in such places as Fort manded efficiently. Would there be a reasonable pros­ Leonard Wood, Missouri or Fort Polk, Louisiana and pect that they could do what they are supposed to do (c) civilian abdication of control over military policy. successfully? The answer is probably not. At least 50,000 men could be brought home from West Part of this answer is prompted by the location Germany without reducing the conventional combat and sheer numerical advantage enjoyed by their ad­ capability of the existing U.S. Army presence if those versary: nearly 200 Soviet and East European divi­ forces were streamlined and efficiently organized, com­ sions (about 2 million men) could be thrown into manded and supplied. Or, if present troop levels have battle against 18 or 20 NATO divisions (about to be maintained, this much manpower could be con­ 350,000 men). There are other disadvantages. verted from fat to combat muscle. None of these reasons justifies the huge costs in­ ILL POSITIONED curred to support the existing system of organization - Relative positioning of forward units. Within and command. It cost 2.2 billion in fiscal 1970, to main­ sight of many of the autobahns leading westward tain our forces in West Germany. This figure does not through East Germany, forward Soviet divisions are include the additional costs involved in moving, storage positioned in austere, mobile tank and truck parks. and shipment of household goods and automobiles of The distance from a soldier's tent or hut, to his tank, the military personnel and their dependents who were truck or armored vehicle is a matter of minutes. Contrast this with the positioning of U.S. Army for­ ward units: the troops live in barrack compounds often removed a half-mile or more from their tanks and vehicles. The truck parks themselves are not always immediately accessible to major roads. The time needed to get our troops on the road is more than minutes. - U.S. divisions are still comfortably positioned in the World War II occupation-zone positions that they took up when they arrived in Southern Germany in 1950-51 during the dark days of the Korean War. But strategic considerations would most likely motivate the Soviet armored forces to strike boldly across the flat North German plains along the historic invasion route to the Ruhr and the English Channel ports. U.S. Army forces would undoubtedly be needed to help defend not only the industrial heart of Europe but also to protect their own supply lifelines which during war run back to the channel ports. To accomplish this,

11 they would have to move considerable distances to turned a losing conventional effort into a winning the north to reach viable battle positions. If a sudden one, it also would have turned a conventional war attack occured, they would have to make, this move­ into a nuclear one. And at the same time it was ment over roads jammed with other NATO troops, estimated by West German press sources that' about overrun with millions of refugees (many of whom 65 percent of West Germany would have been des­ would be their own wives and children attempting to troyed. In discussing low-yield "tactical" nuclear flee) and constantly attacked by low-flying enemy air­ weapons we should remember that the average "tac­ craft. Time would be critical in such a northward tical" nuclear weapon has the explosive force of movement; only hours would be available to attempt roughly one-quarter to one-half the destructive power to intercept and stem the Soviet advance. Yet during of the Hiroshima A-bomb. Strictly in terms of phy­ the Berlin Crisis of 1961 when such a movement was sical damage and indiscriminate loss of civilian and considered, days not hours were estimated as being military lives, the one-sided use of such weapons can required~ And this movement would have been con­ scarcely be called conventional. ducted under peacetime conditions! And can we be sure that the Soviets would not - Even assuming that U.S. Army combat ele­ use at least equivalent nuclear weapons in retalia­ ments have reached improved maximums of mobility tion? One cannot believe that the Soviets will fight and flexibility since 1961, exhibiting these qualities with their rifles and conventional artillery while we would require absolute tactical air superiority. I know destroy whole divisions with tactical nuclear weapons. of no military planner who honestly assumes that THE PLIGHT OF DEPENDENTS the u.S. Air Force will attain such absolute superiority - In the event of hostilities the necessity of using (which it enjoyed over Western Europe in 1945) nuclear weapons first could present the United States until a considerable period after the opening of hos­ with a grave national dilemma. The President would tilities. And there are some who doubt if it could be faced with the choice of authorizing the military ever attain such a degree of superiority. commander in Europe to use nuclear weapons ( and - But if we assume that U.S. forces will have thereby open a nuclear war) or deny their use and absolute air superiority, could our 80,000 combat risk the loss of a field army and the lives of nearly troops (i.e. 40,000 who fire on the enemy) plus ap­ 250,000 U.S. servicemen and their families. The proximately 260,000 NATO combat troops, reasonably choice between initiating nuclear escalation or failing be expected to stop the advance of Communist Bloc to protect the lives of American fighting men would troops? (Before answering we must remember that if not be an attractive one for any President. Yet every we fight a conventional war in Europe it will be with President for the past fifteen years has been faced the forces already there. The Czechoslovakian invasion with this possibility as a result of our effort to main­ showed that we can no longer count on a comfortable tain the fiction of a conventional war capacity in mobilization period during which, in the best tradi­ Europe. tions of World Wars I and II, more combat troops The choice is complicated by the fact that wives can be flown or shipped to Europe from the U.S.) and children of U.S. servicemen would be the almost Most military professionals privately agree that the inevitable victims of our tactical nuclear weapons. If answer is no. However, the Army several years ago there is a warning period before hostilities begin some devised a very simple solution to this problem for of the 225,000 dependents could be evacuated by air Congress and the public. They can give an affirmative and private automobile to "Safehavens." If hostilities answer 'because they allocate "tactical" (i.e. low-yield) begin suddenly - and there is no reason to, believe nuclear weapons to the conventional forces in Europe. the Soviets intend to provide convenient advance Simple. Now our conventional forces can offset the - continued on page 25 Soviet and satellite manpower advantage and delay their advance westward by exploding large numbers of nuclear devices against them from the very first moments of battle. MOST UNCONVENTIONAL The Army been training for years in Europe on the basis of such plans. Simulated use of nuclear weapons is written into the scenario of most major unit train­ ing exercises. In one NATO field training maneuver, the Stars and Stripes newspaper reported that large numbers of simulated nuclear weapons were used. What was not reported was that while nuclear devices

12 Repla'cing HEW Guidelines with Court Action

September Song for Dual Schools September, 1970, has been widely advertised as the Generally, school districts could satisfy the guidelines by date that school integration is finally coming to the instituting a freedom of choice plan for just four grades South. So, however, has every September since 1965, in a 12-grade system, and in "exceptional" cases, two and total integration has not yet been achieved, or in grades would be sufficient. HEW-watchers concluded most areas, even approached. Whether 1970 wiII see that the Government didn't want to embark upon en­ the promised epoch must therefore remain open to forcement of the Civil Rights Act with a policy that doubt. would mean wholesale cut-offs of federal funds; a It has become increasingly difficult over the years, stronger reason for the guidelines' vagueness, they said, in any case, to determine the actual degree of desegre­ was that specific requirements, however slight, would gation in Southern schools, because of the constant jug­ be taken as a ceiling by districts that could do better. gling, and finally concealment, of the relevant statistics. In actual practice, however, since the guidelines speci­ After Brown v. Board of Education was decided fied little or nothing, most Southern school systems did in 1954, a number of Negro parents brought desegrega­ little or nothing; the percentage of Southern Negro tion suits against Southern school districts, amid the children in formerly-white schools in the first year of ear-splitting howls of doom-saying politicians. But by the guidelines was just 6 percent. the fall of 1964, before the Civil Rights Act of 1964 could affect the situation, less than 2 percent of the BECLOUD THE ISSUE 2,896,100 school-age Negro children in the 11 South­ The uproar over HEW enforcement policies mul­ ern states were going to school with whites. The Civil tiplied with. the issuance of the guidelines for the 1966- Rights Act offered the possibility that this situation 67 schooi years. Whereas the first guidelines had al­ would change drastically. It "authorized and directed" luded only to integrated staff meetings, the new rules departments administering federal funds to issue rules said school districts "must either assign staff in such a and regulations regarding continued eligibility for those way as to produce some faculty integration in every funds; and from this directive the hated guidelines school, or use some other pattern of staff assignment emerged. Furthermore, the Civil Rights Act gave the which wiII make comparable progress in bringing about Justice Department the power to initiate desegregation staff desegregation successfully." The 1966-67 guide­ suits (upon receipt of a complaint from parents who lines also hinted for the first time that the goal of were unable to maintain an action on their own), and to HEW policy was more than mere establishment of f ree­ intervene in cases of general public importance. Pre­ dom of choice plans in every school district. The "basic viously, the Department had no statutory authority to criterion" for gauging the success of any desegregation participate directly in school cases, though it had been plan, said HEW, would be "measurable evidence of filing briefs as a friend of the court. progress and good faith effort to eliminate the dual school system as quickly as possible." In other words, GOOD-FAITH GUIDELINES the point was not to allow Negro children who insisted The first set of HEW school desegregation guide­ upon it to go to white schools, but rather to produce a lines, issued for the 1965-66 school year, required system in which schools were neither Negro nor white. very little on the part of local school boards wishing to How should progress toward such a miIIennium be keep their federal money. The guidelines were vague measured? The guidelines suggested a way, and in do­ and general, mentioning no percentage figure for pupil ing so gave the politicians their great smokescreen issue integration and suggesting integrated staff meetings as for the next year or more. "The single most substan­ a beginning of faculty integration; a "substantial good tial indication as to whether a free choice plan is faith start on desegregation" was all that was required. actually working to eliminate the dual school structure THE AUTHOR is the extent to which Negroes and other minority Michael S. Lottman, author of Ripon's recent report on group students have in fact transferred from segre­ the GOP in the Sotlth, is abotlt to leat'e Montgomery, gated schools," the guidelines said, and then gave ex­ Alabama, (the two el'ents are not necessarily con­ amples: in a district where 8 or 9 percent of the nected) where he has IhJed and practiced law for sev­ Negro students were in white schools in 1965-66, the percentage should double; in districts where the figure eral years. Lottman was also Editor of the Southern was 4 or 5 percent, it should triple; where the percen­ Courier and served as the first Ripon Fellow. tage was lower stiM, the rate of increase should be pro-

13 portionately greater; and where no desegregation had school be at least five percent white before it- could be taken place in 1965-66, a "very substantial start" called integrated? Or more? It made a difference, arid would be expected. These percentages were not require­ the resulting sets of figures could be made to prove al­ ments, but administrative guides, to be us<;d,nierely for most anything about integration or the lack of it. In selection of which districts should come under review. 1969-70, the first year of desegregation under the But Southern congressmen and school officials per­ Nixon administration, attempts to arrive at a percentage sisted - not always out of ignorance - in misinterpret­ of integration were frustrated by a new problem - the ing the guideline percentages, and thus managed to be­ government's refusal, or inability, -to release the results cloud the entire discussion of the schools issue. Some of its annual school census. As of the fall of 1970, these politicians took the percentages to mean the percentage figures had still not been made public. And as the of students in white schools who were black; other re­ 1970--71 school year approached, Administration ferred to the percentage increase of black students in spokesman began using a new measure entirely - the white schools. So a South Carolina schools superinten­ percentage of black children who were enrolled in "uni­ dent could say with satisfaction, "Well, we've doubled tary" school districts, that is, districts complying with our Negro enrollment this year," while 96 to 98 per­ court orders or terminal HEW desegregation plans. cent of the Negro children in his district were still at­ Employing this standard, the Administration was able tending inferior all-Negro schools. HEW Secretary to predict an integration figure of 90 percent - which John W. Gardner and Education Commissioner Harold terrified apprehensive Southern whites, mortified cer­ Howe II tried a number of times to set the record tain Southern Republican politicians, and provided no straight, without much success; and though HEWaban­ real picture at all of the true percentage of black chil­ doned any attempt to apply the percentages in a sys­ dren actually attending public school in integrated situ­ tematic manner, the politicians made sure nobody for­ ations. got them. RHETORIC VS. RESULTS SUCCESSFUL EVASION The Nixon administration's problem all along has For all the excitement, the 1966--67 school year been an at-times deliberate failure to coordinate its still saw 2,598,842 Negro children - 88 percent of rhetoric and its results. At the beginning, though the the total- attending segregated black schools in the President and then HEW Secretary Robert H. Finch, South. There was virtually no change in the guidelines in particular, spoke softly on the schools issue, it was for 1967-68, and virtually no change in the percentage conceivable that the Administration still intended to of black children in segregated schools; the figure for keep up the pressure on desegregation - if possible, 1967-68 was 86 percent, thanks largely to Alabama without appearing to do so. Even after such develop­ (94.6), Georgia (90.1), Louisiana (93.3), Mississippi ments as the decision in January, 1969, to delay sc11e­ (96.1 ) , and South Carolina (93.6). For 1968-69, there duled HEW fund cut-offs to five Southern districts, was a discernibly tougher attitude in both HEW and and Finch's March 10, 1969 interview in U.S. News the courts, and an equally discernible slackening of re­ and World Report (''I'm convinced that we just can't sistance on the part of many Southern school officials. work with raw percentages and say, 'You've got to have But even so, the percentage of Negro children in se­ the same percentages of blacks and whites in every gregated schools remained at just under 80. In the school.' "), HEW's Director of the Office for Civil fall of 1968, the Southern Regional Council- hardly Rights, Leon E. Panetta, could confidently predict in a militant group by anybodoy's standards - voiced elo­ the spring of 1969 that school integration would be a quent and profound despair over the schools situation: dead issue by September, 1970. But the Administration "We teach children, all children, that the United States neglected the importance of symbolism in the forma­ of America is dedicated to law and order. We lie .... tion of Southern attitudes on school integration and race After a generation has beheld successful evasion, ra­ in general. Southerners bought the Nixon rhetoric to tionalized vacillation, outright flaunting of the law, only an extent that rendered Panetta's hoped-for result im­ a country absolutely wedded to the totalitarian concept possible and in fact threatened what had already been of order without law could turn on the victims of law­ accomplished. lessness and accuse them of destroying the fabric of Ominously, some districts in Texas, Arkansas, society." South Carolina, and elsewhere, actually sought to with­ The most accurate measures of the progress of draw desegregation plans they had filed earlier. GOP integration during these pre-Nixon years was the per­ chairmen in South Carolina and Texas reassured their centage of blacks going (or not going) to school with constituents that what compliance effort had taken place whites, but even this was susceptible to tinkering. For was the work of Democrats who would soon be re­ example, if one or two white children showed up at a placed. "I hope the people of South Carolina will real­ traditionally black school, was the rest of the student ize that all the cases brought against schools in the body then "going to school with whites"? Or should a SOl.:th thus far have been the work of the Democrats," 14 said Palmetto State Chairman Ray Harris. Added Peter about "a unitary, nonracial system of public education" O'Donnell Jr. of Texas: "I am confident that Secretary merely by adopting a freedom of choice plan. Rather, Finch will issue new guidelines in a reasonable period the Court says, "the burden on a school board today is of time and appoint new Republican HEW officials at to come forward with a plan that promises realistically every level to be sure the emphasis on schools is placed to work, and promises realistically to work now," the where it should be - education first." goal in every case being "a system without a 'white' And in a truly frightening editorial entitled "Our school and a 'Negro' school, but just schools." Schools Can be Rescued," the Richmond News Leader noted Nixon's and Finch's more conciliatory statements A LEGAL TWIST on school integration, and then observed: September, 1968 - Presidential candidate Richard M. Nixon, making a TV show in Charlotte, North Caro­ This new word from on high robed itself with sub­ lina, for Southern consumption, begins by firmly sup­ stance recently. In Martin County, North Carolina, porting the proposition that school segregation is illegal for example, the Nixon Administration reversed pre­ and unconstitutional, as was held in Brown v. Board of vious rulings and restored a cutoff of $700,000 a Education. But then"he adds: "On the other hand, year in Federal funds. This was done without sub­ while that decision dealt with segregation and said we stantial alteration of the county's "freedom-of-choice" would not have segregation, when you go beyond that plan (previously disapproved at every level of ad­ and say that it is the responsibility of the federal ministrative review). What is fair for the North government and the federal courts to, in effect, act as Carolina goose is fair for the Virginia gander.... local districts in determining how we carry that out, ... The die has not been cast. City and county school then I think we are going too far." authorities should forthwith rescind all arrangements to dose schools and redraw boundaries, made under January, 1969 - Secretary Finch holds up termination of federal funds to five non-complying Southern dis­ discredited and superseded Great Society guidelines. Each school district should advise the U.S. Office of tricts for 60 days, pending further negotiations. Education that it is returning to the "freedom-of­ July 3, 1969 - The long-awaited Mitchell-Finch state­ choice" plan. . . . ment on school integration, a confusing and equivocal The Nixon Administration should be given an op­ document, sets the "terminal date" for total desegrega­ portunity either to make good on its school pledge, tion as September, 1969, but then raises the hopes of which the American people voted for, or else be ex­ recalcitrant Southern districts - while embarrassing posed for its duplicity. those planning to comply - by offering the possibility, under certain circumstances, of "limited delay" or "ad­ SUDDENLY THIS SUMMER ditional time." This summer the Administration had apparently August, 1969 - The Justice Department files its first altered its rhetoric, in the wake of George Wallace's statewide desegregation suit against Georgia state offi­ victory in Alabama, to appeal to moderates, if not cials. blacks, in the North and South. The two most pro­ nounced instances of this shift, judging by Strom Thur­ August 19, 1969 - Secretary Finch writes a letter to mond's blood pressure, were the decision to withhold the federal judges sitting in cases involving 33 Missis­ tax exemption from private schools that bar Negro stu­ sippi districts, requesting a delay in desegregation plans dents and the announcement of a federal task force to submitted to the court by his own Department a week oversee Southern desegregation in September. Presum­ earlier. The delay is granted. ably, the Administration was not contemplating a social October 29, 1969 - The Supreme Court rules that fur­ upheaval in the South; neither of these steps, in and of ther delays in desegregation will not be tolerated, in itself, seemed capable of causing one. But once again, Mississippi or elsewhere. "The obligation of every the Administration miscalculated, and large portions of school district," the Court holds in Alexander v. the white South bought the rhetoric, without waiting Holmes County Board of Educatioll, "is to terminate (as Attorney General John N. Mitchell once advised) dual school systems at once and to operate now and to see the results. With parts of the South having gone hereafter only unitary schools." from the jubilation of a year ago to panic, the President February 5, 1970 - U.S. District Judge James B. Mc­ was forced to waffle again, especially on the task force Millan, in an extensive but otherwise unremarkable de­ question. cision (except for the fact that it was to take effect in A brief outline of the important developments in Charlotte, scene of the Nixon statement of September, school desegregation since 1968 will perhaps serve to 1968, and a prime target area for the Southern strategy) illustrate the Administration's erratic course: finds that the Charlotte-Mecklenburg County school May 27, 1968 - In Green v. County School Board and district is not making sufficient progress toward a uni­ related cases, the U.S. Supreme Court rules that a school tary system, and orders total desegregation by April board cannot meet its constitutional obligation to bring 1, 1970, including substantial busing of elementary

15 students. As a result of this ruling in Swann v. Char­ July:18, 1970 - IRS grants tax exemption to six:small­ lotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, busing and its town private schools, on the basis of declaration of non­ corollary, neighborhood schools, take their place beside discriminatory admissions policies. So far as is known, such great false issues of the past as guidelines and none of the six schools has a Negro student. percentages. August 6, 1970 - Elliot L. Richardson, Finch's succes­ February 17, 1970 - Leon Panetta resigns his HEW sor at HEW, announces that his Department will no post under pressure from the Administration. longer cut off funds to force stubborn school districts March 24, 1970 - In an 8,000-word statement on to desegregate. school desegregation, President Nixon takes the posi­ Where does all that leave us? For one thing, the tion that "de facto" school segregation, even in South­ Administration has clearly decided to turn to the courts ern cities, is immune from legal attack: for the (hopefully) final stages of school integration, There is a constitutional mandate that dual school bringing suits covering entire districts or states where systems and other forms of .de jt{re segregation be feasible, with HEW providing expert assistance in eliminated totally. But within the framework of that drawing and implementing desegregation plans. Des­ requirement an area of flexibility - a "rule of rea­ pite the objections of some, this approach makes a son" exists, in which school boards, acting in good great deal of sense. faith, can formulate plans of desegregation which best suit the needs of their own localities. De facto POLITICS AND GUIDELINES segregation, which exists in many areas both North The problem with the guidelines all along has been and South, is undesirable but is not generally held that they are an open invitation to political meddling. to violate the Constitution. The administrative decisions as to which desegration plans to accept, which districts should be pressured and MADE MUDDY BY NIXON which investigated, all involve subjective judgments The President gives his sanction to the neighbor­ that are susceptible to outside influences. hood school concept, and pledges that "transportation Nowhere has this been more evident than in of pupils beyond normal geographic school zones for the case of Martin County, North Carolina, one of the purpose of achieving racial balance will not be re­ the five districts given a 60-day reprieve by Secretary qdred." He also impliedly overrules several lower­ Finch in January 1969. The decision to cut off court school desegregation rulings, in advance of Su­ $700,000 in federal funds to Martin County had been preme Court or appellate review. made under the Johnson Administration, on what May, 1970 - HEW terminates federal aid to the two­ certainly seemed to be solid grounds. In the 1968-69 school Pewitt, Texas, district, its first such action since school year, only 7 percent of the county's Negro stu­ July, 1969. dents were attending predominantly white schools, and May 27, 1970 - Adopting a standard of "reasonable­ no white students were in Negro schools. Further­ ness," the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit more, just 12 or 14 teachers had been assigned to strikes down the portion of Judge McMillan's Char­ school predominantly of the opposite race. And the lotte-Mecklenburg order that would require busing to plan submitted by the Martin County school board integrate the city's all-black and all-white elementary gave little promise of abolishing the dual system by schools. The Justice Department's advisory brief called the target date of fall, 1970. By every standard - the judge's order "an abuse of dis::retion," while at­ guidelines, court decisions, or whatever - the county torneys for the black plaintiff pointed out in vain that was not making minimum acceptable progress toward Charlotte, with a population of 270,000, was not so full desegregation. But no decision under the guide­ huge that residential patterns could not be overcome, lines need ever be final, as North Carolina politicians and that neither the amount or distance of busing re­ quired was excessive. (More litigation followed the - especially Republican - set out to prove. Reported­ ly, State Senator Edgar Gurganus, a Martin County May 27th ruling and the Supreme Court agreed to Democrat, sought the help of State Representative hear the Charlotte case, among others, at the opening Jim Holshouser, who also happens to be the state of its October ten"l.) GOP chairman. Holshouser, the story goes, then went July 9, 1970 - The Justice Department brings the first wave of suits against an eventual total of more than to the Republican Congressman Charles Raper Jonas, who urged Administration officials not to begin their 70 holdout school districts. Jttly 10, 1970 - The Internal Revenue Service an­ term in office by announcing North Carolina's first nounces its new policy on tax exemptions for private Title VI fund cut-off. schools. After much internal debate, the Administration July 16, 1970-Plans for the federal task force are terminated Martin County and four other school dis­ disclosed, later to be qualified, modified, and all but tricts - but not really. For one month later, to no cancelled. one's very great surprise, HEW announced its ap-

16 prov.al of Martin County's desegregation plan with earlier this year, "serious reservations." Reservations were in,order. The preserves, almost intact, the white and black approved plan required little or no immediate change enclaves of Columbia, and though its advocates in pupil or teacher assignments, and allowed the coun­ purport that it will meet legal requirements while ty to continue under freedom of choice in 1969-70. preventing white flight, in reality it falls short The plan did call for fifty teachers to be assigned to of the standards now accepted by our CQUilts and schools of the opposite race in 1969-70; but when it will almost certainly promote resegregation. asked if this meant assigning white teachers to black Its acceptance by HEW poses the added schools as well as black teachers to white schools, danger that it will become a model for other county officials said it could be "either way at the metropolitan areas of the South seeking to avoid discretion of the board." Under this interpretation, the knotty educational problems posed by racial Martin County was being held to a faculty integration isolation. To put it bluntly, this is a white standard far below the minimum that would have been man's plan; more specifically, it is President accepted in a court of law. But nonetheless, Martin Nixon's plan. County got its money. A more basic objection to the guidelines is the na­ AT FIRST BLUSH ture of the remedy they provide - termination of fed­ The political pressures have, if anything, been eral assistance. Cessation of Government funds pro­ more intense in Columbia, South Carolina, where for vides no assurance that the school district will desegre­ half a decade the constitutional rights of black chil­ gate; most terminated districts simply go on operating dren have been subject to negotiation by school of­ without the money - which, after all, was generally ficials; HEW, and political intermeddlers up to and being spent on Negro students and schools. The situa­ including the White House. This fall, Richland Coun­ tion in Unadilla, Georgia, is instructive: for years, only ty school district number one implemented a terminal one Negro family had the courage to brave the constant desegregation plan that had much to recommend it, threats and send its children to the white school. Fi­ at least at first blush. The district's secondary schools, nally, in 1968, the district's $200,000 in federal aid­ all but $25,000 of which was spent on the Negro fairly close mirrored the 53-47 white-black make~up of the school population, although some were left school, mostly for hot lunches - was cut off. The dis­ largely black; community leaders and newspapers trict promptly raised taxes to recover the $25,000, and paved the way for peaceful acceptance of large-scale announced that since federal assistance had been ter­ integration; and black teachers and principals kept minated, the Negro students were no longer welcome at the white school. their jobs. But the district's plan, approved by HEW Progress through the courts can be slow, but lately, under pressure, failed to employ busing or any other this has not been much of a problem. Desegregating means to desegregate Columbia's elementary schools. Southern school districts, as a legal proposition, is hard­ Four elementary schools, therefore, were still all black ly more debatable now than desegregating the local under the plan; eight were 95 to 99 percent blaCk, three Dairy Queen. Even the worst Southern judges have ac­ were 80 to 95 percent black, and four were 50 to 80 cepted the idea in principle, and what the best judges percent black. On the other hand, one school was all can accomplish has been demonstrated in the landmark white, and eight were more than 90 percent. white. Alabama case of Lee v. Macon. It appeared likely that most of the white students in the predominately black schools would eventually LEE V. MACON desert them for private schools. As a New York Times The first order entered in the case, in August of article predicted, "almost 40 pem:nt of the district's 1963, simply required the schools of Macon County, 39,000 students are in schools where desegregation Ala., to desegregate. A year later, the Justice Depart­ is nonexistant, token or likely to be temporary." Cer­ ment had joined the black plaintiffs, and Governor tainly, the neighborhood school doctrine, as em­ George C. Wallace and other state officials had been braced by President Nixon on March 24, should added as defendants. The state officials were enjoined have little force in Columbia, which, with its 112,000 from using the Alabama tuition-grant law to frustrate population, is hardly an unmanageable or fragmented desegregation, and from failing to exercise control and metropolis. The courts would have brought more supervision over their school systems in a manner con­ meaningful desegregation to Columbia this fall, as sistent with constitutional requirements. Finally, the in fact they did to such larger southern cities as big breakthrough came in March of 1967. For 2¥2 Charlotte, and Richmond and Norfolk, Virginia, to years, the court found, state officials had used the power name a few. Columbia's HEW-approved plan, veteran of their offices in "relentless opposition" to orderly civil rights figure M. Hayes Mitzell told the Senate school desegregation, by putting pressure on local offi­ select committee on equal education opportUnity cials, encouraging support of private schools, and gen-

17 erating obstructionist legislation. Therefore, the court a fine of $10,000 a day. And this fall, when a group made the officials responsible for bringing about dese­ of white terrorists in Talladega, Alabama decided to gregation in the 99 school districts in the state that were take over part of a public school and run it as they not already covered by court orders. If an individual saw fit, a threatened fine of $100 a day convinced I school district balked, it could be brought directly into them to reconsider. In any case, white southerners the case as a defendant and ordered to comply with the understandably have been more respectful toward the law. With this versatile procedure, the court was able courts than toward the often blatantly political HEW to oversee state-wide desegregation, order the integra­ process. tion of high school athletics, and halt construction of SEGREGATION ACADEMIES new schools and additions designed to perpetuate the As a result of the courts' stern no-delay policy for dual system. This year, Judges Frank M. Johnson, Jr., public schools, private schools will be present in record Richard T. Rives, and H. H. Grooms entered terminal number this fall, despite the IRS ruling. Few of the desegregation orders for all school systems, and dis­ schools, particularly the newer ones, will make any pro­ mantled Lee v. Macon, sending individual cases back fit, so to that extent, the granting or denial of a tax to their own judicial districts for policing. exemption means little. Of course, the real benefit of an Even if a desegregation case should run afoul exemption is that a donor may deduct contributions to of a recalcitrant District Judge, the Courts of Appeals exempt institutions from his taxable income. But again, and the Supreme Court have made clear their de­ most of the schools that have sprung up this year are termination to dismantle dual school systems without not getting that kind of contribution; a study in Ala­ further ado. And in most southern districts, school bama shows that the state's private schools received cases on appeal now receive expedited treatment, just 8 percent of their income from donations, while taking precedent even over criminal matters. Also, tuition payments accounted for fully 85 percent of oper­ the courts are no longer staying desegregation orders ating expenses. In any case, IRS is apparently neither pending appeal by defendent school boards. prepared nor equipped to require more than paper as­ surances of non-discriminatory admissions; to do more, Of course, even the judicial process is not en­ it will have to contemplate an effort on the scale of tirely free of political pressures. But federal judges HEW's, which may well not be worth the effort. For at all levels, being appointed for life, can exert con­ one thing, the private school phenomenon has always siderably more independence than the average HEW been vastly overrated:· in . Alabama, with an anticipated bureaucrat. And external influences are further mini­ 100 percent increase, the total attendance at the "segre­ mized by the fact that in a court case, unlike an HEW gation academies" this fall is expected to be only negotiation, nearly everything that is done becomes 20,500. Many of the private schools will collapse of a part of the public record sooner or later. So, for their own weight in a relatively short time, as the stu­ example, Secretary Finch's attempt to gain a delay dents and their parents realize that integration does not, in the Mississippi cases by sending a private letter to after all, mean the end of the world, as the financial the judges became a nationwide cause celebre in a burden becomes intolerable, as the weaknesses and de­ matter of days, and the extension of time was struck ficiencies of the new institutions become apparent, and down by the Supreme Court within a few months. as the schools' lack of accreditation keeps the students The courts, it would seem, have a more adequate from going to college. In the meantime, the private set of tools with which to secure compliance than has schools may provide an effective safety valve for this HEW. For one thing, many southern school admin­ fall's desegregation tensions, by allowing nervous istrators are perfectly willing to desegregate, if they whites to believe, at least for the time being, that they don't appear to be doing so voluntarily, as they do have an alternative. under a HEW plan. Once these officials have a court NEEDED: PRESIDENTIAL LEADERSHIP order to shield them from public (and political) criti­ But problems remain, and new ones are on the cism, they can be expected to carry out their consti­ horizon: "white flight," intensified residential segre­ tutional duties. If not, the courts can resort to their gation, in-school segregation, black resistance to their contempt power, though this has rarely been neces­ schools' assimilation, and the uncertain status of black sary in the past. So far, no court has been rash enough teachers and administrators. Above all is the problem of to jail a protesting governor or lesser politician; but a lack of convincing moral leadership from the Presi­ a stiff fine, or threat of one can do wonders. Going dent and the Administration. The President at least to jail for a few days may meaft glorious martyrdom, seems to have stopped saying, "It seems to me there but paying a fine is somewhat less glamorous and con­ are two extreme groups. There are those who want in­ siderably more painful. When Florida Governor stant integration and those who want segregation for­ Claude R. Kirk, Jr. went on his anti-integration cru­ ever." (Or, as civil rights advocates have paraphrased sade last spring, u.S. District Judge M.R. Krentz­ him, "There are two extreme groups - those who want man was finally able to quiet him with the threat of segregation forever, and those who want to follow the 18 orders of the Supreme Court.") But his August pil­ logue - poor whites, poor blacks, .and youth - are grimage to New Orleans, and his statement there, still largely missing from the state advisory committ~s. left his commitment to integration unclear. ("This is It will not be such gimmicks, anyway, that deter­ one country, one people, and we are going to carry out mine whether integration becomes a peaceful reality this I the law in that way, not in a punitive way, treating the fall in the South. It will be the genuine humanity of South as basically a second-class part of the nation, but most Southerners, white as well as black, and the will­ treating this part of the country with the respect it ingness of most Southerners to obey the law. The real deserves, asking its leaders to cooperate with us and believers in "law and order" in this country are people we with them.") like the small-town Mississippi mayor who said last The President, on his Southern visit also gave his spring, ''I'll send my three children to public schools as blessing to the leaders of the seven-state advisory com­ long as I'm able .... This town's either going to have mittees that have been set up by the White House to to move ahead or go backwards, and now's the time to aid, somehow, in this fall's integration process. But make that decision"; the white students in Greenville, these committees, as much as anything else, illustrate South Carolina, Juc~£e- Clement F. Haynsworth's home what is lacking in the Administration's approach, and town, who put up banners welcoming 300 black stu­ how little the White House understands the Southern dents to their high school after Haynsworth himself, in­ dilemma. As has been noted from virtually every South­ directly, ordered the large-scale integration; the more ern capital, the committees were appointed from on than 100 white parents who registered their children high, and they have no real power or authority. In to attend elementary classes along with 350 blacks in most cases, the tradition in such matters of appointing a a previously all black school in hard-core, rural Demo­ white chairman and a black vice-chairman has been polis, Alabama; and the determined citizens of both scrupulously observed. New York Times reporter Roy races in tiny Yazoo City, Mississippi, who survived Reed recently wrote of other flaws in the advisory com­ the sudden immersion into total integration last spring, mittee set-up, above and beyond the basic fact that, ending the school year with a joyous, integrated com­ aside from the South Carolina group, the committees mencement that was described as "the best graduating simply "have not done much." Two members of the ceremony the town ever had." committee established to promote support for public education in Mississippi, it developed, headed banks GRIDIRON MELTING POT that participated in a $600,000 loan to five private, se­ I remember one of the first interracial football gregated schools in the Jackson area. And the Mississip­ games ever held in Alabama, a 1968 state champion­ pi committee chairman, Warren Hood, was on a safari ship semi-final between all-black St. Jude of Mont­ in Africa during August, and was not expected back un­ gomery and mostly-white Clay County High from rural til just before the school year began. In Georgia, mean­ Ashland, Alabama. A federal court had ordered the while, after Governor Lester G. Maddox urged white state championships desegregated after hearing dire parents to send their children back to the segregated warnings of race war from school board attorneys; and schools they attended last year, advisory committee all season long the more hysterical white Montgomeri­ chairman William P. Simmons, a white Macon bank­ ans speculated about the likelihood of a riot. I remem­ er, said his group was taking no position on the Gov­ ber the culture shock when the two worlds met, the ernor's recommendation. In sum, many of the commit­ gleeful, half-mocking cheers with which the St. Jude tee chairmen and members appeared to lack a clear un­ fans greeted the squared-corners performance of the derstanding of what they were supposed to be doing and precise little Clay County band, and the open-mouthed a very urgent commitment to their task. It might even astonishment with which the white spectators viewed be, as Governor Albert P. Brewer of Alabama charged, the black band's uninhibited, soul-rock renditions. I that "some very fine citizens rwerel being used." remember the clean, hard-fought football game, won by SOUTHERN STRATEGY the black St. Jude eleven on a dazzling "flea-flicker" Moreover, the committee members, particularly play after both sides had played beyond their capa­ the whites, tended to be the Administration's, and the bilities. And I remember a noisy, white kid trying to GOP's, favorite people - bankers, executives, and pro­ attract the attention of St. Jude's star Melvin Jones after fessionals. But these are not the people who have a the tense contest had dashed Clay County's season­ personal stake in what happens this fall; by and large, long hopes. "Hey, Melvin! Hey, Melvin!" he kept their children go (or went) to school in mostly-white yelling, in a not-too-friendly tone of voice. Finally suburban districts or private schools, and will not soon Jones, with nothing else left to do, looked around ap­ have to contend with blacks for a job at a plant or on prehensively. And the kid said only this: "Nice game." a truck. Why should a poor white, or redneck, care I remember thinking then that these people were going I what some banker has to say about school integration? to make it. And despite everything that has happened The same groups who are ignored by the Southern stra­ since then, I still think so. tegy and unrepresented in most of today's political dia- MICHAEL S. LOTTMAN

19 A 'Reply to Ripon's Southern Report . Building the Alabama GOP There is an air of restrained optimism among greatly aided its nominees by adopting a most respon­ Alabama Republicans. Memories of state election deba­ sible platform. It includes a strong anti-pollution plank cles in 1966 and 1968 are still quite fresh, and Ala­ and urges that 18-year-olds be allowed to vote in all bama remains Wallace country for the majority of the elections. Concern for the consumer is shown by the state's voters. Even so, Alabama's GOP senses a platform's call for a Department of Consumer Protec­ brighter future - One much closer than many observers tion and for the abolishment of the Milk Control seem to realize. Board, a state agency through which the price of milk Previous high hopes raised by the 1964 Gold­ is set by politics and special interest groups. water-led Republican sweep of -Dixie were dashed by HONEST WORDS An honest approach is the Wallace bandwagon triumph two years later. AND ACTION made to civil rights, with Straight-ticket voting swept in almost all of the Wallace the platform stating as follows: "team." The Republican candidate for Governor was Every citizen should have equal rights and equal op­ beaten more than two-to-one by the late Mrs. Wallace, portunity under the law. Each of us has a responsi­ two GOP Congressional seats were lost, and only one bility to uphold the laws which protect us all. Our Republican won election to the 141 member Alabama emphasis must be on doing things with - rather legislature. than for - One another. Further consternation resulted from the 1968 elec­ We believe in equal and impartial law enforcement tion, with Nixon drawing only 14.1 percent of the and equal application of justice to everyone, regard­ state's Presidential vote and the Republican candidate less of race, creed or color. for the U.S. Senate (running against a lackluster, non­ (Realizing that actions speak louder than words, the incumbent Democrat) receiving only 22 percent. The Convention also nominated H. 1. Hill of Birmingham Alabama Republican situation was so bleak that the for the Legislature, the first Negro in any of the larger then lone GOP state legislator defected to the Demo­ of Alabama's counties to obtain in modern times a crats. major party's nomination for public office.) OBSTACLES The Wallace phenomen- Perhaps the best summation of what Republicans TO GROWTH on is obviously the greatest offer the State of Alabama is the following platform thorn in Alabama's Republican growth. In addition, extract: there is a low voter identification with the GOP (only The need for the competitive and constructive thrust slightly more than 10 percent of Alabama voters pro­ of a two-party system in Alabama is readily apparent. fess to be Republicans) and a strong tendency to pull The scandal and failure of the current Legislature is the straight ticket lever under the Democratic rooster an indictment of the present "clubhouse" system of at the top of the ballot. Furthermore, there are no government. Republicans in State government would "safe" Republican districts in Alabama. For example, provide a much needed "watchdog" and offer con­ state legislators must run at-large throughout their structive alternative programs. county or multi-county districts. Another solid building stone was erected in August when the Alabama Republican State Executive Normal Republican strength in white-collar Committee further broadened the GOP image and base suburbs is thus greatly diluted through the inclusion by. voting. 10 to 1 in favor of a state-wide Republican of blue-collar and black areas. pnmary in 1972. Faced with these multitudinous problems, Alabama Hopefully a sizeable number of Republicans will Republicans decided to concentrate this year upon es­ be elected to the Alabama Legislature this November. tablishing a solid base in the Legislature. Candidates Ho~~fully they will enunciate the programs and policies were recruited and nominated for 30 percent of the envisioned by the 1970 Republican Platform. Being at legislative seats, with the greatest emphasis being On the grass-roots level, these Republican legislators those seats in the lower chamber where the chances of (alo.ng with other l~al and district Republican public success are thought to be greater. offioals) would be in excellent position to help build The Alabama State Republican Convention in July the Republican image in Alabama. This would set the THE AUTHOR stage for future major statewide Republican races, first for a U. S. Senate seat in 1972 and then for the Gov­ Bert Nettles, 34, fl'om Mobile, is the only Re­ ernor's chair and the other U.S. Senate seat in 1974. pttblican member of the Alabama State Legisla­ ttlre. Yes, there is an air of restrained optimism among Alabama Republicans - deservedly so. 20 Where is the Republican McGovern Commission? American Political Parties: Self-Reform or Oblivion

In 1968, unprecedented numbers of young activists, laboring under the banners of McCarthy, Kennedy, and Rockefeller, were exposed for the first time to the harsh realities of party politics in America. They learned that our parties are oligarchic, and that they have built-in processes and institutions to maintain their ruling elites. The phenomena were not new, but they flew in the face of the participatory-democratic rhetoric of the late Sixties, and after the election, both parties S6I: out to reform archaic structures. These reform efforts range from modest attempts at urging state party leaders to open their portals to fresh blood, all the way to the proposal for a nationwide Presidential primary. It is our purpose here to set out a few prin­ ciples and possible approaches, and then discuss what the parties - and es­ pecially the GOP - are doing to set their houses in order. The author makes equalitarianism his major goal; readers who differ with this assumption are m­ vited to submit alternative proposals equally well-argued and researched.

Perhaps the most fundamental principle that must at both parties' conventions. A glance at Ripon's own guide all reform efforts is equal participatory power "Who's Who" of the 1968 Republican convention for each voter identifying with the party. Procedures shows that the situation has not changed since David must be made available to insure inclusion of all voting et al. wrote their book in 1960. Congressional groups, and this means the expansion of party struc­ Qttarterly computed that only 2 percent of GOP tures (such as committees) to accomodate presently delegates in 1968 were black, as opposed to 7 per­ under-represented groups such as young people, cent of the Democrats. And a study by McClosky, women, and blacks. Hoffman, and O'Hara in the June 1960 American Today's political party system operates to veto Political Science Review showed that delegates to the implementation of this principle; the delegate con­ 1956 GOP convention were more conservative than vention, almost always controlled by the party elite, the Republican rank and file, and Democratic delegates is a familiar example. Another is the fact that Geor­ were more liberal than the Democratic rank and file. gia's Democratic Party grants two individuals, the There is even geographical distortion: both parties Governor and state chairman, the tremendous power give small states more than their fair share of dele­ of selecting the state's delegation to the Democratic gates. national convention. A third, cited by Richard S. Clearly, delegations can be more reflective of Childs, executive chairman of the National Municipal state populations. But are meaningful steps being League, was the holding of a county convention in a taken to bring about party reform in this area? Pro­ dentist's anteroom! posals abound, but many fail to make the crucial Such pre-convention tactics would not seem quite distinction between procedures for the selection of so unjust if the delegations that are produced were party officials, and Presidential nominee selection pro­ somehow representative of state populations. But they cedures. Consequently, we shall make this distinction are not. The classic study of delegations, in The and consider each category in turn. Politics of National Party Conventions by David, CHOOSING PARTY OFFICIALS Goldman, and Bain, documented the fact that men, As long as political parties continue to perform whites, the wealthier and better-educated, and busi­ significant functions in our political system, such as nessmen and professionals are grossly over-represented fund raising, research, mobilization of campaign workers, and so on; the methods of selecting party THE AUTHOR officials and committeemen will be important. Un­ D. Tony Stewart is an instructor of political science at fortunately, most state party organizations seem to Washington State University. operate under the principle that a party is governed

21 best when it is governed by the fewest members. We sidential nominating system have been those: :of the propose that Republican party processes across the McGovern Commission, empowered by the 1968 nation be opened up in ways like these: Democratic National Convention to aid the state De­ - One way is suggested by the National Muni­ mocratic parties in improving their processes. While cipal League's Richard S. Childs in his "Key Man no one can doubt the need for such a commission in Theorem." This is to dramatize local party politics by both parties (more about the Republican commission making the local party leader - usually the county below), or the good intentions of Senator McGovern chairman - popularly elected and more powerful. and his colleagues, their efforts underscore the basic New powers can include the appointment of all pre­ problem of Presidential nominating reform - the cinct committeemen, and ex-officio membership on the need for clear and consistent guidelines. state committee. Then put him on the ballot whenever Because the McGovern group never devoted itself opposition develops, and let the registered voters of to developing a basic.1'hilosophy of what kind of the party decide his fate. As-OillPs says, "Make him candidate should be produced by the system, their shine with sufficient power and importance to attract proposals often contradict each other. Granted, their widespread well-illuminated discriminating scrutiny by mandate did not include such introspection; but de­ a substantial proportion of party voters!" veloping proposals in a philosophic vacuum is the - Another way is the tack of the North Carolina shortest path to chaos. Democrats, who recently adopted a new organizational For example, the Commission calls for an end to structure providing for three vice-chairmen at every discrimination on the basis of race, color, creed, and level. One must be female, one under thirty years of national origin in delegate selection, and then ad­ age, and one of the minority (i.e., black) community vocates the kind of quota system used by the North if such a community comprises at least twenty percent Carolinians as cited above. Do they want color-blind­ of the election district's population. ness, or quotas? These two approaches are contradic­ - In 1969, the Republican Party of Washington tory. State, under the leadership of State Chairman C. PHILOSOPHIC APPROACH Montgomery Johnson, approved a change in party The kind of philosophic approach that is re­ rules permitting participation by those between the quired for both parties hinges on the simple question, ages of 18 and 21 at all precinct, county, district, and what kind of candidate do we want? For example: state conventions. In addition, college and university - Is the candidate to be the choice of the party students have been granted a 25-member full-fledged faithful? This would seem to suggest a nationwide voting delegation to the state convention. College and primary. But then we encounter the problem of a university student bodies are granted delegate repre­ plurality victory: with more than two candidates in sentation through the use of a quota system. the running, a nominee could be chosen by a minority _ Change has occurred even without the activity of of the party's voters. And this could result in the party leaders. One example occurred earlier this year choice of an unpopular nominee. To illustrate: let us when Participation '70, a coalition of university stu­ say that there are three candidates in the running, dents in Utah, infiltrated the structures of both major Candidates A, B, and C. Candidate A wins 35 percent parties, serving as state convention delegates and help­ of the vote, B gets 33 percent, and C gets 32 percent. ing to write both platforms. But while B would be an acceptable nominee to the These proposals provide easier access for all citi­ followers of A and C, A is unacceptable to the Band zens to party positions and thereby create a more re­ C factions. So in a sense, B is the most popular (or presentative party leadership. The Republican Party least unpopular) candidate, and for the sake of the should seriously consider the adoption of reform pro­ party, would be the preferable nominee. If we wish posals like these in order to produce a more repre­ to insure that B-type candidates will always be nomin­ sentative, responsive, and democratic party structure. ated, what is required is a convention system that The basic issue to be resolved here is, who will be provides for primaries selecting all delegates ( who the decision-makers in determining the party's nom­ will be pledged to their favorite candidates on the inees for elected public office? For most Congres­ first ballot) but flexibility at the convention to enable sional, state, and local elections, the answer is the the least unacceptable candidate to be nominated. An­ electorate, because nearly all states have laws pro­ other alternative would be a nationwide primary with viding for direct primaries or at·least a combination a run-off between the top two choices. of the convention and challenge-primary system. But - But what if the party's favorite is less likely the procedure for selecting national nominees remains to be elected in November than one of his rivals? under attack, and we are now in a period of reassess­ Polls in 1968 show that while Humphrey was. most ment. popular among Democrats, McCarthy would have run The most prominent efforts to reform the Pre- better in November; and while Nixon was most 22 popillar among Republicans, Rockefeller did better in primary. the electorate at large. There is little point in nomin­ WHAT HAS THE GOP DONE? ating Mr. Republican or Mr. Democrat if he cannot Conventions that renominate incumbent Presidents become Mr. President. provide excellent opportunities for party reform, since In this case, what may be required is a system there are seldom any contests for the nomination to which will reflect the winner of the Gallup Poll - cloud the issue. The classic case was the Democratic and this suggests an oligarchic approach, as long as National Convention in 1936, which, besides renom­ the oligarchs place victory above all other considera­ inating FDR and John Nance Garner, dropped its tions. requirement that Presidential nominees receive two­ FULL DEMOCRATIZATION! thirds of the vote. Therefore, the Republicans may These kinds of questions directly affect the extent have the best potential of either party for self-reform to which one chooses to democratize the Presidential in 1972. Will they use this potential? nominating process, an issue which the McGovern Unbeknownst to almost everyone, the Republican Commission ignores. It is the contention of this writer National Committee ~has its own equivalent of the that the fundamental prindp1e of providing equal McGovern Commission, the National Republican participatory power for each voter identifying with Delegates and Organization Committee, headed by the party should apply to Presidential nominating Mrs. M. Stanley Ginn, national committeewoman from procedures, and the palliatives suggested today do not Missouri. The main reason why the Committee is un­ go far enough in this direction. beknownst to almost everyone is that they plan no - Some state laws and party rules have been public meetings or reports before 1972. Indeed, their revised so that the new procedures carefully specify major activity to date seems to be to send representa­ the time, place, and manner of voting in precinct, tives to the meetings of the McGovern Commission county, and state delegate conventions; criminal pen­ - a tacit admission of where the action is on party alties for violations are included. But closer investiga­ reform. tion shows this reform to be inadequate. Let us as­ At the very least, the Commission should hold sume that irregularities occur at a number of precincts public meetings to solicit the views of all concerned within a state and the new state election law classifies Republicans; at the most, it should seize upon the the actions as gross misdemeanors. Who is responsible opportunity offered by the 1972 National Convention then for initiating judicial proceedings? This writer and submit a detailed list of proposals there. discovered that the power usually resides with the Another vivid contrast between the McGovern district attorney of the area. Since he is usually par­ Committee and the Republican DO Committee is their tisan and elected through the party system, it may be different attitudes toward youth. In a time of flux, that he is a member of the accused political faction; both parties ought to be sparing no effort to draw in therefore, prosecution may be unlikely to ensue. Even the young, uncommitted voter. Senator McGovern if judicial action occurs, the abusive political faction knows this; he has held public meetings on the sub­ may be so politically powerful as to find itself in the ject, and his Commission has called for proportional comfortable position of being both judge and jury in representation of 18-to-30-year olds in Democratic the decision. convention delegations. The attitude of the Republican - Furthermore, let us assume that all obstacles DO Committee seems to be that if young people want to a completely fair and open delegate convention sys­ to come, let them, but we are not going to go out of tem have been removed. Even then, enormous prob­ our way to lure them in. lems remain. If each member of the party electorate is to be equally effective in determining the conven­ The Republican DO Committee can be a lifeline tion nominee for President, he or she still must for the GOP, providing bold new proposals for making participate actively in the party's oragnizational pro­ the Republican National Convention a better vehicle cess from the time of the precinct meetings until the for expanding the base of the party. Instead, it is national convention. Since this means devoting six or lying dormant and letting the Democrats capture the seven months to active politics, the convention will mantle of innovation by default. For a party that is continue to be comprised of those voters with the still very much in the minority, this is suicidal. greatest financial independence and leisure time. In It is time for both political parties to face up to short, the delegate convention system is discriminatory, their responsibility for making our political system undemocratic, and therefore unrepresentative of the responsive and democratic. And it is time for the populace. Republican National Committee, here at midpoint be­ We therefore conclude that the only way to tween 1968 and 1972, to put some life into its own maximize equal voter participation in the Presidential heretofore feeble efforts to reform that system. nominating process is to institute a nationwide D. TONY STEWART. 23 ON~ P~RC~NT CLUB (PAID POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT)

I:.·... """... ·:"::::";~;~·~·";:~~:~:~":... :~;~"~ ... :~:~":: ... ~:~"";~:".~:: ... ::::~ ...~.~:~:.": ...::;=:~~:"":::~~;""~.::' formed by Republicans sympathetic to Ripon Society ideals in order to raise campaign money for young. pro- = gressive GOP candidates. many of whom face right-wing primary opposition heavily financed from afar. Mem- =

:~:.:: bers of the Club donate one percent of their annual income or $1.000 and may earmark their contribution for :E::.= particular candidates. Non-earmarked contributions go into a revolving loan fund that will grow from year to year. To date. nearly 60 people have signed up and contributed. ~:. As the Club states, "Right wingers in the Republican Party have exerted control disproportionate to their ~:. number because they have been willing to ma'ke a commitment to action and follow through. We should have ~:::. learned their lesson by now.... It is time to separate the talkers from the doers." ~:::•• Th03e who are interested in contributing more than verbal support to progressive Republicanism can use the form below to join. We would also like your comments and suggested changes on the by-laws below. ~'''.''.''''''''''''''''''''''''''''I''''''''''''.'''''''''''''''''''''''I'''''''' .... ,." ...... ,...... 11 ...... 11,., ...... l1un ...... " ...... " ...... 11 •• ,...... ::

ARTICLE I. PURPOSE. SectIon 7. Quorum. A majority of the Board shall constitute a quorum The purpose of the One Percent Club shall be to encourage young men for the trensaction of business at any meeting of the Board. of calibre and progressive views to seek public office as Republicans. SectIon 8. Manner of Acting. The act of a majority of the membars of the Board present at a meeting at which a quorum is present shall ba the act ARTICLE II. OFFICES. of the Board unless the act of a. greater number is required by law or these The principal offices of the club shall ba located in the City of Fond By·Laws. The Board may act by writtan consent of all of its membars. du Lac, County of Fond du Lac. State of Wisconsin. The club may have such Section 9. Compensation. Members of the Board as such shall not reo other offices, either within or without the State of Wisconsin, as the Board ceive any stated salaries for their services but this provision shall not be con· of Directors of the club may establish. strued to preclude any member of the Board from serving the corporetion in any other capecity and receiving compensation therefor. ARTICLE III. MEMBERSHIP. SectIon 10. Vacancies, Any vacancy occurring in the Board shall ba SectIon 1. Membership. Any person selected by the Board of Directors filled by the Board. A membar of the Board elected to fill a vacancy shall ba who contributes to the club within any calendar year the lesser of $1.00 or elected for the unexpired term of his predecessor in ollica. one (1) per cent of his annual income for the year shall be a member for SectIon 11. Removal. Any membar of the Board may be removed without the year. SectIon 2. Voting Rights. Each member who has made a contribution cause by two· thirds of the members voting by a speciat ballot of the members as provided In Section 1 of this Article shall ba entitled to one (1) vote on whenever in their judgement the best interests of the club would be served each matter which by these By-Laws or otherwise is required to ba voted upon thereby;. but such removal shall ba without prejudice to any contractual rights by the membership. The vote of any member may be cast in person. by proxy of the Board member so removed. solicited by or given to any other member, or by mail to all members on ARTICLE VI. OFFICERS. such issues as are stipulated within the By-Laws and on such other mattars SectIon 1. OffIcers. The officers of the club shall ba a President, Vice as the Board of Directors deems a mail ballot necessary. President, Secretary, Treasurer. and any other officers created by a majority - Sel:tlon 3. Resignation, Any member may resign by filing a writtan resigna· vote of the Board of Directors. tion with the Secretary. No contribution by a membar shall be refunded upon SectIon 2. Election and Term of OffIce. The officers of the club shall be resignation unless a resolution authorizing such refund is approved by the elected annually by the Board of Directors. SectIon 3. Remonl. Any officer may be removed by affirmative vote Board of Directors. of two-thirds of the members of the Board of Directors wheneveF in their ARTICLE IV. MEETINGS OF MEMBERS. judgment the best interests of the club would be served thereby, but such Seo:tlon 1. General Meetings. General meetings of the club may be called removal shall ba without prejudice to any contractual rights of the officer so by either (a) the Board of Directors, or (b) a petition subscribed to by twenty­ removed. iive (25) per cent of the members. SectIon 4. Vacancies. A vacancy in any office may be filled by the SectIon 2. Place of Meetings. The Board of Directors. may designate any Board of Directors for the unexpired portion of the tarm. place, either within or without the State of Wisconsin, as the place of meeting. SectIon 5. President. The President shall ba the prlncipel executive Section 3. Notice of Meetings. The Secretary shall cause a writtan or officer of the club and shall in general supervise and control all of the printed notice stating the place, day and hour of any meeting of members business and affairs of the club with the advice and consent of the Board. to be delivered or mailed not less than ten (10) nor more then fi;ty (50) days He shall preside at all meetings of the members and. absent a Chairman prior to the date of such meeting to each member. In the case of a special or other officer of the Board of Directors, of the Board of Directors. He meeting or when required by statute or these By· Laws, the purpose or purposes may sign with authorization of the Board, any deeds, mortgages, bonds, lor which the meeting is called shall be stated in the notice. contrects, or other instruments which the Board has authorized to ba executed, Section 4. Quorum. Members holding one·tenth (1/10) of the votes en· except in cases where the signing and execution thereof shall be expressly titled to be cast, present in person or represented by proxy, shall constitute delegated by the Board or by these By-Laws or by statute to some other agent a quorum at a meeting of membars. A majority of the votes entitled to be of the club. If required by the. Board, he shall give a bond for the faithful cast by the membars present in person or represented by proxy at a meeting discharge of his duties in such sum and with such surety or sureties as the at which a quorum is present shall be necessery for the adoption of any Board may determine. He shall have charge and custody of and be responsible matter voted upon by the membars. for all funds and securities of the club. receive and give recaipts for monies due and peyable to the club from any source whatsoever, and deposit all ARTICLE V. BOARD OF DIRECTORS. such monies in the name of the club in such banks, trust compenles or SectIon 1. Board of Directors. The affairs of the club shall be managed other depositaries as shall ba selected in accordance with the provisions of by a Board of Directors. The Board may hire such stall personnel as it shall Article VIII of these By·Laws; and In general he shall perform all duties a& from time to time deem desirable, and it shall have the power to set com­ may be prescribed by the Board from time to time. He shall also present an pensation for such positions. The Board shall be responsible for soliciting Annual Report on behalf of the Board of Directors to the membarship. lunds, gathering information about prospective young candidates around the SectIon 6. VIce President. In the absence of the President, the Vice country and making loans on such terms and conditions as the Board in each President shall act in his stead. case shall determine. Members of the Board must be members of the club Section 7. Secrehry. He shall keep the minutes of the meetings of the but need not be residents of the State of Wisconsin. members and of the Board of Directors in one or more books provided for SectIon 2, Number, fenure and Qualifications. The number of members that purpose; see that all notices are fully given in accordance with the pro­ of the Board shall be nine. The Directors shall be elected from the member­ visions of these By-Laws or as required by law; ba custodian of the club ship at large. There shall be three equal classes of Directors. The term of records; and keep a register of the post office address of each membar which office of directors of the first class shall expire at the first annual meeting shall be furnished to the Secretary by such member. of members after their election, that of the second class shall expire at the SectIon 8. Treasurer. He shall be responsible for auditing the financial second annual meeting after this election, and that of the third class shall records of the club and submitting a report thereon as requested by the expire at the third annual meeting efter this election. At each annual meeting Board of Directors. after such classification, the number of directors equal to the number of the class whose term expires at the time of such meeting shall be elected to hold ARTICLE VII. COMMIMES. office until the third succaeding annual meeting. SectIon 1. Committees. Committees not having or exercising the authority Section 3. Nomination. The Board of Directors or a committee thereof of the Board in the management of the club may be established and dissolved shall nominate members for election to the Board of Directors. Any member by a resolution adopted by a majority of the members of the Board present not so nominated may nominate himself by notifying the Secretary of his at a meeting at which a quorum is present. Except as otherwise provided candidacy for the Board of Directors not less than fifty days prior to the date in such resolution, membars of each such committee shall be members set for the ennual meeting. thereof. Any member thereof may be removed by the President whenever in SectIon 4. Election. Between November 15 and Decembar 1 of each his judgment the best interests of the club shall be served by such removal. year, the Board of Directors shall distribute to each membar of the Club a Section 2. Term of OffIce. Each member of a committee shall continue ballot including the names and brief descriptions of each Board nominea and as such until his successor is appointed, unless the committea shall ba also of each self-nominee, specifying a date no later than December 31 by sooner dissolved, or unless such membar be removed from such committee, or which such ballots are to ba returned to the Secretary. The three candidates unless such member shall cease to qualify as a member thereof. receiving the most votes shall ba elected to a 4Imle year term of office. Sectfon 3. Chairman. One member of each committee shall ba appointed Section 5. Meetings of the Board of Directors. Meetings of the Di· Chairman by the President. rectors may be called by or at the request of its Chairman or any three SectIon 4. Vacancies. Vacancies In the membership of any committee members of the Board. The person or persons authorized to call such meet­ may be filled by the President. ings of the Board may fix any placa, either within the State of Wisconsin or ARTICLE VIII. CONTRACTS. CHECKS. DEPOSITS. AND FUNDS. without as the place for holding eny meeting of the Board called by them. Section 1. Contracts. The Board may authorize any officer or officers, Section 6. Notice. Notice of any meeting of the Directors shall be agents of the club, In addition to the President, to enter into any contract delivered to each member of the Board at least three days prior to the meeting; or execute or deliver any Instrument in the name of and on behalf of the club, such notice may ba delivered by talephone to either the home or the office and such authority "'Of ba generel or confi~ed to soeclfic instances. of the member of th Board and the leaying of a message with a responsible Section 2. Checks. Drafts, etc. All checks, drafts, or orders for the party shall constitute delivery. peyment of money, notes or other evidences of indebtedness issued in the 24 name of the club shall be signed b, such officer or officers, agent or agents of Directors; and shall keep at the principal office a record giving the names of the club and in such manner as shall be determined by resolution of and addresses of the members entitled to vote. Books and records of the the Board. In absence of such resolution by the Board, such instrument club may be inspactad by any member of the Board for any proper purpose at shall be sIgned by the President. any reasonable time. SectIon 3. DeposIts. All funds of the club shall be deposited from I X time to time to the credit of the club in such benks, trust companies or ART CLE • FISCAL YEAR. other depositaries as the Board may select. The fiscal year of the club shall begin on the first day of January and SectIon 4. GIfts. The Board may accept on behalf of the club eny end on the last day of December in each year. con~butlon, gift, bequest, or devise for the general purposes or for any ARTICLE XI. AMENDMENTS TO THE BY·LAWS. speclel purpose of the club. The Board may ramit any portion of such gift These BJ·Laws may be amended by a two·thirds vote of the members of or. anJ portion of the funds available to this club to anJ candidate Or com. the club present at a duly held meeting at which a quorum is present, subject mlttae whom It selects, upon such conditions as it stipulates. to the approval of a me/orlty of the total membership by mail bellot, or by ARTICLE II. BOOKS AND RECORDS. unanimous ~e of the Board of Directors. No chenge In these By·laws shall become effectl!!, unless notica of the proposed chenge shall have been sub· The club shall keep correct and complete books end records of account mittS!' In writing to the members of the club as part of the notice 1If the and shail also keep minutes of the proceedings of its members and Board meeting et which the amendment Is to be considered.

MAIL THIS FORM TO THE ONE PERCENT CLU8, 80X 135, RIPON. WI. 54971

~."""'''.'''n''Hn.t.'nl'''fl''I'''''''''UI'''''''''''''''''''''''''''' ...... ,...... 11 ...... ,...... ,...... , ...... " ...... II ..... JI.I.'': I will join the One Percent Club in this and subsequent years. I have met my obligation for 1970 in one of the following ways: o Contribution to general revolving loan fund enclosed. o Please forward the enclosed check(s) to the stated candidates in behalf of the Club. o I have contributed· to the following candidates as part of my One FePcent commitment: Candidate Amount ......

o A check for $1,000 or more is enclosed. Please enroll me as a PJatron. o A check for $3,000 or more is enclosed. Please enroll me as a Founder. o Though not a member of the One Percent Club, I have enclosed a contribution to the revolving ~und.

NAME ...... ADDRESS ......

CITY & STATE ...... ·····ZIP ......

COMMENTS:

.;...... n ...... •• ... ••• ...... , ...... , ...... II~

U. S. Army - from page 12 notice of their attack - most officials are convinced government, not to fight a conventional war. Our that the majority of the military dependents would military leaders have advocated retaining these forces have to "standfast" where they are living. These because they have provided increased promotions and dependents would be left to fend for themselves, as pleasant duty stations. These military leaders have would their less fortunate civilian countrymen who been comfortable in the knowledge that they would are working or traveling privately in Europe and who not really be expected to fight a conventional war are not considered for assistance by U.S. armed for­ against the formidable Red Army, because they could ces. The soldier-husbands of the military dependents quickly change such a war into a nuclear one in which would have to fall back toward the Rhine River while the U.S., until recently, held a vast advantage. In covering their delaying action with "tactical" nuclear other words political expediency and parochial service weapons. In short, firing nuclear shells and rockets interests have been allowed to supercede national best on the Soviet units, hundreds of thousands of West interests. German civilians and on their own families. (In spite The presence of our over 200,000-man conven­ of this potential disaster, the military opposed Presi­ tional force in Europe is fraught with potentially dent Eisenhower's courageous and militarily sound de­ dangerous risks to our national security and immense cision in late 1960 to stop further movement of ~roblems of organization and mission. It is long past dependents to Europe. This decision was rescinded by hme for concerned civilians and military officers to President Kennedy in late 1961 in response to opposi­ begin the very difficult task of streamlining our force tion from the armed services, 'even though no effective stru~res and more Iesponsibly rationalizing their pur­ dependent evacuation plan had been devised..) pose in Europe. Perhaps the recent signing of the West German-Soviet nonaggression pact marks the We have permitted the continuation of our con­ historical juncture for our work to begin in earnest. ventional structure to placate the West German EDWARD L. KING

25 Order Form for Ripon Publications '.';' BOOKS 66-1 From DIsaster to Distinction: The Rebirth of the P69-5 A Report to the President on a Program for Youth Republican Party - paperback; 127 pp. September, -a Ripon Society study co-sponored by Senator 1966. $1.00. Howard Baker; 44 pp. printed. $1.00. . 68-1 The Beallties of Vietnam - A Ripon Society ap­ P69-6 The Southem strategy - an analysis of The praisal. Edited by Christopher W. Beal. 186 pp Emerging Republican Majority and the future of the hardback. Public Affairs Press. $5.00. GOP; 12 pp. October, 1969. $1.00. P69-7 The U.S. Farm Problem: steps to a Free Market 68-4 Our Unfair and Obsolete Draft - by Bruce K. - A proposal to replace the present price and in­ Chapman. 1968. $0.75. come supports; 8 pp. December 1969. 50¢ 69~2 The Lessons of Victory - An analysis of the 1968 P70-1 The Politics of Justice - Ripon's appraisal of elections. 400 pp. Paperback $1.95. Hardback $5.50. John Mitchell at Attorney General; 12 pp. January 1970. $1.00. 69-3 Who's Who at Convention '68' -& Southem Republi­ canism and the New South - SPECIAL COMBINED P70-3 Local BuDding Codes and the Housing Orlsls - PRICE, $5.00. A proposal for statewide performance codes; 6 pp. April 1970. 35¢ P70-5 For a Moderate Majority - An examination of PAPERS the new cleavages in American politics, by Josiah Lee Auspitz. from the April 1970 Playboy; 8 pp. unit P64-1 A Call To Excelience In Leadership - An open letter to the new generation of Republicans. 9 pp. price 50¢ or $20jhundred. first printing, January 1964, second printing, July, P10-6 The GOP and the South - An 84-Page state-by· 1967. Unit price: $0.50. state analysis by Michael S. Lottman; combined July­ August issue, $2.00. P64-2 The Idea for the Ripon Society - 3pp mimeo­ graph. June 1964. $0.25. P64-3 A Declaration of Conscience - A call for return to basic Republican principles; 4 pp. July 1964. number quantity price $0.25. P66-1 China '66: Containment and Contact - a Ripon policy statement. 7pp mimeograph. April 1966. Unit price: $0.50. P66-2 Government for Tomorrow - A proposal for the unconditional sharing of Federal tax revenue with State and Local Governments. Issued with the Re­ publican Governors Association. 18 pp. First print­ ing, November, 1966. $0.75. $10.00 FORUM SUbscription ...... P67-1 The Rights of the Mentally Dl - 6 pp. February, ($S.OO for students, military, Peace Corps 1967. $0.50. and VISTA) P67-2 The Negative Income Tax - 6 pp. April 1967. Back Issues of the Ripon FORUM $0.50. Single copies: $1.00 P67-3 Overkill at Omaha - analysis of the Young Re­ publican National Federation 1967 Convention. 8 pp. Consecutive set: July '65 - June '70 June 1967. $0.50. - $50.00 P68-2 Here's the Rest of HIm - A report on Ronald Sub.total Reagan. 24pp printed. June. 1968. Unit price $1.00. Bulk rate: $50.00 per hundred. 3% Sales tax for Mas~ residents only P68-3 The SMIC Boondoggle - The FORUM'S trail­ Handling charge for orders under $2.00 $0.2: blazing report on the Southwestern Military-Indus­ trial Complex under President Johnson. $0.50. TOTAL P68-4 Urban Papers - Six Ripon position papers on ur­ ban financing, neighborhood information centers, Name ...... welfare, jobs, education and housing. With charts, maps and a special editorial statement. $1.00. Address ...... _ ...... • ed. Unit price: $1.00. Bulk: $50.00 per hundred. P68-5 Two Position Papers on the Draft - $1.00. Zip code ...... P69-1 The "Oomplex" Society - A four-part study of the military-industrial complex, automation and the middle generation gap, conglomerates, the non­ o Check enclosed payable to: Galbraithian state and American Authoritarian trends by William D. Phelan; January, March, April, The Ripon Society May, 1969. $3.00. 14& Eliot Street Cambridge, Massachusetts 02188 P69-3 ABM Debate: Prelude to a Broader Questioning -articles by Alton Frye and Jeremy Stone; 16 pp printed. May, 1969. $0.50. (This order form is enclosed for your convenience. P69-4 An Open Letter to the President on MInority If you do not wish to mutiliate your FORUM, a Enterprise - a Ripon paper on black capitalism; 3 pp letter will do as well. Just include number, quantity xerox. July, 1969. $0.15. and price in a decipherable form). 26 named the new general counsel of the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service. Bill, 24, a Brooklyn-born mem­ 14a ELIOT STREET ber of last year's Hanrard Law School graduating class has served since then as special assistant to the Secretary THE SOUTHERN REPORT of Labor as a White House Fellow (the youngest Fellow I Our clipping service was overburdened with the re­ ever chosen 1. The conservative weekly, Human Events, action to our report on the GOP in the South - the final harumphed the appointment of one so young and relatively count revealed almo;;t 300 articles, columns, editorials and inexperienced calling Kilberg "Nixon's Fuzzy-Cheeked one cartoon (see below). A sampling: the Lake Charles 'Labor Mediator.' " (La.) American Press called the report ''waspish'' but • Eddie Harrison spoke to the August meeting of the conceded it contained many "cogent reflections':' the District of Columbia chapter. Mr. Harrison is working on Sarasota Herald Tribune said that, " •.. you may not ~gree a program for pre-trilal rehabilitation for first offenders. with what the Ripons say. But they say it very ele­ Now in preliminary stages with HEW support, the pro­ gantly"; Robert Baskin' in the Dallas News noted a gram would use the period between an-est and trial "validity in much of (Ripon's) evaluation of Republican (which now may last as long as nine months) for rehabili­ activities in Texas." In addition, WlIUam Buckley, in his t-ation, using existing community resources. A pilot pro­ nationally syndicated column, wrote that Ripon had roused ject will be launched in D.C. with national application if the indignation of many GOP leaders in Texas; Ripon was it proves a success. Mr. Harrison spent eight and a half blasted by U.S. Senate candidate WlIUam C. Cramer; and years in prison (including 17 months on death row) while the Republican gubernatorial candidate in South Caro­ fighting a murder conviction His sentence was commuted lina, Albert Watson, responded by denouncing the Ripon by President Nixon in 1969. Society as a "wild-eyed, left wing outfit," and said that it "has about as much stature in American politics as a flea from page 8 on a buffalo .. " Watson concluded that, "criticism from Rhode Island - the wildly liberal Ripon Society is the flnest endorsement McLaughlin had needed his miracle from on any conservative and patriotic congressman can have." high, and now he had it. It would certainly polarize • Chrlstopher T. Bayley, one of Ripon's founders and former Chairman of the National Governing Board, was the Catholic community of Rhode Island, but it would nominated September 15th as the GOP candidate for also get many Democrats who had never thought King County (Seattle) prosecuting attorney. He beat the incumbent, Charles O. Carroll, by a two-to-one mar­ about it to consider voting for McLaughlin. For the gin. first time, it was possible to say what McLaughlin and The Ripon Society had emerged as an issue in the race a week before election day. Carroll charged that Ripon some of his loyal supporters had felt from the start: was raising $50,000 to elect one of its own, and denounced though it looks like an impossible race to win, John Ripon as an "eastern dominated" group. The next day, the GOP County Chairman, a Oarroll backer, held a press McLaughlin has an outside chance to pull the major conference to attack Ripon as ''representing left wing upset of the 1970 elections. views in politics." These smear tactics only resulted in a But the issue also raises an important question: spate of favorable press for Bayley. The Seattle Post In­ teUlgencer termed the attack as "a typically wild pitch, Does a priest have the right to nm for public office? with a ball of mud" The Seattle Argus headlined an Father McLaughlin is a member of the Society editorial "Dirty Desperation Politics," and said that Ripon "is composed of an outstanding group of dedicated, in­ of Jesus, a semi-autonomous order. In theory, there­ telligent young Republicans whose efforts to improve gov­ fore, he does not need the permission of his bishop to ernment at -all levels already have paid dividends. It is probably the finest political group ever put together in run for public office. It is clearly in order that a priest this country." have his bishop'S permission before administering the In fact, Bayley had received $2,500 from the One Percent Club, and not the Ripon Society. There is no legal Sacraments. However, if a priest must have his connection between the two organizations. bishop's permission to run for office, then the whole • Ripon National Governing Board member and frequent contributor to the FORUM, William J. KUberg, has been notion that a priest can run for public office is called into question. If a priest needs his bishop'S permission BY BILL McCLANAHAN Self.Appointed Stylist DALLAS NEWS STAf'f' cARTDtlNIST to run for office, it follows that he can serve only at the pleasure of his bishop. While the bishop may not be able to direct overtly the priest's action in office, WHY DON'T YOU TRY T' LOOK LIKE ME? the priest would be obliged to operate with the constant awareness that if he displeased his bishop, he might not be granted permission to run for re­ election. This denies the priest's role as an indepen­ dent agent. The priest becomes, in essence, an exten­ tion of the body politic of the Roman Catholic Church. If, on the other hand, the priest is charac­ teristically human, a free agent, allbeit a human agent who has dedicated his life to the service of God through a monastic order, then he should have every right to serve God, serve his community, and serve his conscience as he sees fit in the political arena. This is now the only issue in the race. All others have paled into insignificance. It is a issue which every Rhode Islander, particularly every Rhode Island Cath­ olic, must face. 27 Guest Editorial Senator Charles E. Goodell Housing Abandonment The landmark of urban blight has become the urban renewal, the program would operate selectively abandoned tenement. - pinpointing potential abandonment sites anywhere Abandonment is like a highly contagious disease. in a municipality. The program thus can arrest the It can spread so swiftly and pervasively that whole process of abandonment within neighborhoods in its neighborhoods become as desolate and empty as Berlin early stages, before large areas have been affected. or Dresden in 1945. Anyone who doubts that should The new program 'would also introduce an element visit the Brownsville section of Brooklyn. of speed and urgency - by requiring that work under­ Over 130,000 apartments have been abandoned taken be completed within two yeats and by eliminat­ in New York City alone. Abandonment is so far out­ ing the elaborate and time-consuming planning re­ stripping new housing construction in New York, that quirements of conventional urban renewal. the City is losing housing units at the rate of 21,000 A second bill of mine - the "Housing Manage­ a year. ment Services Act" (S. 4181) - is designed to al­ The process of abandonment usually begins in an leviate another problem that has been associated with outdated structure in a slum neighborhood. The land­ abandonment and blight: the lack of skilled housing lord tries to keep costs down by skimping on repairs, management services in low-income areas. making it deteriorate further. Because of the deteriora­ One reason that developers have been unwilling tion, the building can be rented to none but the most to invest in low-income areas is that - while they can indigent - and this, in turn, diminishes the prospects obtain a ,return from building or rehabilitating pro­ of an adequate and steady return. Ultimately, the perties - they do not wish to assume the risks and costs of the building exceed the rental income. It administrative bu.rdens of managing the properties. becomes a losing proposition and it cannot be sold. My proposal would seek to remedy this by provid­ The landlord abandons it. ing Federal grants to local, non-profit management cor­ THE TENANTS When the landlord leaves, porations, known as "housing management administra­ EXIT, HURRIEDLY there is no more light and tions" (HMA's). ' heat. The exodus of the tenants begins. Vandals' and The HMA would provide the sort of services addicts come in and strip the building of fixtures, that private management corporations provide for copper tubing - anything saleable. The other tenants higher-income apartments. These would include book­ flee. keeping, collection of rents, hiring of building staff, The gutted shell remains. It clearly points the screening of prospective tenants, and the purchase of direction the neighborhood is going - downward. It supplies and payment of expenses on, a reimbursed becomes a hostel for heroin users and criminals. Its basis. Because of the Federal subsidy - and also be­ presence speeds the departure of tenants in adjacent cause of economies of scale in providing these ser­ buildings. These structures, in turn, become prey to vices in a comparatively large area - the fees for abandonment. these management services could be kept at a Whole blocks eventually empty and remain minimum. vacant for years, the symbol of urban decay at its COORDINATED This management service wnrst. lEGISLATION program could be well in­ In the face of this frightening problem, the De­ tegrated with the emergency abandonment assistance partment of Housing and Urban Development has program I have earlier described. Abandoned sites done virtually nothing. Its only response has been to could be acquired, written down and sold to a deve­ spend a few thousand dollars to "study" the problem. loper for rehabilitation. Once rehabilitatated, the This is' patently inadequate. Abandonment has management could be turned over to an HMA. Or assumed the proportions of a national disaster. It must the property could be conveyed to the tenants as a be energetically and effectively confronted by the cooperative or condominium, and the management as­ Federal, government on an emergency basis. signed to the HMA. This would eliminate a serious To achieve this objective, !'introduced this August obstacle to the transfer of ownership to the tenants - the "Emergency Abandonment Assistance Act" (S. their lack of experience and skill in management. 4180). This bill' provides emergency urban renewal These programs represent at least a start in funds for the acquisition and rehabilitation' of aban­ coping with the problem of housing abandonment. doned or about-to-be-abandoned buildings. I am hopeful they will be adopted by the Congress Instead of the conventional tract-clearance type of this session.

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