Liberian Studies Journal

VOLUME XXIX 2004 Number 2

LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL

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Published by THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION, INC.

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The Liberian Studies Journal is dedicated to the publication of original research on social, political, economic, scientific, and other issues about Liberia or with implications for Liberia. Opin- ions of contributors to the Journal do not necessarily reflect the policy of the organizations they represent or the Liberian Studies Association, publisher of the Journal.

Manuscript Requirements

Manuscripts submitted for publication should not exceed 25 typewritten, double-spaced pages, with margins of one-and a-half inches. The page limit includes graphs, references, tables and appendices. Authors may, in addition to their manuscripts, submit a computer disk of their work preferably in MS Word 2000 or WordPerfect 6.1 for Windows. Notes and references should be placed at the end of the text with headings, e.g., Notes; References. Notes, if any, should precede the references. The Journal is published in June and December. Deadline for the first issue is February, and for the second, August.

Manuscripts should include a cover page that provides the title of the text, author's name, address, phone number, e-mail address, and affiliation. Anonymous referees will review all works.

Manuscripts are accepted in English and French.

Manuscripts must conform to the editorial style of either the Chicago Manual of Style, or the American Psychological Association (APA), or Modern Language Association (MLA).

Authors should send their manuscripts for consideration by regular mail or e-mail attachments to:

Amos J. Beyan, Editor Liberian Studies Journal 4453 Friedmann Hall, Department of History Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan 49008 E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 269-387-4567

All Book Reviews should be mailed to: Phyllis Belt-Beyan, Associate Editor Liberian Studies Journal College of Education, Teaching, Learning & Leadership 3418 Sangren Hall Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan 49008 E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 269-387-3898 PDF compression, OCR, web optimization using a watermarked evaluation copy of CVISION PDFCompressor VOLUME XXIX 2004 Number 2

LIBERIAN STUDIES JOURNAL Editor, Amos J. Beyan Western Michigan University

Associate Editor, Phyllis Belt-Beyan Book Review Editor, Tim Geysbeek Western Michigan University Grand Valley State University

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD:

William C. Allen, Virginia State University D. Elwood Dunn, The University of the South James N. J. Kollie, Sr., University of Liberia Alpha M. Bah, College of Charleston Warren d'Azevedo, University of Nevada Momo K. Rogers, Kpazolu Media Enterprises Christopher Clapham, Lancaster University Yekutiel Gershoni, Tel Aviv University Thomas Hayden, Society of African Missions Lawrence Breitborde, Knox College Svend E. Holsoe, University of Delaware Romeo E. Philips, Kalamazoo College Coroann Okorodudu, Rowan College of N. J. Henrique F. Tokpa, Cuttington University College

LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION BOARD OF DIRECTORS: James Guseh, North Carolina State University, President Mary Moran, Colgate University, Secretary-Treasurer James Guseh, North Carolina State University, Parliamentarian Yekutiel Gershoni, Tel Aviv University, Past President

Timothy A. Rainey, Johns Hopkins University Joseph Holloway, California State University-Northridge

FORMER EDITORS Al-Hassan Conteh Amos J. Beyan C. William Allen Edward J. Biggane D. Elwood Dunn Svend Holsoe Jo Sullivan

Edited at the History Department, Western Michigan University

The Editors and Advisory Board gratefully acknowledge the contributions of Diether H. Haenicke, Institute for International and Areas Studies, the History Department, and the Department of Teaching, Learning, and Leadership, Western Michigan University.

FOLK AND MODERN MEDICINE IN AFRICA: A CASE STUDY OF MENTAL HEALTH CARE IN LIBERIA by Emmanuel 0. Oritsejafor and Emma L. Jones 1

THE FANTE CONFEDERATION AND THE GREBOR UNITED CONFEDERA- TION: A POLITICAL HISTORY OF WEST AFRICAN CONFEDERATIONS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY by Yekutiel Gershoni 16

ASSIDUOUS EXILE: STRATEGIES OF WORK AND INTEGRATION AMONG LIBERIAN REFUGEES IN DANANE, IVORY COAST by Mats Utas 33

GOVERNMENT SIZE, POLITICAL FREEDOM, AND ECONOMIC GROWNTH IN LIBERIA: A COMPARISON OF THREE PRESIDENTIAL REGIMES by James S. Guseh 59

BOOK REVIEWS Small, Tarnue, In the Crosshairs by Robert H. Brown 72

Hyman, Lester S., United States Policy Toward Liberia 1822 to 2003: Unintended Consequences? by D. Elwood Dunn 76

NEW STUDIES ON OR RELEVANT TO LIBERIAN STUDIES 80

DOCUMENTS 81

A refereed journal that emphasizes the social sciences, humanities and the natural sciences, the Liberian Studies Journal is a semiannual publication devoted to studies on Africa's oldest Repub- lic. The annual subscription rate is US$40.00, US$15.00 for students, and US$50.00 for institutions. It includes membership in the Liberian Studies Association, Inc. All manuscripts and related matters should be addressed to Dr. Amos J. Beyan, Editor, Liberian Studies Journal, Friedmann Hall, Department of History, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan 49008. Subscriptions and other business matters should be directed to Dr. Mary Moran, Secre- tary-Treasurer, Liberian Studies Association, Inc., Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Colgate University, 13 Oak Drive, Hamilton, New York 13346-1398. E-mail: [email protected]

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Emmanuel 0. Oritsejafor and Emma L. Jones*

Introduction Given the vulnerability of most developing African countries to poor health care as a result of political, social, and economic factors; this inquiry attempts to show that effective linkage between folk and traditional medicine can become a viable means of providing "health care for all". Drawing from the study on mental health care in Liberia, this study proposes that traditional medicine could be merged with modern medicine if practitioners can harness some of the similarities in both areas of medicine in order to meet the World Health Organization goal of health care for all. In traditional African cultures, illness is generally thought to be caused by psychological conflicts or disturbed social relationships that create disequilibria in the form of physical or mental problems. The primary objective of traditional healers is the amelioration of these disequilibria within a spiritual realm. In contrast modern and western medicine originated from Cartesian dualism, which focuses on the separation of the mind and the body; which leads to a fragmented approach to health care. The aim of modern medicine therefore, is to heal the body and relieve patients from physical suffering (Hewson, 1998, 1029, Bruce, 2002, 162). In light of the utility of both health practices, traditional approaches have generally been viewed as un-scientific and disregarded as "hocus pocus". Nevertheless, the World Health Organization (WHO) recognized the harnessing of traditional and

Dr. Emmanuel 0. Oritsejafor is an Associate Professor of Political Science in the Department of Political Science, North Carolina Central University, Durham, NC 27707. His teaching and research interests include the political economy of Sub Saharan Africa, international relations, and comparative politics. He has published articles in many scholarly journals. Ms. Emma L. Jones, (RN. MSN), is a Clinical System Analyst, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Hospital. Her areas of specialization include Nursing Informatics and Outcomes Management.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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modern medicine as far back as 1977, and declared that by 2000 its goal is to provide health care for all. To this end, WHO hosted a forum in Harare, Zimbabwe promoting the development of training and research related to traditional medicine with the hope of harnessing the potential benefits of traditional and modern medicine (Green, 2000). Prior to this period, most modern health practitioners did not see the benefits of traditional medicine and have generally disregarded this form of health care through prohibitive legislation, and sometimes through share neglect. However, in Africa there appears to be a growing need for modern and traditional health care to be harnessed in order to address some of the development challenges of various African communities (Bruce, 2002). This paper draws from the Liberian experience and highlights the parallels between traditional and modern medicines. It attempts to show that the amalgam- ation of traditional and modern medicine could be a viable and effective form of community health care especially in the case where there are limited modern health care services and infrastructures. Employing the collectivist's culture framework of (Berry, et. al 1999) and the "Social Learning theory," of (Bandura, 1977), this paper suggests that folk and modern medicine can co-exist if practitioners encourage social support groups such as the extended family, the village and the community at large in some cases to enforce adherence to health care. Furthermore, this study will attempt to show that the combination of the concepts of folk and modern medicine is viable, if health practitioners in these areas of medicine can move beyond their professional bias and build upon common practices. Mental health care is the focus of this paper because of the absence of a viable mental health policy in post civil war Liberia, and the dearth of epidemiological or data collection system for mental health in Liberia (Mental Health Atlas, 2003). Thus, Liberia's is an appropriate case study given the country's experience from a prolonged and devastating civil war that claimed approximately 200,000 lives (Berkley, 2000). This case study provides an avenue to examine the capability of a country such as Liberia to respond to high psychiatric morbidity often associated with worn torn countries. It is within this context that Mollica et al (1999, 433) conducted a study of disability associated with the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They concluded that psychiatric morbidity was elevated between civilian and refugees involved in the war when compared with non-traumatized communities. Similarly, Gupta (1999) in his study of genocide in Rwanda addressed the traumatic memories and grief reactions that are the consequences of war and the need for effective community psychothera- peutic services for bereaved individuals and families. Subsequent section of this paper will discuss the health care environment in Liberia and review the literature on the fusion of folk medicine and modern medicine in developing countries. Thereafter, a conceptual framework for understanding the union of both health care practices will be discussed.

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Liberia's Health Care Environment: Primary Health Care and Traditional Health care Liberia like most developing countries lacks some basic infrastructure such as adequate health care, housing, and sanitation. The country has experienced high infant and mortality rates especially since the civil war broke out in 1990 (Zotti, 1999). A national health indicator from the World Health Organization provides some evidence of the general health care environment in Liberia. For example, total health expenditure on health as a percentage of the GDP in the year 2000 was at 4 percent; per capita expenditure on health at average exchange rate was valued at 2 percent; general government expenditure on health as percentage of total general expenditure was at 10.7 percent in 2000, while external resource for health as percentage of general

government on health, in 2000 was valued at 23. 8 percent (See Table 1 and 2 WHO, Selected National Health Indicators of Liberia, 2001).

Table - 1

Selected National Health Accounts Indicators of Liberia Per Capita GDP in International Dollars, 2000

Total Health Expenditures

Expenditure Value

Total Health Expenditure as % of GDP, 2000 4.0

Per Capita expenditure on health at average exchange rate (U.S. $), 2000 2.0

Per Capita total expenditure on health in International $ 3.0

Government expenditure on health as % of total expenditure on health, 2000 76.2

General government expenditure on health as % of total general expenditure 10.7

Per Capita expenditure on health at average exchange rate (U.S. $), 2000 1.0

Per Capita government expenditure on health in International $ 2.0

Source: World Health Organization, Selected National Health Indicators, 2001

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Table - 2

Selected National Health Indicators of Liberia, 2000 Source of Public Health Expenditure

Source of Expenditure Value

Social Security Expenditure on health as % of general government expenditure 0

External resources for health as % of general government expenditure on health 40.5

Private health expenditure on health as % of total expenditure on health, 2000 23.8

Pre-paid plans as % of private expenditure on health, 2000 0

Out of pocket expenditure on health as % of total expenditure on health 20

Source: World Health Organization Selected National Health Indicators, 2001

Given the social and economic impact of the war in Liberia, it is obvious that the revitalization of a viable health care system has become a development imperative for present and future leaders in Liberia. However, given the present political, social and economic climate in Liberia, especially in the post-civil war years, national health indicators suggest there is a significant gap in health care contributions between the government and the private sector. For instance, cumulative private contributions for health care in Liberia were at 84.3 percent in the year 2000. (Private health contributions are. the external resources for health and out of pocket expenditures for health care). Private health contributions however, supercede the entire government outlay on health, which was at 76.2 percent in the year 2000. (See Table 1 and 2 National Health Indicators for Liberia, 2001). Furthermore, with life expectancy estimated at 44.6 for male and female respectively; and total healthy life expectancy at birth for male and female estimated at 35.3 and 39.6 respectively there appears to be a glaring need for appropriate and sustainable health care system. The dearth of primary care facilities and care providers in Liberia further underscores this need. In this regard, WHO (2001) data shows that at a rate per 100,000 population in 1997, there were 4.3 percent midwives, 2.3 percent physi- cians, 5.9 Percent nurses and .1 percent dentists; there were no available data on the numbers of pharmacists in the country. Hence, since more than half of the population in most African countries live in the rural areas it is more likely that the members of these communities are the ones that will be greatly affected by limited health care in the country. Accordingly, Gerrits (1994, 16) in her study of Epilepsy Care in non- clinical setting in Bassa and Kpelle, postulated that primary care somewhat differs from

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basic health services in Liberia because it relies on the lay-persons from the rural communities for preventive medicine, curative and the participation of other people to realize better health care. This view is in accord with the theoretical discussion in this paper which argues that modern and traditional health care can be adequately provided if health care programs are inclusive of the targeted communities. In Liberia the traditional health care services available in any particular area are determined on the cultural values of the group. On one hand, some areas lack modern health facilities, while on the other hand, modern facilities are available in those areas that have clinics and hospitals with trained personnel. (See Watban, et al 1997, 18) (Table 3 provides a comparison of traditional and modern health medicine in Liberia. See table on p. 6.)

Literature Review There is a growing body of literature on the linkage between modern and folk health practice, some of which focus on Africa. To an extent some of these literature seem to suggest that the use of folk and modern medicine could become a viable approach in addressing the development concerns of a developing country such as Liberia. Then, there is a body of literature that seems to challenge the viability of the linkage between modern and folk health practices. Most of these scientists view folk medicine as "hocus pocus" because they are not evidence based. For example, Fontanarosa and Lundberg (1998, p.1) claim, "there is no alternative medicine. There is only scientifically proven, evidence-based medicine supported by solid data...." They suggest that the integration of folk medicine and modern health practices should not be considered until there are evidence that supports and demonstrates the safety, effi- cacy, and effectiveness of folk medicine. Bruce (1999,) however, suggests that one should not hurriedly discard the importance of "marrying modern and traditional health practices because there are some benefits as much as there are some concerns." Thus, (Bruce, 1999, 163) highlights common elements in western and traditional healing practices. Both practices, share some common methods on how to prevent and protect against diseases; for example, ritual circumcision is a worldwide practice particularly among Jews, Muslims and some African ethnic groups; hand washing is also valued as a universal approach to proper hygiene. Despite the claim by some scientists that traditional medicine is scientifically irrel- evant Bensoussan et al; (1998) demonstrated through their research that traditional medicine could complement and even augment modern medicine. They studied the treatment of 116 patients with Irritable Bowel Syndrome (IBS), using Chinese herbal medicine (CHM) between 8 and 16 weeks. The results of their study, which was evaluated by a gastroenterologist, showed that patients who received CHM preparation had significant fewer symptoms of irritable bowel syndrome when compared to the pla- cebo group. Similarly, Dobson (2001) examines the potential linkage between genetic technology and traditional medicine. This linkage he suggests can enhance preventive

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Table - 3

Practice of Preventive Medicine in Liberia

Traditional Modern Medicine Overall Prevention Overall Prevention Prevent individuals from eating, drinking. Prevention advice, i.e., in case of or bathing with a particular item or article malaria patients are asked to: Clean with non standing water Screen windows and doors Close all doors

Treatment Differences Treatment Differences Strength, duration, and expiration date Treatment is given based of treatment and of patient overdose unknown on age and weight Duration, strength, dosage and expiration date are known. Doses are based on national and international standards.

Reimbursement Practices Reimbursement Practices Varies; changes are unfixed. Changes are below and above Based on the cost of the drug and the cost of national and international cost. living; charge is based on age.

Diagnostic Methods Diagnostic Methods Kola Throwing Stool Test Sand cutting Urine, blood and other Laboratory tests Looking in the mirror X-rays Oracle Questionnaires Paleness of the pot belly Swollen body parts Incarnation Occultism Questionaires

Treatment Treatment Application of leaves, banks, roots, fruits, Tablets, capsules, liquids or creams chalk and oils to be boiled for patients are provided with instructions to heat, bathe, drink, and or chew

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Treatment Methods Treatment Methods Herbalist Doctors Chalks Hospital admission Casting Medications Exercise Process is strictly acedemic

Results Results Time is unknown Time is known

Source: Watban, H. Smith, PG., Smith-Gordon A., Esteen, PA. (1997) 'A Global Perspective: Traditional and Nontraditional Care" Nursing Care Magazine, 17

medicine by using genetic code in screening individuals for certain diseases. Contrar- ily, emerging literature has continued to dispel the union of folk and modern medicine. Sloan and Bagiella (2002, 14) in their critical review of religion and health outcomes asserts that out of two hundred and sixty six literature reviewed in 2000, only a marginal 17 percent were relevant to the claims of health benefits associated with religious involvement. Furthermore, a significant number of these literatures are believed to have methodological flaws. Accordingly, Lawrence and Min (2002) advance the thought that the union of modern medicine and spirituality is unrealistic and would be a daunting task to accomplish in the present health system environment. Contrarily, Redkal (1999) posits that traditional medicine have existed long before the emergence of modern medicine and has remained the first choice of health care for many Africans. In the same vein, Hewson (1998) in her study interviewed six traditional Southern African healers and used qualitative research methods to examine and interpret links among different elements of traditional and modern medicine. Her study probes into the underlying strategies of traditional healers; which includes psychological, spiritual, and social contexts of healing. There strategies seem to be effective in certain circumstances. More importantly, a study of the strategies employed by traditional healers show that some of the general qualities of the healing process can become useful in the absence of sophisticated technology that are often associated with modern medicine. (Hewson, 1998)

Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework employed for this study is the Collectivist Theory (CT) and Social Learning Theory (SLT). These theoretical constructs are employed to show the linkage between folk and modern medicine; especially in Africa were traditional medicine usually competes with other forms of modern community health care such as Primary Health Care (PHC). Berry et al (1993, 10) describes the "Collectivists" social paradigm in their taxonomies of Individualism and Collectivism. Individualist cultures generally encourage the individuals to look after themselves and the interests

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of their immediate family (husband, wife, and children). On the other hand the collectivist encourages the idea that any person through birth and later events belong to one or more cohesive unit ("in groups") from which they cannot detach themselves. The "in groups" in some instances are the extended family with grandparents, paternal, or maternal uncles and aunts, and cousins or at a larger scale the nation and the governmental institutions. Their responsibility is to provide protection for the interests of their members; in exchange they can expect permanent loyalty from their communities. (See Table 4 for contrast between individualist and collectivist social paradigm.) Table 4

Contrasts between Individualist and Collectivist Cultures

Traits of Hightly Individualist Cultures Traits of Collectivists Cultures

(i) Emphasis on the individual initiative, (i) Emphasis on belonging to groups decisions and achievement orientation and organizations

(ii) The belief that society, everyone is (ii) We consciousness and collectivity suppose to take care of himself or herself and his or her immediate family (iii) Emotional dependence on organizations. (iii) "I" consciousness and self-orientation. (iv) Invasion of private life by clans (iv) Belief that everyone has a private and organizations life and opinion (v) Expertise, order, duty, security (v) The idea that the same value standards provided by organization should apply to all. (vi) Value standards that differ for in and out groups

Source: Brian J. L. Berry, Edgar C. Colliding and D. Michael Ray (1993) The Global Economy: Resource Use, Locational Choice, and International Trade, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey

The implications of this theoretical model for health care delivery in a country with limited social infrastructures are that participants can rely on the family for social and economic support. Furthermore, the collectivists approach is not only compatible with traditional social structure in most African communities but it can also foster safe and sustainable health practices in communities that have strong social ties. Whereby, traditional and modern medicine can be better monitored by empowering the community that will be directly affected by health care services and policies.

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In conjunction with CT, this study also employs the Social Learning Theory (SLT). Traditional SLT emphasize the process by which individuals learn new skills from observing others, without having to explicitly practice the observed skills. This is coined "observational learning or modeling" (See Bandura, 1977 and Lawrence et al, 2001). According to Bandura (1977), and Lawrence (2001), learning is ineffective if people had to be trained in what to do in every situation. Instead, he asserted that most human behavior is learned from observing others to form ideas of how new behaviors can be performed and by noting the favorable and unfavorable consequences of these observed behaviors. Thereafter, this cognitively encoded information provides the individual with a frame of reference for action. SLT have some theoretical implications for the delivery of health care in a developing country such as Liberia: (1) it can reduce risk taking health behavior among community members who can learn appropriate ones from observing others. It is with this in mind that Lawrence et al (2001) applied SLT to a community based-sample research of disadvantaged African American women in an effort to reduce the risk of sexually transmitted disease. Accordingly, Daniel et al (1999) conducted a community-based research that evaluated diabetes prevention and prevalence among rural aboriginal population in British Columbia, Canada; (2) Secondly, developing communities do not require explicit practice in order to implement the skills that are essential for safe health practices. Thus, the implications for health interventions in an area with limited social infrastructures such as clinics, hospital and doctors are that SLT is not time consuming, neither is it labor intensive. Besides, safe health practices can be learnt visually from observing community members that are respected health care providers and practitioners. Furthermore, Daniel et al, (1999, 816) asserts, "Aboriginal people are increasingly unwilling to support service programs developed by non-aboriginal health professionals. In light of the strengths of this conceptual framework, they are confronted with some obvious limitations. For example, Tillotson and Smith's (1996, p.133) studies on Locus of Control, Social Support and Adherence to the Diabetes Regimen, had attempted to employ internal locus of control and social support constructs to predict adherence to a weight control regimen among persons with non-insulin-dependent diabetes mel- litus (NIDDM). A community-based sample of 465 patients with NIDDM was administered using regression analysis. Their findings showed that internal locus of control were modest but was statistically significant predictors. They found that internal locus of control was not related to weight control in the high social support group. However, their findings did suggest that though locus control and social support are advantageous for promoting health interventions but in some cases the target groups do not adhere to health care. Nevertheless, the contention of this inquiry is that health care systems that combine the effective process of both modern and folk medicine could increase positive health outcomes in Africa and particularly in the case of Liberia; where there is a

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FIGURE 1

Social Learning Theory

SOCIAL LEARNING THEORY

Mental Health Control NORMS AND VALUES

Behavior Behavior & Models Environment

ENVIRONMENT

Source: Adapted from Daniel Mark et al "Effectiveness of community-directed diabetes prevention and control in a rural Aboriginal population in British Columbia Canada" Social Science Medicine, 48, 818

dearth of primary healthcare (PHC) facilities. Redkal, 1999 and Bruce 2002 suggested that in communities with limited health care infrastructures the traditional health care sector typically becomes the first choice for care. Thus, the primacy of the traditional health care sector in these communities can not be disregarded.

Mental Health in Liberia Modern health and illness have their origin in Cartesian dualism which separates the mind from the body, leading to a fragmented approach to health care (Bruce, 2002). Mental health is a psychological state of well being characterized by continuing growth, reflected in one's sense of continued psychological growth and development.

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This growth is sometimes influenced by stress, death, war, and natural disaster. Thus, the ability to maintain a balance between positive and negative emotions such as ela- tion and sadness is imperative (Encarta, 2003). However, the primary health care (PHC) setting of modern health practitioners takes place in a clinical setting and encourages the use of technology. On the other hand, a traditional health practice appears to focus on protection against disease, evil and misfortune from the ancestral spirits. Thus, it is pre-occupied with addressing the problems that are leading to spiritual disequilibria. Despite the lack of openness towards traditional medicine, which is often perceived as crude and non evidence-based, western medicine healers are now becoming somewhat open to the integration of traditional and modern medicine. For example, a renowned herbalist, Whisum Twitty, in a recent interview highlighted the utility of preventive herbal medicine, and the growing recognition of his practice by modern health practitioners in the United States.' This integration received impetus from the World Health Organization policy of "health for all" (Zotti, 1999, 304). This approach has become more evident especially in the mental health area in Africa. Accordingly, Watban et al (1997, 16) claimed in their study in Saudi Arabia, that it is normal for people seeking the services of modern medicine to simultaneously seek traditional help from traditional healers. In their study of psychiatric outpatients, they discovered that 79 percent of their subjects had seen a traditional healer at the same time for the illness. In Liberia traditional medicine is practiced along with modern medicine, as it is the case in most developing countries. It is often the first choice of health care because of the dearth of orthodox practitioners, and the realization in these communities that traditional medicine and healers are close to the people (See, Watban et al; 1997, Adelekan, et al, 2001, Bruce, 2002). Thus, the theoretical position of this paper, is that

' Interview with Mr. Wishum Twitty, April 18,2003. A renowned herbalist from Durham, North Carolina. He has 60 years experinece in preventivie herbal medicine. He became an herbalist at the age of 15. Most of his knowledge was acquired from his grandfather and parents. the following are examples of his preventive care: Symptom Treatment

Cold Golden Seal blasted into powder

Smoking cessation Sweat flag roots or calamus root.

Tuberculosis Rattle snake master in corn liquor.

Lung Cancer Mandarin Leaf

Prostate Cancer Black melon seed

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traditional and modern medicine could contribute to safe and sustainable health care in a developing country such as Liberia, given the collectivists social structure of most African communities and the view that people in these communities will adhere to health care positively, if significant powerful others are involved. Community leaders, such traditional healers, mid-wives, and family members are respected members of these communities and they have a better appreciation and understanding of the cultures, which may pave the way for their overall wellness. (See, Bandura, 1977, Berry, 1993 and Titolson and Smith, 1996). It is within this context that one can better understand the synergy between traditional and modern mental health care in Liberia. Traditional mental health providers in Liberia views on the causes of mental health are similar to those of other providers in Africa (See Adelekan, et al; 2001), and in some instances there are similarities in the type of mental health care being provided. Hale (1996, 23-27) identified three major factors attributed to mental health illness in Liberia; (1) a punishment for wrongdoing, (2) the result of being "witched" by another person, and (3) an illness that is "passed down" through the family. Punishment is the belief that a mentally ill person is being punished for his or her "wrongdoings"; this punishment therefore, serves as a form of retribution. Being witched is the belief that someone can cause mental illness by casting a spell on another person who may have offended him or her. An illness that is "passed down" or "down the line "is the notion that mental illness is inherited. The treatment for these illnesses also varies depending on the causes of the illness. For example, if a person mental illness is as a result of wrongdoing, the first stage of cure is confession, and then ritual sacrifices to the person or spirit of the person that was offended are offered. In the case in which mental illness is believed to be caused by a spirit treatment also requires driving away the spirit by offering sacrifices (Hales, 1996). Though the traditional treatment employed in mental health care is perceived as an unconventional, Hales (1996,14), however, echoed that it needs to be examined within a broader cultural context in order to fully appreciate its value and contributions to health care, especially in non-western communities Thus, once the cultural bias towards traditional medicine is de-emphasized one should see commonalities rather than differences between Liberian beliefs and practices and modern mental health care. For example, traditional healers probe deeply into patient's social and psychological well being in addition to the history of the present illness. Similar process takes place when a patient provides information to his or her doctor in order to gather vital information for diagnostic purposes. Traditional healers for example help patients dis- close what is on their minds and attempt to determine patient's explanation of their illness, a process modern health practitioner's coined "patient attribution" (Hales, 1993, Hewson, 1998). Traditional healers for instance use their intuition. They make contact with their ancestors through dreams and the use of psychotropic herbal agents. Modern healers somewhat invoke similar practices "based on pattern recognition of

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illness scripts", albeit they are propelled by evidence based medicine research. (Hewson, 1998). These similarities between traditional and modern medicine were further pointed out by Hales (1996) in her study of mental health in Liberia. She claimed that the concept of guilt plays a vital role in the understanding of the causes of mental health in both traditional and modern medicine. Thus, it is no surprise that confessions of wrongdoings by clients to the healers are critical in both approaches. Invariably, trust is integral part of healer-client relationship in both practices. Though some of the traditional approaches to mental illness may appear crude and their effectiveness unproven; such as the beating of mental patient which has somewhat become less employed as a regular form of mental health practice (Adelekan, 2001). However, this paper suggest that giving the limited access to primary health care infrastructures in developing countries such as Liberia, the linkage between modern and traditional medicine appear plausible in order to meet the national health care challenges after the civil war. In accord with the conceptual frameworks employ in this study, Geritts (1994) in her study of Epilepsy care in a non-clinical setting among the Bassa and Kpelle communities, discovered that using a Primary Health Care (PHC) approach to encourage Vil- lage Health Workers (VHW) to assist in stressing best practices, and the importance of care, enhances the integration and acceptance of these practices. This approach became invaluable because the VHW and their supervisors know the people and all those who are suffering from epileptic attacks. It reinforces the notion that health practitioners must understand the culture and the importance of significant powerful others in order for patients to adhere modern health care. In this vein, Worley and Sloop developed a Rural Outreach Advocacy (ROADS) in South Carolina to help address the challenges of mental health care in remote areas with limited health infrastructures. They discovered that 24 clients with histories of repeated hospital admis- sions and noncompliance began to adhere to mental health treatment better because of a non-traditional approach such as ROADS. This approach involves the community, family members. For example, families of these patients are taught about medication, symptoms monitoring, and community resources available. The results of their study showed a marked improvement in the quality of life of these patients when the community was involved in their treatment compared to when they were alienated. This study is consistent with the crux of the discussion in this paper that harnessing modern and traditional medicine with community involvement can help improve the quality of life in areas that are particularly struggling from a dearth of health care and facilities.

Summary/Implications Given the vulnerability of most developing African countries to poor health care as a result of political, social, and economic factors; this paper attempts to show that effective linkage between folk and traditional medicine can become a viable means of

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providing "health care for all". Drawing from the study on mental health care in Liberia this study proposes that traditional medicine could be merged with modern medicine if practitioners can harness some of the similarities in these approaches in order to meet the World Health Organization goal of health care for all. The Union of these approaches has further implications in developing countries such as Liberia where there are limited social infrastructures such clinics, hospitals, and medical equipments as a result of political, economic and social factors such as the civil war and relatively low national health care expenditure. To address these challenges developing countries such as Liberia could glean at efforts in other developing countries for sustaining the quality and availability of care. Such efforts as pointed out theoretically in this study must be inclusive of the community. Thus, Bishai et al, (2002, 202) study on Local governance and community financing of primary care in Nepal provides insights on how to address political, social and economic constraints of sustaining the quality and availability of care. They conclude that local empowerment of rural community in Nepal through the Village Develop- ment Committee (VDC) and the support received from local government is critical for sustaining health care quality and availability. They discovered that local development committees with a greater involvement of middle and low caste members are more likely to contribute to health facility. To this end, policy makers in Liberia and other developing countries could utilize this framework to encourage the linkage of traditional and modern medicine.

REFERENCES Adelekan, M., Makanjuola, A. & Ndom, R. (2001). Traditional Mental Practitioners in Kwara State, Nigeria. (2001). East African Medical Journal, 78, 190-196. Bagiella, E., & Richard, S. P. (2002). Claims about Religious Involvement and Health Outcomes. Annual of Behavioral Medicine, 24, 14-21. Bandura, A. (1977) Social Learning Theory. New Jersey: Englewoods Cliffs Bensoussan, A., Guo, A., Hing, M., Menzies, R., Ngu, M., & Talley, N. J. (1998). Treatment of Irritable Bowel Syndrome with Chinese Herbal Medicine: A Randomized Controlled Trial. JAMA, The Journal of the American Medical Association, 28, 1585-1589. Berkley, B. (2000). The Healing Game. Mother Jones, 25, 54-59. Berry, B. J., Conkling, E. C., & Ray, M. D. (1993). The Global Economy: Resource Use, Locational Choice and International Trade. New Jersey: Englewoods Cliffs. Brasfield, T. L., Eldridge, G. D., Lawrence, J., 0' Bannon, R. E., & Wilson, T. E. (2001). Community -Based Interventions to Reduce Low Income, African American Women's Risk of Sexually Transmitted Diseases: A Randomized Controlled Trial of Three Theoretical Models. American Journal of Community Psychology, 29, 937-964. Bruce, J. C. (2002). Marrying Modern Health Practices and Technology with Traditional Practices: Issues for the African Continent. International Council of Nurses, International Nursing Review, 49, 161-167. Esteen, P. A., Perry, W. H., Smith, G., & Smith-Gordon, A. (1997, October). A Global Perspective: Traditional and Non Traditional Care. Caring Magazine, 16-18.

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Fontanarosa, P. B., & Lundberg, G. D. (n.d.). Alternative Medicine Meets Science. JANL4, The Journal of the American Medical Association, 280, 1-8. Gamble, D., Green, D., Green, M., Green, L. W, Herbert, C. P., Hertzman, C., Marion, S. A., & Sheps, S. B. (1999). Effectiveness of Community-directed diabetes prevention and control in a rural Aboriginal population in British Columbia, Canada. Social Science and Medicine, 48, 815- 832. Gerrits, C. (1994). IV A Epilepsy care in a non-clinical setting: A medical anthropological study among the Bassa and Kpelle in the rainforest of Liberia, West Africa. Tropical and Geographical Medicine, 46, 13-17. Green, E. C. (2000). The WHO Forum on Traditional medicine in Health Systems, Harare Zimba- bwe, February 14-18, 2000. The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 6, 379-382. Gupta, L. (1999). Bereavement following the Rwanda Genocide: A Community Based Intervention for child survivors. Bereavement Care, 18, 40-42. Hales, A. (1996). West African beliefs about mental illness. Psychiatric Care, 32, 23-30. Hewson, M. (1998). Traditional Healers in Southern Africa. Annals of Internal Medicine, 128, 1029- 1034. Lavelle, J., Masagli, M. P., Mclness, K., Mollica, R. E, Sarajlic, I., & Sarajlic, N. (1999). Disability Associated With Psychiatric Comobidity and Health Status in Bosnia Refugees Living in Croatia. Journal of American Medical Association, 281, 433-439. Mental Health Care. Retrieved April 14, 2003, from http://www.encarta.com Min, D., & Raymond, L. J. (2002). The Witches' Brew of Spirituality and Medicine. Annual of Behavioral Medicine, 24, 74-76. Niessen, B., Niessen, D., Niessen, L., W, Shrestha, M. (2002). Local governance and community financing of primary care: evidence from Nepal. Health Policy and Planning, 17, 202-206. Project Atlas Data Base on Liberia. Retrieved March 15, 2003, from http://mh-atlas.ic.gc.ca/ Rekdal, 0. B. (1999). Cross Cultural Healing in East African Ethnography. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 13, 458-482. Sloop, T, & Worley, N. (1996). Psychiatric Nursing in a rural outreach program. Perspectives in Psychiatric Care, 32, 10-15. World Health Organization, National Health Indicators of Liberia. Retrieved February 18, 2003, from http://www.WHO.org Zotti, M. E. (1999). Public Health Education for Liberian Refugees. Nursing and Health Care Perspectives, 20, 302-306.

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The Fante Confederation and the Grebo Reunited Confederation: A Political History of West African Confederations in the Nineteenth Century

Yekutiel Gershoni*

In January 1868, leaders from several Fante states convened at their traditional center, Mankessim, and established the Fante Confederation, which was based on a Western type constitution and headed by three representatives bearing the title of kings. This attempt to establish an independent modern political entity on the Gold Coast, now Ghana, has drawn the attention of nineteenth and twentieth century African and European scholars. Less well-documented is another attempt at self-rule made by the Grebo (or Glebo) ethnic group. In 1873 they established the Grebo Reunited King- dom or Confederation (henceforth the Grebo Reunited Confederation), situated about 500 miles west of the Gold Coast in Cape Palmas, now Liberia.' Despite their geographic distance, similar factors, especially foreign Christian culture and religion, by which both societies were influenced and to which both reacted, and the activities of Western-educated Africans, were behind the creation of both confederations. In fact, the Fante confederacy inspired the formation of its Grebo contemporary. Yet despite these similarities, the two confederations had different long-term outcomes. The Fante Confederacy became renowned as the forerunner of modern Ghanaian nationalism, while the Grebo Reunited Confederation left no significant mark on the history of Liberia.

Dr. Gershoni is a distinguished Israeli Liberianist. He has published significantly, especially in the area of Liberian political history. He is past President of the Liberian Studies Association and he continues to serve as a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of the Liberian Studies Journal. He formerly chaired the History Department of Tel Aviv University.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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In dealing with the comparison between the two confederations, two factors were taken into consideration. First, while the Fante Confederation has been studied in great depth, little research has been done on the development of the Grebo Reunited Confederation. Second, the roles of Christian culture and Western-educated Africans, mentioned above, in the creation of political entities in Africa and elsewhere are the subject of a large body of literature.' Despite the first factor, for the sake of comparison, this paper deals with the development and demise of both in similar detail. As a result of the second factor, the examination of the activities of Western-educated Afri- cans was restricted to their direct effect on the establishment of the two confederations. The paper, relying on existing research and data, will examine the political history of the two confederations and will concentrate on the role of Western-educated Africans in their formation and development. In conclusion, it will try to explain why they left different historical legacies.

Historical Background of the Confederations Both the Fante and Grebo confederations can be seen as attempts by the respective peoples to preserve their vital interests in the face of threats posed by foreigners: the British and Dutch in the case of the Fante, and the Americo-Liberians in the case of the Grebo. Fante started their contact with foreigners upon their arrival on the Guinea Coast in the early seventeenth century (probably after 1630), more than a hundred years after the Europeans found a way of reaching the hitherto inaccessible rich gold fields in the Akan forests. Originally farmers, the Fante people were situated in settlements scattered along the coast, and gradually became middlemen in a flourishing trade of gold and later in the slave trade between the inland areas and the fortified trade sta- tions established by Europeans along the coast. Throughout the seventeenth century, this trade transformed their segmented society into a stratified, diversified and hierar- chical one. The erstwhile trade centers Mankessim, Ekumfi and Anomabu on the coast; and Abora, further inland, became states. Towards the end of the century more than twenty small states were scattered in the area that became known as Fanteland. These states preserved a measure of religious cohesion by recognizing the ritual authority of the Priests of Mankessim.3 The process of political evolution, which the Fante underwent during the seventeenth century, their growing numbers, and the acquisition of firearms from British merchants, made them a force to be reckoned with among their immediate neighbors, the Denkyera and Wasa.4 Politically, these states were autonomous units that seldom adhered to a central political authority. The inland Akan-speaking people, the Asante, formed their own political entity characterized by centralized political units. While the Asantehene was the recognized paramount ruler of a confederation of Asante chiefdoms, the king of Abora, who bore the title Supreme Ruler of the Fante, exercised immense political power over all Fante dominions only during times of unrest.' The

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Asante, who desired direct contact with the Europeans on the coast were blocked by the Fante, who wanted to maintain their power as middlemen. As a result, tensions between the two political entities grew, culminating in a series of clashes and eventually outright wars that reached a peak at the beginning of the nineteenth century.6 From the end of the seventeenth century, the Fante had trade relations with the British whose forts were located along the coast.' They regarded the British not only as trading partners, but also as steadfast allies against aggression by their long-time enemy, the Asante. The trade relations intensified in 1844, when the British governor, H.W. Hill, presented a formal agreement, termed the Bond, to the African rulers in the territories adjacent to the British forts, under which the Fante rulers accepted British jurisdiction and rule in all matters concerning "protection of individuals and property" and the decision of the British court in all criminal matters.' The Bond turned into a source of disagreement. The British acted as a protectorate power and claimed that the Bond gave them judicial control over the Fante states. The Fante claimed that the British jurisdiction was limited to criminal matters, and that the acquisition of further judicial rights was subject to the consent of the Fante rulers and

their people. 9 The disagreement turned into a dispute as the British continued to intervene in the traditional rulers' judicial functioning. These rulers, along with Fante merchants, reacted by refusing to acknowledge the judicial rights of the British authorities in matters concerning their people or commercial activities. The dispute over judicial rights grew into a dispute over land ownership. King Aggery, who ruled over the territory that surrounded the British castle of Cape Coast, challenged in 1866 the British claim to ownership of the land adjacent to the castle.'° This challenge was not confined to the Fante states of Cape Coast, the center of the British presence, but extended to other Fante states such as Anomabu, Abura and Agona. Other Fante rulers sent protest letters defying British interference in their judicial matters or refused orders sent by British authorities." A further deterioration in Fante-British relations occurred when a "Select Com- mittee" set up by the British House of Commons in 1865 recommended the withdrawal of the British administration and military from the Gold Coast. The Fante responded to the recommendations by refusing to take further orders from the British, while preparing themselves to fill the vacuum that they expected to occur with the British pull out. In 1867 King Otoo of Abura set up court in the traditional Fante center, Mankessim, from where he proceeded to try to rule the other Fante states. Among other things, he tried to impose his own jurisdiction in the disputes between Fante kings, a task that the British had formerly performed.'2 In the end, however, the Select Committee recommendation was never implemented, the British remained in their forts, while Fante protests and noncompliance increased. In 1867 the political situation that the Fante had lived with for the past 23 years was about to take a sharp turn. In that year the British and the Dutch, another Euro- pean power present on the Gold Coast, signed a treaty, without consulting the Fante

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rulers, that divided the Gold Coast into two exclusive spheres of influence. In the wake of the treaty, the two countries exchanged territories along the coast in such a way that placed the major British forts in Fanteland under Dutch control.13 David Kimble and Lennart Limberg argue that the treaty, which posed a direct and immediate threat to Fante economic and political interests, was the impetus for the establishment of the Fante Confederation. Since the Dutch had strong commercial and political ties with the Fante's old enemy, the Asante, the Fante leaders were convinced that the exchange would open the way for an Asante political and commercial presence on their territory. Enraged that such a change had been thrust upon them without any consultation, the Fante leaders decided on independence." Francis Agbodeka offers a different analysis: that various assertions of sovereignty, especially the establishment of a quasi-formal governing structure by King Otoo, laid the foundations for the Fante Confederation. "Clearly... the 1868 interchange of forts was carried out to combat the African Protest Movement. It was thus a result of this movement and not its cause."" Though they seem contradictory, the two interpretations are actually complimen- tary. In keeping with Agbodeka's line of thought, it can be claimed that the 1867 Treaty showed the triumph of Fante policy. After all, the British, whom the Fante defied, withdrew from Fanteland. However, that withdrawal did not create a political vacuum, as was expected in 1865 with the publication of the Select Committee recommendation. The withdrawal would replace the prevailing power balance on the Gold Coast, in which the British were allied with the Fante against the Ashante and Dutch, with a much more adverse equation, in which the Fante would stand alone against their Asante adversaries, while the latter would retain the support of the Dutch power. The Fante Confederation established in 1868 thus aimed to provide security to the Fante states against their traditional enemies, the Asante and their Dutch ally. The Grebo, a much smaller group than the Fante, came into meaningful contact with foreigners, namely black American settlers, more than two hundred years after the Fante. The Grebo settled on the coast of what is now Liberia at the end of a long migration from the northeast, which had probably started in the mid-sixteenth century:6 They settled down as farmers around what became known as Cape Palmas in two main concentrations: the Kudemowe and the Nyomowe. Although tradition has it that the two groups pledged to remain friendly and united, competition over control of trade routes and arable land kept them from integrating and led to the occasional eruption of open hostility.'' For several centuries, Grebo contact with foreigners con- sisted of chance encounters, when European ships anchored offshore to trade their goods for African commodities:8Unlike the Akan gold fields, the forest in the hinterland of Cape Palmas was economically unattractive to foreign traders. Consequently, no permanent European trading posts were established. Left largely to their own devices, the Grebo remained primarily an agricultural society, with the village as their

political center.' 9 Engaging in little foreign trade, they developed neither the social diversity nor the urge to form states that the Fante had. Nor did the various sub-

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groups within Grebo society have cause to act in concert. The Kudomowe and Nyomowe remained the rivals they had always been, in sharp contrast to the habit of concerted action by the various Fante states. The Grebo's relative isolation came to an end early in 1834, when a group of black American settlers established themselves in the midst of the Nyomowe villages located in Cape Palmas and set up the Colony of Maryland, which became the State of Mary- land twenty years later. This was the second settlement established by African-Ameri- cans, the previous one being Liberia, formed in 1822 in Cape Mesurado, 270 miles to the west. On their arrival in Cape Palmas in 1834, the settlers signed an agreement with the ruler of the Nyomowe section granting them twenty square miles of territory.20 The agreement promised mutual advantages. The Marylanders needed the Grebo's cooperation, not only to make their settlement in Cape Palmas viable, but also to buy more land to expand their colony. The Grebo, especially the Nyomowe, hoped to benefit economically from their growing trade with the black American settlers. Nevertheless, the 1834 deed of land, like the Bond, turned into a source of conflict. In Cape Palmas the conflict stemmed not from different interpretations of the foreigners' judicial rights but rather from the imminent threat to Nyomowe survival. The British on the Gold Coast were first and foremost interested in commerce. Even their aspiration to increase their influence on the Fante states derived from commercial interests and they limited their presence to their forts along the coast. The African- Americans, in contrast, had come to settle the land. Every year, dozens of African American families arrived in Cape Palmas and took possession of "unoccupied" land, which the Nyomowe regarded as their own and used to rotate their crops.2' The growing pressure on the Nyomowe land led to an inevitable clash on 22 December 1856. A new attempt by the Marylanders to remove Nyomowe villages in order to accommodate new immigrants was met by armed resistance. Despite the fact that the Marylanders were backed by Kudemowe warriors, the Nyomowe soon attained the upper hand. With the Maryland forces on the verge of collapse, the gover- nor of the state turned to Liberia, the neighboring black republic, for military help that was immediately granted. The presence of the reinforcements convinced the Nyomowe leaders to cease the war and start peace talks. On 26 February 1857 a peace treaty was signed with both Grebo sub-groups.22 Pressed by the burdens of independence, the Marylanders decided to merge with Liberia. The Americo-Liberians received the initiative warmly. Unification took place shortly after the signing of the peace treaty; the State of Maryland became Maryland County of the Republic of Liberia.23 The peace treaty and unification significantly altered the political and social status of the Grebo. They were regarded as "uncivilized" subjects in Maryland County, where the status of "civilized" citizens was preserved for the descendents of the black Ameri- can settlers, whether Marylanders or Americo-Liberians. The "civilized" settlers stood aloof as a separate caste, tightly guarding their political and economic power and treat-

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ing the "uncivilized" Africans as inferior.24 It was this subjugation that led to the establishment of the Grebo Reunited Confederation eighteen years later. As a result of disagreement and confrontation with foreigners, both Grebo and Fante societies were able not only to transmit a sense of unity to their respective people, but also to formalize, as will be elaborated later, through traditional patterns of political authority, a system which resembled a Western political system. To put it differently: they adapted traditional authority frameworks to modern demands. Neverthe- less, the political fates of the two ethnic groups differed. The Fante remained a sovereign people; even the act of jurisdiction-the Bond of 1844-did not totally deprive the Fante states of their independence.25 The Fante Confederation developed after the British decided to withdraw with the purpose of eliminating the presence in Fanteland of the Dutch, allies of the Asante. The Grebo were a subjugated people, victimized and discriminated against by the black settlers, and their Reunited Confederation was an expression of their resistance to their inferior status. The different starting points had a profound impact on the essential conceptions and aims of the two confederations, as well as on the historical legacies they left.

Two Western-Educated African Elites: Part of the People and a People Apart Western-educated African elite played a leading role in the formation of both the Fante Confederation and the Grebo Reunited Confederation. However, the two elite groups came into being as a result of different circumstances and developed different values, which led to a major divergence in the political entities they created and the impact that these entities had in subsequent years. The Fante absorbed Christianity and European culture and social values primarily as a by-product of their almost 300 years of trade relations with Europeans. These foreigners, unlike the missionaries who arrived in greater numbers with the abolish- ment of the slave trade in the early nineteenth century, were more interested in commerce than in converting the Africans. As a result, the emergent Western-educated Fante elite possessed certain features. Their wealth and connections to the Europeans conferred on them eminent status in their traditional society. Their socio-economic importance did not bring them to collide with the traditional rulers. On the contrary, they retained their close ties with traditional African leadership. As David Kimble points out, they generally remained bound to their traditional rulers by family obliga- tions and personal allegiance.26 In the course of time, the Western-educated Africans and the traditional rulers formed an effective and mutually beneficial partnership in dealing with the foreign authorities and commercial firms. The Western-educated Fante provided the modern know-how, while the traditional leaders supplied legitimacy and political and economic muscle. By the time the organized Christian missions descended on West Africa and intentionally uprooted new converts from their traditional roots, these ties between the Western-educated and traditional elite had already been crystallized.

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Modern and traditional Fante were united in their rejection of the Anglo-Dutch treaty on the exchange of forts. This common approach enhanced the cooperation between the two groups. An article in The African Times stated that the future development of the Fante depended on the "...council of government of the kings and chiefs and educated natives of the country. "27 Both groups understood that an effective reac- tion to the Dutch, who were supposed to control the ports in Fanteland, required the establishment of a united political entity encompassing all the Fante states under the joint leadership of both the traditional rulers and the Western-educated elite. Contemporary British officials on the Gold Coast tended to greatly exaggerate the role of the Western-educated elite in the formation and running of the Confederation, regarding them as its major, if not exclusive, progenitors.28 As proof, they could point to the 1871 Fante Confederation Constitution, a complex legal document, which conferred significant political power on the educated Fante by giving them major roles in the new entity's cabinet, executive council and representative assembly.29 However, their view did not take into account the uniquely close cooperation that had developed between the traditional and Western-educated elite on the Gold Coast. In contrast to other British dominions in West Africa, on the Gold Coast there was no clear dividing line between traditional and Western-educated Africans.30 On the contrary, the political line that elsewhere separated the two groups could be readily crossed. For example, R. J. Ghartey, a Christian-educated merchant who served as Chief Mag- istrate of the Fante Confederation National Supreme Court from 1868, and in 1869 was elected first President of the Confederation, was enthroned King Ghartey IV of Winneba in June 1872.3' Ghartey evidently had no difficulty in moving between the traditional and modern domains, and other Fante had no difficulty in accepting and supporting that movement. Although the Western-educated Fante were obviously the ones who wrote the Fante Confederation constitution, the dominant role in the Con- federation was assigned to the traditional rulers, who had been the real power in the largely independent Fante states. It was on the traditional rulers, and only on them, that the constitution conferred the authority to raise taxes, recruit an army, and decide on matters of war and peace.32 The Grebo Western-educated elite had neither the deep roots in traditional culture nor the close and multifarious ties with the traditional leadership that their Fante counterparts enjoyed. Though they came into being only in the middle of the nineteenth century, the much smaller and less diverse Grebo Western-educated elite had been forcibly divorced from their former culture. The Grebo Western-educated elite was the product of intensive missionary activity in the mid-nineteenth century, especially on the part of the white American Protestant Episcopal Church (PEC), which first sent missionaries to Cape Palmas in 1836. Grebo from both the Nyomowe and the Kudomowe sections attended mission schools. Like other missions at that time, the PEC aimed to cut off their new converts from their traditional environment and heritage. They even established separate Christian villages for their new Grebo con-

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verts.33 In consequence, the Christian Grebo, unlike their Fante counterparts, did not form alliances with the traditional rulers, but rather became an isolated social group, cut off from both the traditional Grebo and the Americo-Liberians. Their isolation was reflected by the formation in 1869 of a Mutual Relief Society by a group of young Western-educated Grebo from Cape Palmas, Graway, Half-Fraway, and Riverside. The society performed tasks such as supporting the sick and arranging funerals, which were performed for non-Christian Grebo by the extended family or clan and for the Americo- Liberians by their own churches and aid societies, to which the Western-educated Grebo were not admitted.34 Any possibility that the growing volume of trade in Afri- can commodities in the second half of the nineteenth century would bring the two estranged elite groups together was dashed with subjugation of the Grebo to Liberian rule in 1857, in which the traditional rulers were deprived of the political and economic power wielded by their Fante counterparts. Unlike the Fante rulers, the traditional Grebo leaders, who were not in a position to take advantage of the increased trade, had no need of the Western-educated elite and could offer them no social or economic advantages. For the ambitious Western-educated Grebo, the only route to advancement was through an alliance with the Americo-Liberians, who controlled the economy and government of Maryland County. This seemed possible, since the Americo-Liberian administration in Cape Palmas genuinely needed them. The administration main- tained an effective presence only along the coast, but was too weak to enforce its law in the rest of Maryland County. It could not put a stop to the costly skirmishes that occasionally broke out between the Nyomowe and Kudemowe and between the Grebo and their neighbors in the hinterland, which interfered with the regular flow of trade. Christian Grebo were well suited to serving as peacemakers. They were part of the local people and spoke their language. In the Christian villages where they lived, the differences between the Nyomowe and Kudemowe were blurred and the ancient rival- ries had long since subsided. In their capacity as missionaries and church functionar- ies, they traveled extensively throughout the Grebo settlements and established contact both with Christians and non-Christians, Nyomowe and Kudemowe, spreading the gospel of love and peace. All of these enabled successful mediation in growing numbers of disputes and violent conflicts, often succeeding where the Liberian government had failed." Their success made them increasingly prominent and influential among their own people, but never brought them the recognition or acceptance they sought from the Americo-Liberians. Neither their service to the administration nor their Christianity, literacy, and Western lifestyle brought the educated Grebo social equality with the black settlers or opened up occupational opportunities in the Liberian administration. Only a handful of educated Grebo enjoyed the status of citizens of the republic.36 In general, the Americo-Liberian community looked down on them, openly referred to them as "native dogs," and never invited them to visit their homes.37 Educated Grebo

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were excluded from all positions of influence and power. For instance, all the executive and advisory positions in the Board of Trade, which was established in 1869 by merchants and traders in Cape Palmas to protect their commercial interests, were occupied by Americo-Liberians." Barred from integration, the Christian-educated Grebo were left with only two options: accepting inferior status or separating from the Liberian Republic. They chose the latter. Following the Fante example, they set out to unite the entire Grebo people. Beginning in the early 1870s, Western-educated Grebo started trying to channel the traditional Grebo kinship into political action. Their first step was an attempt to bring together the rival Nyomowe and Kudomowe. In their capacity as itinerant missionaries, they began to preach the need not only for Grebo peace, but also for Grebo unity.39 Then, they tried to persuade the traditional Grebo leaders to join them in forming an exclusively Grebo political entity. In December 1873, the leaders of the two elite groups came together to form the Grebo Reunited Kingdom or Confederation. Yet, although educated and traditional Africans joined in the creation of their respective political entities in both the Gold Coast and Cape Palmas, the alliance between the educated and traditional in the two locations was differently conceived from the beginning. In the Gold Coast, the cooperation was long standing and was based on the common interests of preserving the Fante's political and economic autonomy and expelling the Dutch. In Cape Palmas, it was more a marriage of conve- nience: the traditional rulers sought independence and freedom from Liberian rule, while the Western-educated elite elected independence as a second best to the integration they were denied.

National Aspirations and Class Ambitions Both the Fante Confederation and the Grebo Reunited Confederation were responses to the increasingly onerous foreign presence in West Africa in the nineteenth century. To all appearances, both were also attempts to establish independent African states that merged African tradition and modern political views. However, as will be seen later, such appearances were misleading. The Fante constitution was adopted in 1871 in order to put the Fante Confedera- tion, which had been created in a somewhat ad hoc fashion three years earlier, on a more permanent footing. The constitution's aim was to establish an African state run along European political lines, with power carefully divided between the Western- educated and traditional elite.40 Drawn up by the Western-educated elite, it established an executive council (cabinet), a representative assembly, a national assembly, a judi- ciary, a treasury, and a national army. The Confederation was headed by a King-Presi- dent elected from the traditional rulers, and both traditional and Western-educated members sat on the executive council and in the representative assembly.41 The Grebo Reunited Confederation was inspired by and to some extent modeled on the Fante Confederation. The Fante Confederation was well publicized, both on

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the Gold Coast and beyond. The African Times, a London newspaper popular among educated Africans in West Africa and known to educated Grebo, published items about it, carried letters from Confederation leaders, and gave extensive coverage to the 1871 constitution.42 Grebo sailors, including missionary-educated Grebo who sometimes worked on the steamers, visited the trade centers on the Gold Coast and brought back information about the Fante. Samuel W. Seton, one such missionary, visited the Gold Coast several times between December 1869 and February 1870, when the Fante Con- federation was taking off under the presidency of R. J. Ghartey and its administrative and judicial bodies were in operation. On his return to Cape Palmas, Seton used his position as traveling missionary in the regions of Rocktown and Cava lla to promote the idea of a Grebo Confederation modeled on the Fante example. He became one of the founders and leaders of the Grebo Reunited Confederation." Although the Grebo Reunited Confederation never drew up a constitution, the written rules and regulations that the Grebo leaders formulated established similar Western governing bodies and ensured power sharing between the educated and traditional elite. Like the Fante constitution, the Grebo ordinances made a traditional ruler, the King of Rocktown, the head of state, and established a legislative body whose members came from both the traditional and newly educated elite groups. They also established a supreme court, on which members of both elite groups sat, which heard cases that the town headman could not settle." These similarities notwithstanding, the actual objectives of the two confederations were quite different. Among the major aims of the Fante leaders was to consolidate and rapidly modernize the Confederation for the good of all its members. Article 8, Section 2 of the 1871 Fante Constitution declared that one of the aims of the Confed- eration was "...to direct the labours of the Confederation toward the improvement of the country at large." Other sections referred to building a modern road system, improving agriculture, erecting school buildings, and compulsory education for all children. Provincial assessors were made responsible for enforcing the education law, and the national treasury responsible for financing the school system." As the Gold Coast barrister and politician John Mensah Sarbah described them, "The promoters of the Fante Confederation strove to put in practice the true patriot's highest ideal3Agiving the people a good education, through industrial and agricultural training, with ample opportunity for self-development and self-advancement."46 The aims of the founders of the Grebo Reunited Confederation were to promote the interests of the modern Christian elite. While the Fante constitution recognized the establishment of girls' schools and industrial schools alongside religious schools, the Grebo recognized only Christian education, reflecting the legislature's domination by the Christian-educated elite, with no room for the secular and professional studies that existed in the Fante enterprise.47 Similarly, one of the earliest laws passed in the Grebo Reunited Confederation, in January 1874, stipulated that seamen, who were part of the westernized elite, were to be paid a portion of their wages in advance."

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Thus, while the self-governing Grebo political entity brought together the rival Nyomowe and Kudemowe, it never tried to bring together the traditional and West- ernized segments of the population or to promote the well-being and development of the former along with their own. The two confederations charted similar paths in their martial beginnings and rapid demises. Upon their formation, both confederations were almost immediately faced with the need to go to war against the foreigners in their midst. While both won the military battle, they lost the political one when they were disbanded shortly after. The Fante leaders were faced with the necessity of ousting the Dutch brought in by the 1867 Anglo-Dutch treaty. To this end, they formed an alliance with the kings of Wasa and Denkyera, to forcibly prevent a Dutch takeover of former British positions. On 24 February 1869, Fante Confederation forces moved into Komenda, a town outside Fanteland but with many Fante inhabitants, which the British had evacuated in preparation for the Dutch arrival. In March, the Fante army, along with the local population, prevented the Dutch from moving in. Even though the army failed to storm the Dutch headquarters in Elmina on 21 September, the Fante military campaign resulted in the Dutch departure from the Gold Coast." The success of the Fante Confederation did not result in its permanence, but rather led to its demise. The British, who remained the only European power on the Gold Coast after the withdrawal of the Dutch, regarded a strong Fante Confederation as a potential political rival, and therefore placed pressure on the Fante leaders to dissolve their governing bodies. In 1873 the Fante Confederation effectively came to an end.5° The Grebo Reunited Confederation had to fight the Liberian government. When they set up their political entity, the Grebo leaders declared all prior treaties with the black American settlers and Liberian government null and void. They also refused to accept the orders of the Superintendent of Maryland County, and in 1875 they rejected a Liberian government offer to negotiate on their grievances.51Since the Liberian government was determined not to permit any breakaway from the state, these Grebo moves made war inevitable. Forming an alliance with neighboring ethnic groups from Grand Cess to Beroby, the Grebo routed the small but well-armed Liberian forces and compelled them to withdraw from Cape Palmas in a decisive battle on 9 October 1875.52 Following the defeat of its forces, the Liberian government asked for American support to suppress the Grebo rebellion. The United States sent the man-of-war Alaska, under the command of Captain A. A. Semmes, to Cape Palmas. Semmes presented the Grebo Reunited Confederation leaders with a choice: either face the ship's canons or

sign a peace treaty which would place them under Liberian rule. On 1 March 1876, the Grebo leaders signed the treaty, and with this signing, the Grebo Reunited Con- federation, like the Fante Confederation three years earlier, came to a swift end.53 Despite the determination, effort and energy which both the Fante and Grebo invested in the construction of their respective political entities, the two confedera-

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tions did not enjoy a long period of independence. The British in the Gold Coast and the Americo-Liberians in Cape Palmas forced the dissolution of the two confederations. Despite sharing the same fate, both the demise and the legacy of the two political entities were very different. The Fante Confederation came to its end with a minimum of trauma: political negotiation replaced the threat of force. British officials, who viewed the Confederation as an unacceptable challenge to British political and economic hegemony on the Gold Coast, demanded that it be dismantled. They also ruled out a Fante attempt to preserve the Confederation by presenting in 1872 a more moderate constitutional proposal, which offered limited Fante self-rule under British authority.54 The refusal, along with the Fante Confederation's military and financial weaknesses and an Asante threat, in 1873, to invade Fanteland, left the Fante leaders with no other option but to accept the British dictates." Though short-lived, the Fante Confederation proved to be more than a passing episode in the history of the Gold Coast, however. For the first time in about a century, the Fante succeeded in setting up a strong and effective government which united the whole nation. The Confederation formed a basis for continued cooperation between the Western-educated and traditional elite and served, for decades to come, as a precedent and symbol for African political action and demands for representation and free elections: "...the Fante Confederacy was a forerunner of modern Ghanaian nationalism." It was the direct predecessor of the Aborigines' Rights Protection Soci- ety (ARPS), established in 1897 to campaign against the Lands Bill," and was a forerunner of the National Congress of British West Africa, established in 1920, and of the United Gold Coast Convention, founded in 1947.58 Like the ARPS, these two organizations were led by Fante, embraced the methods and constitutional ideology of the Fante Confederation and were inspired by its memory. All three adopted the Fante Confederation's goals of self-government, security and progress; used the Fante Con- federation as a symbol and sought legitimacy by presenting themselves as a continuation of that entity. Adu Boahen suggests that, "had this bold initiative of the Fante Confederation been allowed to be implemented, the course not only of the history of Ghana but indeed of the whole of West Africa would have been different." The end of the Grebo Reunited Confederation was considerably more traumatic, occurring, as it did, in virtually the same act of armed struggle that marked the Confederation's beginning. If the dissolution of the Fante Confederation is epitomized by its failed constitutional proposal, the end of the Grebo political entity is epitomized by the harsh treaty signed with the Liberian government in 1876. Though militarily victorious, the Grebo agreed to surrender all their arms and ammunition and to submit to the authority and obey the laws of the Liberian government in exchange for amnesty for acts carried out in connection with the war and for certain civil, land, and trading rights.6° The legacy that the Grebo Reunited Confederation left was the promotion of the Western-educated Grebos' own interests. Essentially, the treaty incorporated the Grebo

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in the Liberian state and brought an end to any national aspirations that may have existed in the formation of the Confederation in the first place. Sweetening the bitter pill were several articles that dealt with citizenship and commercial and land rights. Article 7 stated: "The Liberian government promises to give the aforementioned native tribes, i.e. the Grebo, equal rights with other citizens, and do recommend to them the expediency of becoming citizens." Article 8 gave the Grebo "... the same rights and privileges to the use of public lands as the Americo-Liberians enjoy," and Article 9 provided that 1411 Liberians, native and Americo-Liberian, shall have the same rights in foreign and domestic trade."6' The obvious attraction of these articles was that they bestowed on the oppressed Grebo people the same political and economic rights as the Liberians themselves possessed and thereby promised them a better life as equal citizens in the Liberian Republic. The Western-educated Grebo persuaded the traditional Grebo leaders that it was to the advantage of their people that they, the traditional leaders, sign, which they did.62 Even considering the stark choice faced by the leaders of the Grebo Reunited Con- federation, signing the treaty or being executed for their rebellion, their agreement to sign seems to have been more than a simple surrender to superior power. As noted above, the Liberian constitution restricted citizenship to "civilized" persons, that is to Christian, propertied and tax-paying Africans. The land and trading rights promised in Articles 7 and 8 of the treaty were likewise restricted to citizens.63 The only Grebo who could possibly benefit from these articles in the foreseeable future were the West- ern-educated Christian elite, who, from the beginning, had run the Grebo Confedera- tion for their own benefit. The Western-educated Grebo urged the traditional Grebo leaders to sign even though they were probably fully aware of the treaty's limitations. While tacitly excluding the traditional Grebo, the treaty opened the way for some of their Christian, Western-educated counterparts to equality and full participation in the Liberian State, enabling them to integrate into the political and social life of the Americo-Liberians, just as they had always wanted to. A case in point is Samuel Seton, the main founder and leader of the Confederation and the one who persuaded the traditional chiefs to sign the peace treaty. In 1884, Seton was appointed to the position of Commissioner of Education in Maryland County. Three years later, he became the first Grebo to be elected to the National Legislature of Liberia, and in 1889 he was re-elected. In the 1890s, he served as a judge in the Monthly and Probate Court of Maryland County. His marriage to a woman from a black settler family marked the first time a Grebo had married into the ranks of the Americo-Liberians.64 Although Seton belonged to a tiny minority of Grebo who had been granted Liberian citizenship even before 1876, his political advancement was made possible by the peace treaty. Following this treaty, large numbers of Western-educated Grebo found their place in the social, political and economic life of Liberia. In conclusion, the political history of the two confederations reveals that each was driven by different aims and left different marks on the history of its region.

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Two core features of the Fante Confederation, namely its being a genuine expression of the Africans' will for control over their own affairs and cooperation between Western and traditional elite groups, made it a symbol of inspiration for a succession of political institutions. The ARPS was inspired by the second feature, while the National Congress of British West Africa and the political party the United Gold Coast Convention were inspired by the first. All three organizations adopted the Fante legacy of handling their political struggle through constitutional means. The first feature, autonomous political identity, became more significant after World War II. In 1947 the United Gold Coast Convention hailed the Fante Confederation as the first attempt by Gold Coast Africans to establish their own modern political entity. These two features, embraced by different political organizations, made the Fante Confed- eration an inseparable part of the Gold Coast Africans' struggle for self-determination and independence. They are also among the reasons for the widespread academic interest in the Confederation. Unlike the Fante Confederation, the Grebo Reunited Confederation never became a symbol embraced by political entities. Though inspired by the Fante Confederation, it never really shared its political aims. It was a one-dimensional entity, designed for the benefit of the Western-educated elite who sought social and political integration in the privileged Americo-Liberian society and never regarded an independent Grebo entity as a real possibility. Needless to say, this elite could not serve as a source of inspiration in the African Liberians' struggle to rid themselves of Americo-Liberian rule, and the Grebo Reunited Confederation could not serve as a icon for subsequent independence movements. As long as the Americo-Liberians remained in power, the story of the Grebo revolt was never officially told. Nor was it told after the Americo-Liberian regime was toppled in April 1980. Despite the fact that the new regime, which for the first time in Liberian history was under the control of African Liberians, was searching for legitimization from the past, it never regarded itself as having any connection with the Grebo Reunited Confederation. Neither did it make any effort to invoke it as a symbol for the struggle against the Americo-Liberians. Thus, the Grebo Reunited Confederation remained an episode and left little written evidence of its existence.

ENDNOTES Several African and European scholars have researched the Fante Confederation, among them: J. M. Sarbah, Fante National Constitution (London, 1868); C. Hayford, Gold Coast Native Institutions (London, 1903); F. Agbodeka, "The Fante Confederacy 1865-1869," Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 7 (1964): 82-123; D. Kimble, A Political History of Ghana (London, 1965); F. Agbodeka, African Politics and British Policy in the Gold Coast 1868-1900 (London, 1971);

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A. Boahen, "Politics in Ghana 1800-1874," History of West Africa, ed. J.F.A Ajayi and M. Crowder, vol. 2 (1974) 167-262; I. Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1975). Jane Martin's Ph.D. dissertation is so far the only major contribution to the research on the Grebo Reunited Confederation: J. J. Martin, "The Dual Legacy: Government Authority and Mission Influence Among the Glebo of Eastern Liberia, 1834-1910," diss., Boston U, 1968. 2 A chronological sample of the literature: B. Mart, "Religious Regimes and State Formation: Towards a Research Perspective," Anthropological Quarterly 60.1 (1987): 1-11; E. Norbert, The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners (Oxford, 1994); E. Norbert, State Formation and Civilization (Oxford, 1994); K. N. Caleb, "Language Planning and Nation Building in Africa: The Kenyan Example," Scandina- vian Journal of Development Alternatives 15.1 (1996): 57-69; B. J. Berman, "Ethnicity, Patronage and the African State: The Politics of Uncivil Nationalism," African Affairs 97.388 (1998): 305-341. 3 J. D. Fage, Ghana, a Historical Interpretation (Madison, Milwaukee, London, 1966) 28-29; I. Wilks, "The Mossi and Akan States to 1800," History of West Africa, ed. J. E Ade Ajayi and M.

Crowder, vol. 1 (1976) 439-440. 4 The political units established by the Fante, Denkyera and Wasa were known as the Southern States, due to their location south of the River Prah. J. Sanders, "The Expansion of the Fante and the Emergence of Asante in the Eighteenth Century," Journal of African History 20.3 (1979): 350. 5 B. Davidson, A History of West Africa 1000-1800 (England, 1985) 243-244; K. Arhin, "Rank and Class among the Asante and Fante in the Nineteenth Century," Africa, 53.1 (1983): 13-15. 6 Fage, Ghana 55; Sanders, "Expansion" 357, 362. David E. Apter, Ghana in Transition (New York, 1963) 24. 8 A.B. Ellis, A History of the Gold Coast of West Africa (London, 1971) 208. 9 Agbodeka, African 15. io "J. Aggery, King of Cape Coast to Governor Blackall, August 1866," Enclosure 8, in No. 20, Governor Blackall to the Right Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon, 17 October 1866; "Aggery to Colonel Conran, 6 December 1866," Enclosure 1, in No. 23, Governor Blackall to Earl of Carnarvon, 24 December 1866; "Statement Relative to the Conduct of John Aggery, King of Cape Coast," Enclosure 2, in No. 23, Governor Blackall to Earl of Carnarvon; British Parliamentary Papers Concerning the Gold Coast and Surrounding Districts 1850-1873, Colonies, Africa, Vol. 57, 417, 426-67, 429. 11 Agbodeka, African 19. 12 Agbodeka, "Fante" 90. 13 "Convention between Her Majesty and the King of Netherlands. For an Interchange of Territory on the Gold Coast of Africa": Signed at London, 5 March 1867, Ratifications exchanged at London, 5 July 1867, British Parliamentary Papers Concerning the Gold Coast and Surrounding Districts 1850-1873, Colonies, Africa, Vol. 57, 461-464. 14 L. Limberg, The Fante Confederation 1868-1872 (Gotesborg, 1974) 24. David Kimble acknowledges that the idea of self-government was based on the recommendation of the Select Committee and strengthened by the protest of Fante rulers against the British authorities. However, it did not reach the idea of a "national unit of government." Kimble, Political 222. 15 Agbodeka, African 23. 16 W. Rodney, "A Reconsideration of the Mawe Invasions of Sierra Leone," Journal of African History 8 (1967): 221.

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Rodney shows the waves of migration on a map where the Kru people, which include the Grebo, were referred to as Folgias. M. Fraenkel, "Social Change on the Kru Coast of Liberia," Africa 36.1 (1966): 154. 17 Liberia Bureau of Folkways, The Traditional History and Folklore of the Glebo Tribe (Monrovia, 1957) 22-27. 18 G. W. Brown, The Economic History of Liberia (Washington D.C., 1941) 118. 19 F. D. McEvoy, "Understanding Ethnic Realities Among the Grebo and Kru People of West Africa," Africa 47.1 (1977): 62-79. 20 Martin, "Legacy" 75. 21 "Colony at Cape Palmas," The African Repository 11 (1835): 102. 22 "Treaty of Peace Between the Government of Maryland in Liberia and the Greabo People, 1857," Appendix III, Martin, "Legacy" 426-428. 23 C. A. Cassell, Liberia: History of the First African Republic (New York, 1970) 210-211. 24 For the socio-economic meaning of the division between "civilized" and "uncivilized" in Liberia, see D. Brown, "On the Category 'Civilized' in Liberia and Elsewhere," The Journal of Modern African Studies 20.2 (1982): 287-303. 25 Agbodeka, "Fante" 88-89.

26 Kimble, Political 138. The cooperation between traditional rulers and Western-educated Africans continued during the colonial era, and after the independence traditional chiefs persisted in sending their children to study not only in African universities but also abroad. Y. Petchenkine, Ghana, In Search of Stability: 1957-1992, (1993) 166. 27 The African Times 24 Oct. 1870: 43. 28 Agbodeka, African 21-22. 29 "C.S. Salmon to J.J. Kendall, Administrator-in-Chief, 20 January 1872," Enclosure in No. 6; "Administrator in Chief to Secretary to State, Confidential, 14 February 1872," British Parliamen- tary Papers Concerning the Gold Coast and Surrounding Districts 1850-1873, Colonies, Africa, Vol. 57, 542-543. 30 A. E. Afigbo, "The Establishment of Colonial Rule, 1900-1918," History of West Africa, ed. J.F.A. Ajayi and M. Crowder, vol. 2 (London, 1977) 477. 31 Kimble, Political 235-37, 348, n. 4; Boahen, "Politics" 235. 32 L. Limberg, Fante 72-74. 33 "Education at Cape Palmas," African Repository 12 (Sept. 1836): 284; 'Annual Report of Bishop Payne," African Repository 46 (Mar. 1870): 82; M. H. Moran, "Woman and 'Civilization': The Intersection of Gender and Prestige in Southeastern Liberia," Canadian Journal of African Studies 22.3 (May 1988): 493-494. 34 "Liberian Items of Intelligence; Bishop Payne's Farewell," African Repository 45 (April 1869): 153, 307.

35 J. Martin, "Samuel W. Seton, Liberian Citizen," Liberian Studies Journal 12.2 (1987): 103. 36 Moran, "Woman" 493. 37 Martin, "Samuel Sewn" 102. 38 "Items of Intelligence," African Repository 45 (Apr. 1869): 27.

39 J. Martin, "Thomas Sidi Gabla Brownell: 1837-1900," Liberian Studies Journal 12.1 (1987): 22. 40 Adu Boahen presents the 1871 constitution as a continuation and development of the unwritten constitution which was "drawn" when the Confederation was established in 1868. Boahen, "Politics" 246-47.

41 Boahen, "Politics" 247-49.

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42 The issues of the The African Times published between 23 May 1868 and 30 December 1872 referred to the Fante Confederation 28 times. The 23 January 1872 issue published the complete version of "The Constitution of the Fante Confederation," 77-79; During more or less the same period, The African Times also carried 10 articles on Liberia.

43 Martin, "Samuel Seton" 103. 44 Martin, "Legacy" 261; Martin, "Samuel Sewn" 104. 45 "Constitution of the New Fante Confederacy," Enclosure A in No. 1, Acting Administrator to Governor in Chief, 4 December 1871, British Parliamentary Papers Concerning the Gold Coast and Surrounding Districts 1850-1873, Colonies, Africa, Vol. 57, 523-527; The African Times 23 Jan. 1872: 77-79. 46 Sarbah, Fante 237. 47 "The Constitution of the New Fanti Confederacy," Articles 21-25; Martin, "Legacy" 261-262. 48 Martin, "Legacy" 261. 49 Agbodeka, "Fante" 114-115; Limberg, Fante 68; The African Times 23 Nov. 1869: 51. 50 Agbodeka, African 31-32. 51 "President J. J. Roberts Annual Message, 17 December 1875," African Repository 53.1 (Jan. 1877): 1-11 52 The African Times 1 December 1875: 62. "Letters from Hon. Henry W. Dennis," African Repository 52.1 (Jan. 1876): 10-12. 53 " 'Treaty of Peace' in 'Peace in Liberia,'" African Repository 52.1 (Jan. 1876): 81. 54 "Scheme to be submitted to his Excellency Governor J. Pope-Hennessy, and the Home Govern- ment, for their approval as regards the Fante Confederation," Enclosure 2, in No. 19, Governor to Secretary of State, 29 October 1872, British Parliamentary Papers Concerning the Gold Coast and Surrounding Districts 1850-1873, Colonies, Africa, Vol. 57, 573. "Memorial of the Chiefs and Captains or Heads of the Companies of Cape Coast," to His Excellency John Pope Hennessy, Enclosure 30, in No. 19, Ibid., p. 629. 55 Agbodeka, African 33.

56 Agbodeka, African 25, 33. 57 Apter 36; D. M. McFarland, Historical Dictionary of Ghana (New Jersey, 1985) 13-14. 58 Boahen, "Politics" 259. 59 A. Boahen, African Perspectives on Colonialism (Baltimore, 1987) 12. 60 "'Treaty of Peace' in 'Peace in Liberia,'" African Repository 52.1 (Jan. 1876): 81. 61 "'Treaty of Peace' in 'Peace in Liberia,'" African Repository 52.1 (Jan. 1876): 81. 62 Martin, "Legacy" 288. 63 C. H. Huberich, The Political and Legislative History of Liberia, vol. 2 (New York, 1947) 1029.

64 Martin, "Samuel Seton" 108, 110.

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Assiduous Exile: Strategies of Work and Integration among Liberian Refugees in Danane, Ivory Coast

Mats Utas *

Introduction

The situation of being exiled in Danane permits no Liberian refugees to passively wait for the Liberian civil war to end. Due to the refugee circumstances the Liberians have to pay their rent, most of their food and other necessities by their own means. Work has become a necessary aspect of refugee life. After an introduction of the refugee situation in Danane, this report looks at the multitude of working strategies that Liberian refugees have used to achieve requisite assets. Based upon an overview of these strategies the final part of the paper deals with the question of Liberian integration into the Ivorian host society.

No food, no shelter: problems of surviving in an unaccustomed social context

Arriving in Danane, at the end of January 1996, I was struck by the fact that no food had been distributed among the refugees since the end of November 1995. The Liberian refugees had to wait until the end of March for their first 1996 shipments. In early April many of the refugees in Danane had still not obtained any food, part of a new strategy monitored by the UNHCR/WFP to assist only "newcomers" (refugees who have arrived after 1994) and a special group of those particularly vulnerable. Even for those who obtained food, the quotas were far from sufficient to cover a month's need. Two kilograms of cornmeal, two of rice, one of beans and an additional two

Prefessor Utas has conducted field studies on Liberian refugees in the Ivory Coast. Indeed, the article is among the products of such research activities. Professor Utas teaches in the Department of Cultural Anthropology at Uppsala University in Sweden.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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kilograms of cocking oil is simply not enough to sustain one person for a month. The UNHCR recommended ration is twice this amount. A second thing that strikes a visitor to Danane is that the Liberians do not live in a refugee camp, but are dispersed all over town, dwelling in the same type of houses as the Ivorians. Although this fact has a number of positive effects, the negative side is that the Liberian refugees have to pay rent for their shelter; and this rent is often increased by the Ivorian landlords. Food and shelter continue to be the central concerns in contemporary refugee life in Danane. In spite of these difficulties, the 63,000 Liberian refugees currently residing in Danane somehow survive. How? This report studies how Liberian refugees cope with displacement. It aims to clarify how the refugees make their living and how they survive the hardships of exile. How people survive, in this case, is not only a question of technical matters, but also a question of social qualities. The techniques of surviving necessitate social strategies vis-a-vis the host community and towards the refugee situation in general. With this in mind, how does the quest for work interrelate with the question of integration; to what extent does the quest for survival force or lead the refugees to integrate into the host society? Or does the quest for essential resources force or lead the Liberians to stick together - i.e., to remain apart from the host society?

The study The Liberian civil war has continued since the end of 1989.1 The war has caused the death of 200,000,2 and displaced around 75 per cent of Liberia's total 2,6 million inhabitants.' The number of internally displaced is estimated at 1.1 million and another 800,000 Liberians are living in exile in neighboring countries, primarily Guinea and the Ivory Coast.4 At its peak, the number of those in exile in Danane, in the Ivory Coast reached some 90,000. This paper is based on four months of fieldwork in Danane and focuses on Liberian strategies of coping with daily life.5 The main method of this study has been through participant observation, which gives the study an unique close-

ness to those who were the object of research. 6 Living with the refugees and interacting

See Sesay (1996), Reno (1996), Ellis (1995), Richards (1995) for recent information on the Liberian civil war. 2 U.S. State Department (1997) 3 For an overview of the Liberian refugee situation see Ruiz (1992). 4 UNHCR (1995:251), USCR (1995:44). 5 I reached Danane with the intention of focusing on repatriation and the possibilities of returning to Liberia. Very soon, though, I realised that topics concerning repatriation was at the level of dreams - a future in Liberia was at the time being too abstract for most of the Liberians in Danane. Matters of the daily refugee "struggle" clearly overshadow any thoughts concerning the future. The natural shift was therefore to move to the important questions of contemporary refugee life. 6 See Waldron (1988); Richards (1992). For review articles anthropological on refugees, see Malkki (1995b) and Harrell-Bond & Voutira (1992).

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with them on a daily basis has given me information and knowledge of situations which are hardly revealed in quantitative interviews.' During the course of my stay I made thirty hours of qualitative interviews with people who had learned to know me well and trusted me, and who therefore felt that they could talk about matters which they would not ordinarily reveal in general interviews.' What was conspicuously absent from all the documentary findings generated in the refugee camps was an official record of what the refugees themselves said about their own histories and their present predicament.' In a recent article Liisa Malkki notes that refugees are often viewed as a universal anonymous corporeality, acting in a depoliticised and a historical space, seen as passive and helpless human beings?' Malkki argues that the universal body of refugees is left without a voice, and "that humanitarian practices tend to silence refugees. "" It is these lost voices that this study intends to articulate, and I am determined to show that Liberian refugees are neither helpless nor passive, but on the contrary they are a diverse group of people with advanced individual strategies to cope with exile.'2 Although I am aware of my own position in the complex power play in which refugees and international aid agencies attempted to influence my findings for their own interests, I felt my role as an agent for the refugees to be both feasible and needed:3

Stereotyping refugees Desperate men, women, and children pushed out of their own countries by forces entirely beyond their own control are paraded with a grim regularity across our televi- sion screens. Images of exhausted, destitute mothers cradling emaciated children in some makeshift camp in a remote corner of the world not only evoke pathos of refu-

The majority of reports concerning the worlds refugees are written from a macro perspective, and interviews are often used only as statistics. Even if the voices of refugees are used in texts about their own situation this is often be presented in a journalistic manner. 8 After I was publicly accused of being an American spy, I realised how different answers are that one may receive in interviews. 9 Malkki (1996:384) on Burundian refugee camps in Tanzania. to Malkki (1996). At the same time Palestinian refugees are often viewed neither as passive nor helpless, but rather as terrorists (see Shohat, 1992). Malkki (1996:378). 12 If helplessness is a quality of a refugee population, and if refugees are aided by an internav any thoughts con- tional community because they are viewed as helpless. Is there a risk that these types of reports will tell aid-donors that help is not needed (see Malkki, 1996:388)? I hope that this is not the case. Rather, I want to believe that reports, such as this, like this suggest that foreign aid is needed but in a rearranged way. 13 With regard to refugees this is in line with Knudsen's Negotiating Researchers (1995:29). The role of social scientists and their power relations in the field is also dealt with in Agar (1996). There is a lively anthropological debate of anthropological representation of the subjects, see Bodley (1990), Clifford (1988:2111), Marcus (1993).

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gees but graphically illustrate the reality of millions of people caught up in the crosscurrents of revolutions, war, and famine who have been forced into exile." The pictures of the refugee have travelled world-wide.'5 The refugee as a concept has penetrated the most remote comer through the global media, and relief organizations' fund-raising campaigns. And even refugees believe that this portrayal truly reflects what a refugee is.'6 The picture has become so contorted, so the largest sat simplified that many refugees feel that they do not fit into this particular category.17

-I'm not a refugee, I don't get any of those benefits. -Then I'm not either, because I work.18

In the opinion of many Liberians genuine refugees do not exist in Danane but in faraway countries such as Ethiopia or Somalia. Or as a Liberian friend of mine, put it: "If you want to take photos of real refugees you have to travel to the refugee camp, you won't find them in Danane." Most refugees would probably not how fit into the ste- reotypes of what a refugee is supposed to be - and because of this many refugees do not fit into the category that they themselves believe refugeeness to be. The Liberian refugees in Danane differ greatly from the malnutrition afflicted, aid dependant, passive stereotype of the refugee, but are they still not refugees ?'9

Aspects of refugee life

Welcome to Danane: PO Box Hard Time is an expression uttered quite frequently by the Liberians in town. A nickname for Danane, DDD, Damn Dusty Danane, similarly refers to the difficulties of the refugee situation. This first chapter outlines the particular situation facing Liberian refugees in Danane.

DDD As a border town on the main road from both Liberia and Guinea, Danane is a typical market town in West Africa. Much merchandise enters from both neighboring countries. Because of its accessibility (on one of the main roads from Liberia) and

14 Loescher (1993:v). 15 Photographs and other visual representations of refugees are far more common than texts of what particular refugees say ( Malkki, 1996:386, see also Malkki, 1995a:9f1). 16 When the photographic image becomes the reality, even though the reality becomes invalid. See Hiippauf (1995:96). 17 It might also be so that the Liberians themselves do not want to be included in the refugee category because to be a refugee may be limiting and stigmatising (see Malkki, 1995a: 158). 18 Liberian comments about their refugee status. 19 The category of refugees is discussed widely in Zetter (1991), Malkki (1995b), Gallagher (1989), Hein (1993).

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considerable size (about 100,000 inhabitants), Danane has been one the largest safe havens for Liberian refugees entering the Ivory Coast. Danane, as a refugee setting, differs from how we imagines the refugee scene, because the refugees themselves do not live in camps. This situation as arisen from the policies of the Ivorian government towards the Liberians, seeing them as "neighbors" or "friends", and not as depersonal- ized refugees. In the Ivory Coast there is only one existing, small refugee camp.2° The refugees in Danane live in ordinary houses and are spread throughout the town. Some urban neighborhoods are more densely inhabited by the Liberians than others, such as one area nicknamed "New Gbarnga", by the Liberians.21 There is however no indication that Liberians have attempted to form extensive or exclusive Liberian quarters. Contacts with Ivorians are crucial for everyday life; that is contacts with local authorities, landlords, merchants at the market, etc. Because of the vast number of refugees, many Ivorian merchants have often learnt some English to facilitate basic communication. To a lesser extent has the converse taken place, although many Liberians who have been in Danane for the last six years have eventually managed to pick up some French. Most Liberians however do not have close contact with the Ivorians. After six years of cohabitation familiar ties with Ivorians are still rare.22 The refugees who now live in Danane often have relatives in the city. Refugees often try to migrate to a place where they already have a personal network.23 However it seems that large family or village networks have not been replicated in the neighborhoods of Danane. Interrelations are largely similar to those between relatives in urban settings. Without a doubt, relatives with well-paid jobs, like NGO employment, are relied upon extensively. Thus households are often extended in character. Generational and distant relatives as well as orphans all live under the same roof. The spring of 1996 was calm in Danane. Many Liberians had left for, or were about to return, to Liberia. The peace agreement signed in Nigeria's capital city of Abuja in August 1995 had raise many hopes, and this coincided with a decline in the availability of aid in Danane thus forcing people back to Liberia which - at the time had a considerably lower cost of living. In many peoples' minds, Monrovia was now the place of opportunity. This changed when fighting once again escalated in the late spring of 1996.

20 The refugee camp in Guiglo came to being under special circumstances. After riots in the Tai area in June 1995, the Ivorian authorities thought it necessary to move the refugees who were living there. The solution was to create a small camp outside Guiglo. The majority of Liberian refugees in Guinea, on the contrary, live in refugee camps.

21 It is called New Gbarnga because this was the place to which most refugees moved after severe fighting around Gbarnga, Bong county, in early 1995. 22 Even though Danane has recently witnessed a couple of mixed marriages across the nationalities. 23 Quantitative studies have reached these results in other refugee settings (Hein, 1993:49).

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By the end of 1995 the larger Danane area officially hosted about 90,000 refugees.24 The real figure was probably considerably lower, because many of the returnees kept their registration cards in case they had to go back to Danane again, or presented it to family/friends, so that they could obtain larger food rations. However, after renewed fighting in Liberia in early April, Danane once again began to fill up with refugees. The total number of newcomers is not clear to me but UNHCR estimated, in early May, that another 10,000 refugees entered Danane. Later, however, through correspondence with my informants in Danane, I feel that this estimate was rather low.

Where do the people come from? It is not easy to provide a clear background on the refugee population in Danane. The UNHCR in Danane do not have statistics on the ethnically composition of refugees. The need for this information is probably not overly important and one can assume that this information, in a situation of conflict, can become sensitive. The following percentages of ethnic groups are derived from my own estimations.25 A majority (c.a.50 per cent) of the refugees are Gio. Second largest are the Mano population (c.a.20 per cent). Both groups originate from Nimba county, across the border from Danane. Other large groups are from the Kpelle and the Mandingo. Two facts differentiate the Mandingo from the rest of the refugee society: they are traditional traders and they are Muslims.26 As a trader group they are more versatile than other Liberians and to a higher degree associate with Ivorians. Generally speaking, the Mandingo do not mix with other refugees because throughout the war they have been one of the main enemies to the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), the faction deriving support from among the Gio and Mano. This might change as the Mandingo faction, the United Liberation Movement of Liberia - Kromah (ULIMO-K) have now become allied with the NPFL. The Mandingo refugee reality mirrors developments in the Liberian war in the sense that their collective identities are separated from a general Liberian refugee identity. This is true also for the few Krahn residing in Danane. How- ever as the main enemies of the NPFL, the Krahn have to be very careful when

24 This figure was made available by the UNHCR sub office in Danane. The town itself held about 60,000 refugees. It should be noted that the statistics are very approximate; HarrellBond et al. (1992:21 Off) have a lengthy discussion on the numerous problems in counting refugees; including methods and morals. 25 1 am aware of the problems around the term "ethnic". In this paper, however, I do not want to problematise it but rather use the term ethnic group as a loose entity sharing social and cultural organisational forms and speaking the same language. 26 For further information see the section on religion, p. 17.

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acknowledging their own ethnic background. The only one who I met never himself admitted to me that he was Krahn, stating instead that he was Basa.27 It is necessary to bear in mind that, to a large extent, the refugees come from an urban background: from the towns in Nimba and Bong counties, and more importantly from Monrovia and Buchanan on the coast. Many have lived all their life in Monrovia. They often come from the educated middle class, and have typically worked in the civil service or in education. For many of them, adapting to rural town life in Danane has been problematic, if not a painful experience. Refugees coming from a rural background tend to live on the outskirts of town or in the countryside.

How people live When walking through Danane it is virtually impossible to distinguish which houses are inhabited by Ivorians and those by Liberians. From my experience the living standards generally are not lower for the refugees.28 Doubtless, on the outskirts of town many refugees dwell in houses made out of mud-bricks, and sometimes with straw- roofs, but many of their neighbors are Ivorians living under the same conditions. At the same time, some of the largest houses are rented by Liberians. Some Ivorians will even argue that it is easier to be a poor Liberian than a poor Ivorian in Danane; the NGOs do not help those Ivorians who find themselves beneath the poverty line. A large proportion of Liberians live in the countryside outside Danane. It appears that Liberians have found it comparatively easier to settle in the villages, where they have more smoothly been able to involve themselves in local society. In several cases this is due to the fact that many settlers in the villages come from rural areas on the other side of the Liberian border and already have relatives in the Ivorian countryside, or that they share the same language.29 Often rural refugees have been able to obtain a little land to farm, although the leasing conditions are often burdensome." Housing is a big problem. Danane almost doubled in size over a short period of time, and it has been very difficult for refugees to find a place to live. To some extent the constraints in availability of housing have been remedied by the local property market. Ivorians have strategically invested in property and numerous new houses

27 This man was a former fighter who had deserted from the Liberian Peace Council (LPC), one of the Krahn factions, and taken refuge in Danane, placing himself out of reach for retaliation. Krahn refugees are generally found further south in the Ivory Coast. For a deeper understanding on the recent political interplay in the Liberian mergency see Ellis (1995) Reno (1996). 28 One difference may be that Ivorians to a greater extent have got running water, electricity and even the telephone. My experience, though, is too limited to generalise on this matter. 29 See p. 17. 30 See p. 24.

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have been built by private citizens in and around Danane.31 Another tendency has been for Ivorians to move back to their home villages and hire out their houses in Danane for a substantial profit. The need for housing has pushed up prices considerably, and has meant that most Liberians pay a higher rent than that paid by Ivorians.32 Many disputes between the two nationalities stem from conflicts over rent and a typical complaint articulated by Liberians is that Ivorians are greedy and heartless. These rent increases are without doubt a serious obstacle for the Liberians, who have few to turn to for assistance. For a few there is the possibility for assistance from the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) and Caritas but this is only in exceptional cases and for a limited period of time. This aid is not anything that can be relied on by most Liberian refugees, who have to look for other sources of income.

Obtaining food The primary concern for refugees in Danane is obtaining food. Initially, refugees staff relied on aid from United Nations and international NGOs. This aid was monitored by the Ivorian Croix Rouge/Croissant Rouge under supervision of the International Red Cross, UNHCR and WFP. This aid given was to begin with sparse and what is now distributed today in Danane is not enough for anyone to survive on. This is compounded because households are forced to sell part of the food ration in order to obtain money for rent. The monthly food ratio is currently two kilogram rues of rice," two of corn meal, two of beans, and one litre of cooking oil, per person. This is not sufficient for a person to live on, and it is only half of the monthly ratio recommended by the UNHCR.34 During the spring of 1996 UNHCR and WFP introduced a new policy. The main component of this was that Liberians who arrived prior to 1994 would not be allowed to receive food unless they were put on a special list of vulnerable people." This list of vulnerable people has been open to much arbitrariness, and when food was distributed in March 1996 it was still unclear who could obtain food and who could not. People milled around the distribution site for days uncertain about whether they would receive any food. The UNHCR/WFP in Danane was only following an official strategy of de-escalating aid, aiming at refugees self-sufficient after two years in exile.

31 It seems that many Ivorians living in the countryside have invested in building a house in Danane. Their strategy is that the rent paid by the Liberians will cover most of the construction expenditures, and when the Liberians return to Liberia they themselves will move into the house. If this is the case, the Danane area will probably see a substantial urbanisation after the Liberian civil war. 32 All Liberians I have talked to agree that they pay a higher amount of rent than what an Ivorian would pay for the same house. 33 This can be compared to the twelve kilogrammes of rice that was distributed between 1990-92. 34 The information is from officials of the International Red Cross. 35 Vulnerable cases are: female head of household (single), male head of household (single), unaccom- panied minor, handicapped, aged (old person), family of malnourished children, pregnant women, lactating mothers.

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Under these conditions that after two years you could not obtain any more food from the UNHCR and the fact that food ratios were not sufficient nor could be relied on, the refugees were forced to actively look for other means to cover their needs.36 This is apparent to all refugees, even newcomers because no one has been able to trust the distribution of aid. In 1995 food was only distributed nine times,37 and, as stated earlier on, there was no distribution at all between November 1995 and the second half of March 1996 (4 months). There is widespread dissatisfaction with the food that does get distributed. The most common complaint is that the food distributed is not sufficient, but there were also complaints about the methods of distribution. Many Liberians thought that they did not get the amount they were supposed to get because the distribution staff kept part of it for themselves, to resell later. In the villages around Daname people said that the staff would distribute less, just to sell the surplus for their own gain immediately after the distribution and at the very same site.

They give us cornmeal to force us back; to get us killed.38

Another complaint was that the UNHCR, at that time, did not distribute rice.39 During the first years the refugees got received twelve kilograms of rice per month," but during 1994 the staple food in the distribution changed exclusively to cornmeal. Liberians who have never used cornmeal for cooking feel offended by the fact that they are given cornmeal as the staple food. For them this is further proof that the international community do not care about them.41 Meanwhile the fact that they are given cornmeal and not rice has considerably affected their ideal case ability to sell part of the food ration to pay for their rent, because cornmeal has a lower market value than rice.

Health care facilities Liberians have problems with health care too. The Ivorian health system, with a hospital and a government clinic, is affordable only to a small fraction of the refugee population and the possibilities to get support from the NGOs is fairly limited. Only one NGO is allowed to distribute medicine and administrate health care to the refu-

36 This has also forced a lot of refugees back to Liberia. This policy has increased the number of people seeking help from the independent organizations, mainly Caritas, Cote d'Ivoire (the national catholic aid, partly funded by IJNHCR) and IRS. 37 From the NGO information meeting, Africare, Guiglo 30/1 1996. 38 A Liberian lady commenting on the food given by the UNHCR. 39 In April 1996 this changed again when two kilo of rice where included in the ration. 4° This was later decreased to six. 41 In the eyes of the Liberians further evidence that the donor community wishes to rid themselves of the refugees is that the dried beans distributed have to be aired for twelve hours before they loose their toxicity. Many refugees ask themselves why they are given potentially poisonous food.

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gees. The UNHCR and the Ivorian government have agreed that in Danane Caritas should take care of this. Caritas health projects are financed mainly by the UNHCR but how this agreement works practically is not clear to me.42 However the agreement with Caritas is problematic. Many of the refugees have serious complaints about this particular organization, which is known for its arbitrariness and malfunction." For people in need it is extremely hard to obtain help that from the organization because the queue system is totally anarchic, and the aid is often given only to those people who already have good contacts in the organization.44 Whatever the agreement with the UNHCR is, Caritas was not able to freely give medicine away during the spring of 1996. As a matter of fact they told many supplicants that they had run out of money by early February. Instead they had a policy of providing refugees with half the amount of money they needed, and the refugees where supposed to come up with the remain- der themselves, something that was impossible for many." Because of this, the JRS tried to assist needy refugees. But because they had no agreement with the government or with the UNHCR they could not themselves distribute medicine. Instead they gave refugees money to go to the pharmacies where drugs are considerably more expensive. JRS' policy was to give half of the amount needed. So in an ideal case a refugee could visit both NGOs and have them pay half the amount each. This, though, was labori- ous and could take a couple of days queuing to acquire. But in the end, here also, Liberian refugees required more money to cover their basic demands.

Aspects of education

I stopped fighting because I wanted to educate myself. What is your future occupation? I want to become defence minister.46

Among the refugees in Danane the urge for education is immense. This originate from two facts. Firstly, escaping from Liberia often meant losing every kind of material wealth accumulated over a lifetime. This gave birth to the notion of education as the sole wealth that can not be looted. Even though many Liberians today have had problems proving their educational qualifications,47 refugees with education do have better possibilities to acquire jobs. Furthermore, it is widely believed that when returning to

42 No one in the organisations have been willing to talk about the details in the agreement. 43 Caritas Sweden are aware of these problems and they do not sponsor the organisation. Instead they have decided to fund the work of JRS. 44 You need a beautiful sister to get help from Caritas is a saying often heard among the Liberians. 45 To buy half a course of penicillin gives no cure. 46 From interview with an young teenage ex-fighter. He is now a pupil in the Liberian Dujar School. 47 Very often they have not been able to bring with them educational certificates. Furthermore, many of those who had actually brought their certificates had seen them confiscated and burnt at checkpoints when passing out of Liberia. Fighters in the rebel forces have often showed great hostility towards all kinds of education. This is probably because they are not educated themselves.

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post-war Liberia education is the best possibility to rapidly regain some of the assets that was lost in the war. Secondly, education for refugees in Danane is more important than in the average refugee setting, because a considerable proportion of the refugees come from an urban background, where some form of education in school had been a necessary merit for most occupations. Among the refugees in Danane there were quite a number of individuals with higher educational qualifications," who naturally put great pressure on their offspring to also gain an education. Basic education is not hard to obtain in one of the seventy schools run exclusively for refugees in the Danane area. Most schools teach primary and intermediary classes and in a few of the schools exams for the secondary grade are available." The schools follow the same curriculum as in Liberia except that French is mandatory already from the first grade. Most schools are organized by ADRA a UNHCR sub-agency, by the churches or by smaller NGOs.5° For Liberian refugees in Danane it is difficult to continue studies after secondary school. There are virtually no possibilities for this, neither in vocational training nor at a university level. Tertiary education is thus largely limited to those scholars with good French language skills and money. The chief condition for continued studies is money. If you can not fund your studies yourself then the only possibility is to achieve one of the few scholarship from the UNHCR. Competition is tough and the general opinion is that you need to have extremely good contacts within the UNHCR to obtain one of these scholarships. I found two main groups for whom exile have particularly blocked their educational development. Firstly, those who had already begun their university studies in Liberia and who were now without the possibility to continue. Secondly, this group is accompanied by an ever growing number of young people now leaving secondary school. To these two groups we may also add a third group of people for whom the advantages of education have been demonstrated by the war and by exile, and who are now struggling to get a higher education.5'

Language: a question of identity and a barrier to integration Language is, by the refugees, often referred to as the greatest barrier to interaction with Ivorian society. Daily contacts with neighbors, landlords, merchants at the mar-

48 There are a couple of Liberian doctors in Danane who do not have the possibilities to work. Prior to the war they had travelled around West Africa doing advanced surgery. The authorities in the Ivory Coast do not allow any Liberians to work in their hospitals. 49 However, many refugees will not permit their children to stay in school for so long a period. 50 During my stay in Danane I lived in the house of the head of the Liberia Dujar School. The Dujar school is sponsored by a small Swedish based NGO with the same name. 51 I believe it would be a good developmental project to sponsor these students so they can continue their studies. There will be a great need for educated people after the war to rebuild Liberia.

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ket and civil servants can be very problematic. This might be seen odd because the Gio, who are the most numerous among the refugee population, speak more or less the same language as the Yacuba, the indigenous dominant group in Danane. However many of the younger, urbanized Gio do not speak their mother tongue. For the Gio in Monrovia and Buchanan Liberian English is often the language which is spoken daily, and it is only the older generation who now master Gio. This fact implies that for many Liberians French is the foremost language in which to communicate. Liberians who have been living in Danane since the war started in 1990, have in general a limited knowledge of French. This is due to several facts. The most obvious is that interaction between the two groups is quite limited - in spite of living in mixed neighborhoods. The reason for this seems to be a matter of group identity: to interact too much iri Ivorian society is a way of loosing one's identity and a sign of giving up the idea of returning to Liberia. To speak French is thereby a cultural marker of becoming Ivorian. Those people I asked if they would put there children in Ivorian school all answered negative, even though they can see several advantages by doing this.52 This resistance means that it will continue to be hard for Liberians to get regular jobs in the Ivorian economy. However, many of the young people finishing high school tend to speak adequate French. One insoluble, but very crucial question in the context of integration is: when will Liberian children start to join Ivorian schools at the primary level?

The importance of religion

Fifty years from now, the number of churches there will be [by] then, that's the heart beat of God. 53

Religion is omnipresent in refugee life. You find chalked crosses on the front doors of many Liberian houses,54 and everybody seems to be busy discussing the Bible, the Koran or having informal praying sessions. In Danane as many as forty Liberian churches have been formed since the first refugees arrived in early 1990." A majority of the Liberians participate in Sunday services and with an abundance of other activities it is correct to see the church as a core organizer of refugee life. In addition to conventional

52 This would give better possibilities if they are to stay in the Ivory Coast. Possibilities to make better business deals. On the other hand to put children in an Ivorian school could make it harder for them when returning to Liberia.

53 Interview with Reverend Dahn. 54 This gave me the idea that the chalked cross on the doors had the same meaning as when the Israelites in Egypt smeared blood on their doors (2 Mos 12:6-13). But I am not able to present any proofs on this connection. The people I asked said it was only a way to show that they were Christians. 55 Estimated by Reverend Dahn at the Union Baptist Church.

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Christian activities the churches fills important social roles as organizers of schools, day-care centres, health programs and even provide training and skills for the labor market. They also organize social activities such as choir festivals, dances, etc. They [the Israelites] disobeyed God. God loved them. God, himself, promised to give them over to their enemies. And because of disobedience God sent them to captiv- ity for 400 years in Egypt suffering. So we try to say because of the disobedience of the Liberians God have brought this calamity so that they will realize that God is God, and what God says must be done. Israel disobeyed God, Godpunished Israel. Liberians disobeyed God, so God punishes Liberia, and the only thing the Liberians can do is to pray to God to forgive their sins and give them back their lives.56 The importance attached to religion can also be seen as a way of cleansing oneself from the pollution of war. Some of my informants said that the civil war in Liberia was a punishment of God to the Liberian people because they did not live according to the given rules of the Bible. In their exile it is now up to Liberians to repent to God and ask for absolution so that God will put an end to the war. Exile is a probationary period for the Liberians just as exile in Egypt was for the Israelis. References to Exodus in the Bible are very common indeed.57 Furthermore the Christian church has also become a symbol of a Liberian-ness, in contradistinction to Ivorian society.58 Among the refugees a minority are Muslim." Even here it seems that they are more committed to Islam and more puritan, than their Ivorian co-religionists.6° The greatest difference between Christian and Muslim Liberians is that the Muslims interact to a greater extent with the Ivorians. Muslim Liberians practise their religion together with the Ivorians; they visit the same mosques and in some cases it is even a Liberian Imam who leads the prayer.6' Interaction between Liberian Muslims and Christians is low.62 The chasm between the religions have become wider during the war, and it is a fact that Liberian Muslims are closer to Ivorian Muslims than to Christian Liberians.

Violence and criminality Even if the social situation in Danane is not polarized or tense, violent incidents have occurred between Liberians and Ivorians. The most serious happened after a fight

56 Reverend Dahn. 57 Similarly Book of Isaiah is widely used to describe the Liberian situation. 58 A majority of the Ivorian population are Muslim. However, Christian Ivorians are often seen as less Christian than the Liberians. 59 It is not only the Mandingo who are Muslim, as there are Muslims in most ethnic groups. Muslims are more numerous in the north of Liberia. 60 I came across a man who have named his children the Ayatollah Khomeini and Mo'ammar Khaddafi. 61 One Liberian has convinced the leadership of the largest mosque in Danane to start to translating prayer into the local dialect, thereby making it accessible for a larger crowd; Liberians as well as Ivorians. 62 When I arrived in Danane my Christian friends almost denied the existence of Liberian Muslims.

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in a night club in March 1995. A Liberian boy stabbed an Ivorian man with a knife. Many Ivorians then took to the streets, vandalized and looted Liberian houses and raped Liberian women. One source says that in this incident seventy Liberians were wounded.63 This lead to the formation of a Liberian guard patrolling the town during the night hours. The patrol were eventually dissolved. During the period I stayed in Danane nothing of the kind appeared, but I could not but notice that some hostility existed beneath the surface and that a deeper trust was absent. Incidents like Ivorians pushing and bumping into Liberians in order to show that they were in charge were quite common." The Liberians probably had ways of defiance too but this was not so noticeable. The refugee community have had some problems with crime, which has led to the imprisonment of a number of Liberians.65 This might be said to be a natural outcome of the harsh conditions of exile,66 but more likely it steams from the extensive and illicit trade with diamonds and looted goods across the Liberian border. This trade mostly involves those engaged in fighting in Liberia, who enter the Ivory Coast with a certain disrespect for the laws.67

Organizing refugee life The refugees in Danane are formally organized through two structures. One is constructed by the Ivorian government, the LNHCR, and the other international NGOs. There is nothing significant about this organization, its functions (or in certain cases, malfunctions) are in most matters similar to any urban refugee setting. The other structure is unique for the Danane setting. The Liberians have organized themselves in an association called the Liberian Refugee Community (LRC). The organization which is run on a voluntary basis by Liberians mirrors the Ivorian quarteer-system. The town is divided into quarters or neighborhoods, with quarter chiefs in charge. The basic function is to take care of problems within the quarter, but conflicts reaching outside the neighborhood are also dealt with by the chiefs involved. The quarter chief has the capacity to co-operate with his Ivorian equal in `supranational' matters,

63 Liberian Working Group (1995:8). 64 I saw evidence of Liberian powerlessness in Ivorian society when I returned to Danane with a Liberian man from a small village in the countryside. The pickup we were travelling in literally broke into two and the passengers sitting at the rear of the vehicle had to walk the last couple of miles into town. When we arrived in town my Liberian friend went to collect his belongings which he had left in the vehicle, only to find that someone had stolen half a canister of his cocking oil. It was obvious that the driver had stolen it, but my friends accusations were just met with arrogance and taunts. My friend knew that he had no power to act in this situation. 65 One of my informants visited the prison every week to pray for the Liberians there. She estimated the number of prisoners to about 100, almost exclusively men. 66 One man stated that due to his low salary it was only because he was a good Christian that he did not turn to crime as most of his friends had done. 67 For further information see p. 50.

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but, according to my knowledge, in reality it is predominantly intra-Liberian matters that they are concerned with. For Liberians it is important to solve their own problems without involving the Ivorian local authorities. Cases are approached first on a neighborhood basis, and if insoluble at that level, the matter is referred to the LRC head office. This work is carried out without any kind of legal enforcement, and if cases are irresolvable within the Liberian community they are handed over to the local Ivorian police or to other bodies involved in the maintenance of law and order. This system has been a successful way of solving conflicts and have kept internal problems on an internal basis. The LRC tries to help Liberians in all kinds of matters but its capacity is limited due to the lack of personnel and financial resources.68

Turning the money

I could marry a frog for the money."

To turn the money is a significant activity among Liberian refugees in Danane. They throw in the little they have, and try to turn it into a little bit more. The women are the specialists in this enterprise and it is impressive to see how they cope with the limited resources they have to live on. This chapter focuses on the different strategies of accumulating assets with which to survive on, and how they create a surplus for their families.

The quest for a future One of the most disturbing facts about the current war, particular for middle-age people in the midst of making a carrier, is the loss of time and the lack of possibilities in achieving a regular surplus to secure their future well-being. After losing most of their wealth when leaving Liberia, refugee life is for many a phase of utmost frustra- tion, with small possibilities to obtain sufficient assets necessary for their old age. In addition to poverty, this fact makes it almost impossible for anyone to passively await an uncertain, and indefinite repatriation home. Instead, they need to try every potential opportunity for developing a successful business, gaining a good education for their children, or a good job within the NGOs, etc. Under regular circumstances society have some kind of built in pattern for strategies of achieving wealth, but under the condition of exile this is not the case. Models have to be shaped by every individual and there is no blueprint to leading them. This creates a multitude of individualized strategies.

" The UNHCR has so far not given LRC any funding even though the organisation is doing a worthwhile job. 69 As said by a Liberian girl.

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Creativity; the road to survival One man brought me to the food distribution site in a village outside Danane where he used to live. We were only in the village to collect his family's food ration. As a refugee, living in Danane, he was also registered in the town so he could obtain food at the distribution site there as well. His behavior was far from uncommon. Refugees register extra children or keep registration cards belonging to family and friends who have left Danane. Even if everybody does act as openly as the man mentioned above, I believe that this behavior is not reviewed as immoral. This is only one among many strategies of earning a living. At the same time, the donor community views this behavior as a large problem and it is widely discussed (and absolutely seen as immoral).7° The key phrase is that the refugees lie!' The feelings within the NGOs are that we try to help them to survive but they only try to take advantage of our help simply out of greediness. How are the donors supposed to react to this? From a refugee point of view it is viewed quite differently, as nothing else than a strategy of survival (though might not be the most noble of strategies).72 The working activities of the Liberian refugees are diverse and frequently a remark- able creativity is to be found. One man, I know, makes items out of empty five litre tins for cooking oil. The tins are originally distributed by donor organizations - hence his entire production has got the text US Aid printed on. He makes items, ranging in size, from small cooking utensils to large baking ovens. These ovens are often used by bakeries who produce bread for the commercial market. The neighbor of this man was born with leprosy and has lost his forgers. However this does not prevent him from making mudbricks for sale!' The carving of masks is another way for refugees to earn their living. Five refugees residing in the small village of Gutrou were literally sitting in the bush carving traditional masks. These masks are sold to tradesmen who resell them at markets around the Ivory Coast. The carvers have never done woodwork before and neither do they have any close ties with the traditions behind the masks. Instead they use a catalogue, from an art exhibition of Dan masks in the Fine Arts Museum in San Francisco, for their original patterns!'

70 There is a academic discussion on this issue. See: Harrell-Bond et al (1992), Malkki (1996:384) and Hein (1993:53f), Waldron (1987). 71 See the debate in Anthropology Today; Pankhurst (1986, 1987), Holcomb & Clay (1987). 72 According to NGO staff working with refugee logistics in the Ivory Coast, refugees acquiring double food rations is a minor problem when compared to thefts occurring in the initial stages of the food distribution. In an article, Harrell-Bond et al (1992) analyses both donor/receiver behaviour in the light of Mauss extended gift exchange theory (1954). 73 When I was in Danane business was low so that he could not rely on his income, but neighhours (and Caritas occasionally) would assist him. 74 Dan is the term used mainly by art historians for the Gio and Yacuba. Danane is a traditional centre for Dan culture. The exhibition catalogue Four Dan Sculptors, Barbara Johnson (1986).

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U.S relatives One particular characteristic of refugee life in Danane is that many refugees relatives outside Africa, mainly in the United States. This means that many have the possibility of acquiring money from their relatives overseas. How big a portion of the refugee population who have relatives abroad receive money is hard to estimate. Infor- mants have estimated that 20 to 40 per cent have closer relatives in the US, but not everyone is lucky enough to obtain help. However it is clear that this kind of individual aid is extremely important to the Liberian exile view economy. Money coming from abroad also causes much commotion. There is an abundance of stories about frauds made by the 'untrustworthy' Ivorian staff at the local post office. In the churches where many have do addresses one also hears many stories about fellow Liberians who have opened letters and stolen other peoples money. Similarly a lot of stories circulate about people who have travelled as couriers from the US and have treated the recipi- ents in a dishonest way. This problem has its root in the fact that it is hard to transfer money between banks in the US and the Ivory Coast. This is only possible if you send $200 dollars or more. To sum up: money achieved from relatives residing abroad is important for the exile economy in Danane.

Big Business Liberians are mainly involved in small-scale commerce. Both formal regulations and informal rules makes it hard to engage in any large-scale enterprise. The one big exception is if you trade in products coming out of Liberia, such as timber, diamonds or looted goods. The two later form part of the informal sector. Other than this there is little for Liberians to get involved in. The bar scene in Danane was growing when the Liberians arrived en mass, and some Liberians have invested in bars and night- clubs. These businesses have had problems with local authorities, for instance the owner of the Beer Garden, the largest Liberian owned club in Danane, closed down his club in 1994 and moved to the United States because of difficulties with the Ivorian bureaucracy. Today, though, there are a few smaller Liberian clubs - Place to Be, Liberian Embassy, etc. The telecommunication sector is another domain in which Liberians have expanded their business. The main reason for this is that telecommunications is extremely important for exiled Liberians and this sector has grown to a considerable size since the entry of the Liberians. A majority of the private owned telephone opera- tors are Liberian owned.

Small-Scale Commerce Women are often involved in petty commerce - the epitome of turning the money. Frequently women go out to the countryside to buy produce. On a small scale, meat, fish, palm wine, fruit etc. is brought by Liberians from the villagers. Such commerce does not generally include staple foodstuffs - such as rice - be cause a large-scale distri-

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bution system already exists. In Danane you find Liberians everywhere selling things, having small stands by the side of roads. Food fig products are also bought in the market and resold locally. Often Liberians buying raw products in the market, process and resell them in roadside food stalls for a tiny profit. These products include the favorite dishes atieke, made of cassava and aloko, made from plantains, both served with fried fish.75 Also bread and a by wide diversity of snacks are produced and sold.76

Agriculture Liberians in Danane generally do not work with agriculture. This is partly due to their urban background, but also because Ivorians in general have not been willing to give Liberians access to land. I have come across a few Liberians who have access to farm land on the outskirts of town. The amount of land available is enough for the cultivation of small gardens. The Liberians have successfully introduced lettuce at the local market. The refugees dwelling in the villages around Danane rely to a larger extent on farming, though the conditions are often hard. Tenants often have to pay 50 per cent more in rent to the landowner. Liberians have also made business out of cutting down trees, and selling wood in town. This have mainly been done illegally and landowners have taken legal (as well as illegal) action.

The criminal sector In the petty commerce sector can be found a category of petty criminals. The main enterprise for this group is illegal trade across the border, from Liberia to the Ivory Coast. Some individuals own small diamond creeks in Liberia, with a couple of boys working there for them, and they bring the stones to Danane to sell. Others live in Danane and work as middlemen, buying stones from independent diggers, and resell- ing them to investors in Abidjan. The small-scale diamond mine retailers are in many cases Mauritanians. The Mauritanians had previously the same occupation in Liberia and now conduct their business in exile.77 Another illegal border trade that is of more a periodic character is the smuggling and resale of looted goods from Liberia. This became extremely visible after the fighting in Monrovia during April and May 1996. Literary everything was for sale in Danane: TV-sets, videos, multimedia computers, and cars. The Mercedes of the Chinese ambassador in Monrovia was sold for US $5,000. The NGO Toyota landcruisers obtained similar prices. Generally this business is taken care of by the rebel soldiers themselves, but a lot of Liberians in Danane have friends among the fighters and look after the business on the Ivorian side of the

75 This is typical Ivorian food which has become so popular among the Liberians that it is now sold in the streets of Monrovia by returnees. 76 Snacks includes peanuts, banana muffins, banana chips, cookies etc. 77 Mauritanians are throughout West Africa involved in the gem and gold business.

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border, alternately they buy commodities from fighters at the border and resell it in Danane or cities further into the Ivory Coast.

The service sector Some Liberians work in the service sector, for instance in hotels, where there have been an obvious need for them when most customers were Liberians passing through Danane.78 Many Liberians also do domestic work in Ivorian homes or even with wealthy Liberians. The salaries they are paid are often low. One informant worked, seven days a week, for a Mauritanian family for $10 a month, plus food. She left that position because she said she worked like a 'slave' (at least 12 hours, 7 days a week). Now she works for a Liberian lady, taking care of her children and the house. The salary is the same but is leaving her more free time and Sundays off. However to survive she also sells banana muffins after her regular work hours. Some families, often single mothers, have to send away their children to other Liberian families because they can not afford to feed them. These children help with the housework in the sponsor family and get food and a bed in exchange. The families taking care of the children do this as a way of helping relatives or people from their home village during hard times such as these.

Working in the NGO business At the top of the status ladder is the NGO business. Here it is possible to get a well- paid job without conflicts with the law. The UNHCR/WFP with their excellent salaries is the one preferred. However, there are jobs for only a few, and Liberians have to compete with Ivorians too, but to get a position paid for by the UNHCR means that you can supply not only your own family but also other relatives. Although the other NGOs do not pay as well it is still a great achievement to get a job with Caritas or the JRS or the sub-organs of the UNHCR, such as UNICEF or ADRA (responsible for schools). Employment with the Red Cross is only possible for a few Liberians since it is the Ivorian section of the Red Cross who are responsible in the Danane region and not the International Red Cross .79 Most local NGOs however are set up by Liberians themselves, sponsored by miscellaneous international NGOs, churches, national aid agencies etc.8° For many the great challenge is to start a project of their own, to become an NGO in their own right. This is the 'master' strategy for many Liberians, and if successful it is a way to secure a prosperous future. NGO projects pay well and there

78 English speaking staff are then requested. 79 The rest of the big NGOs are not working out of Danane, but out of Man, the regional capital. 80 This sponsorship is sometimes channelled through UNHCR, Caritas or JRS. For instance Caritas Sweden sponsor projects in Danane through JRS (not Caritas, Cote d'Ivoire). The Swedish aid monitor, Sida is the sponsor of Liberia Dujar Foundations projects.

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are always possibilities to supplement one's income because the donors seldom know local prices.8' NGO projects also give many Liberians employment. For instance, such jobs as teaching refugee children in schools etc. Caritas sponsor a diversity of micro projects. For instance one lady has been able to start a small business with a Xerox machine. In Danane there is also a project of making a fishpond, which has engaged a number of unemployed young men. In the line with western donor policies, there are many projects teaching women different kinds of handicrafts, this gives employment and skill mainly to females.82

Religious career opportunities The numerous Churches offer good possibilities for individual employment. This particular arena is of interest for many devout Liberians. Activities within the Churches such as primary and intermediary schools, bible classes and a wide variety of social activities require a large staff. Even if most positions are on a voluntary basis the churches generate a fair share of wealth to redistribute down the system. This is mainly because of the massive popularity of Christianity, but also (from a Swedish point of view) due to the Churches preoccupation with money." With Islam, there are also, albeit limited, possibilities to earn one's living. I spent the a couple days walking between villages outside Danane with two Liberianimams, preaching the Muslim faith for both Liberians and Ivorians. These two young men live on charity from the villagers. As alms they get diverse food such products and maybe smaller amounts of money. On the tour that I participated in we were given a rooster, about four kilograms of rice, and 5,000 CFA (US $10). However, the results of this particular tour was meagre and not sufficient for two families to live on.

Differences between the genders In Danane it is often easier for females to find work than it is for men. Females find it easier to start some type of petty commerce. The economical input is generally a lot lower than for males when starting a business. On the other hand, the economical output is also considerably lower. I think it is correct to draw the conclusion that female run businesses are less threatening to the Ivorians, and therefore women do not

81 This is the widespread belief of most refugees. 82 I am very critical to western aid in response to these women's projects. I wish to state that there is nothing wrong with the projects as such, but I forcefully oppose women's projects since many exist only because of a western trend, not because of a need in the field. On the contrary, from my experience in Danane females have an easier time to get employment (even if less paid) and have far better possibilities integrating into Ivorian society than their male counterparts. If development agencies wish to use their money as efficiently as possible they should start projects for men in the area. 83 According to public opinion some of the Liberian churches in Danane have a purely commercial character.

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face as many obstacles when starting a business. Another important side to this is that West African women are traditionally very strong in business and this seems to be specially valid in their contact with foreign groups.84 This gives females the role of cultural brokers, whilst that of the men is more passive. I have heard numerous Liberian men tell heroic stories about their wives during the civil war, when they themselves where paralysed, but their wives managed to get food and other necessities." In war as in exile women seem to find it easier to find new paths of survival and are able to form connections with other groups. The role of woman as cultural broker is not in any sense a typical Liberian feature but rather emanates out of the strong position of women in many West African societies."

Salaries Employment incomes vary greatly in the refugee context," and is not however unique to refugee situations but is in tune with the prevailing African pattern. The lowest salary I have come across is 4,000 CFA (US $8) monthly - a night watchman. A salary such as this might cover house rent. That is if the person lives in one room, outside town, and has an advantageous agreement with his landlord. But such a person will need additional incomes to cover other expenses. Housekeepers often get US $6 to $14 monthly, sometimes with rent and board included. In the private sector Liberians have often been forced to take jobs with lower wages than those paid to Ivorians, and this has sometimes caused tension. In the NGO business, teachers can be paid US $40 or more," and this is a comparably large amount of money. On the other hand to get a better standard of house, in the centre of Danane, means that you have to spend at least half of this level of salary. One problem with projects sponsored by Western NGOs is that they often pay their local staff more than what other people would get locally. This often warps local economical systems of prices and costs. In Danane this is felt, however not to be a major problem.

84 See Etienne (1983:301-319), Harrell-Bond (1975:174). 85 See also Richards (1996:155). 86 See Oppong (1983), Meillassoux (1975), Toulmin (1992), Cohen (1969), Paulme (1974) for the complexity of gender pattern in West Africa. Note that it is an oversimplification to say that all West African women have a strong role in society, as in any region this differ widely. 87 As salaries are a sensitive topic I have not got an overall picture, however this brief presentation will give the reader some idea of the local situation. 88 Teachers in the ADRA schools get less.

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Work and integration

The Question of integration

The length and intricacy of the stage through which foreigners and natives move toward each other vary with different peoples. The basic procedure is always the same, however, for either a company or an individual: they must stop, wait, go through a transitional period, enter be incorporated."

Refugees are people who have undergone a violent rite of separation and exist in a liminal condition until they are incorporated into the social system of their hosts." They are betwixt and between to use Victor Turners terminology.9' This is the classical, much simplified idea of refugeeship. Van Gennep (cited above) points out that the time span for different groups to be incorporated into the new society vary. The material that Malkki presents in her book, Purity and Exile: Violence, memory, and national cosmology among Hutu refugees in Tanzania,92 and in numerous articles," shows however that this transitional period is an active process. The refugees makes conscious choices in how much (or maybe how fast) they wish to integrate with their host society. The speed of integration depends on which advantages integration or non-integration gives to the individual. In this paper I have looked at this from the perspective of the quest for work as the determining factor. From her fieldwork Malkki shows two opposite strategies of exile: In an urban setting the Burundian refugees have tried hard to assimilate as much as possible in what she calls strategies of invisibility." The contrary situation can be seen in the refugee camps, where Burundians have worked hard to remain as refugees, and to keep the refugee identity, as a strategy to keep themselves together as a strong unit. If we scrutinise the strategic behavior of Liberian refugees in Danane, they do not fit into these extreme positions. This might be partly due to the fact that the Liberians have not lived in Danane as long as the Burundians have in Tanzania, and partly because of different external conditions. However I believe that this current study shows that there is room for both strategies in the same setting, and that every refugee deals with both strategies simultaneously, something that does not appear in Malkki's findings.

89 Van Gennep (1960, cited in Chavez, 1991:258). 90 Harrell-Bond & Voutira (1992:7). 91 Turner (1987). 92 1995a. 93 1990,1992,19956,1996,1997. 94 Malkki (1995a:155).

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Mediating business From the perspective of integration we can divide the employment strategies into two sections: mediating business, or business in an all Liberian sphere. It is clear that most Liberian employment includes some kind of involvement with Ivorian society. Most small-scale commerce, like the sale of food in street stalls, have a mixed crowd of customers. Some, however, reach further into Ivorian society. One example of this is those young Liberian women who strategically act as girlfriends to Ivorian men (who are often married)." This can be viewed as a form of bridge-building between members of two nation states. There are also those Liberians who have exploited a niche as mediators between Liberian and Ivorian society, as cultural brokers. Here language is important, but from my experience of most importance is the determination - or the demand for such services. Many Liberians who can communicate in both Gio/Yacuba (Dan) and French do not use it in as a vital strategy of action; but on the contrary actively avoid contact with the Ivorian society. However some Liberians have made this mediating role a way to earn their living. This might be said of merchants trading with goods from Liberia (wood, gem, looted goods, etc.), or by the Liberians who buy goods from Ivorians for resale - the interaction between the national societies is pre- sumably higher in the later case. There is another category of people who subsist in an interesting niche of this mediating work. These 'cross-national' experts are consulted when Liberians are involved with larger, non-recurring affairs, i.e., in the search for a new house, or buying articles in bulk from Abidjan or from the countryside, etc. From what I have experienced these consulting experts are often neither well paid nor in possession of high status in the refugee society. To generalize: the most apparent features of mediating business are low status and low monetary output in opposition to the contrasting extreme; the all Liberian sphere.

Working in an all Liberian sphere Contemporaneous to bridging actions by individual Liberians we can also see a trend in employment to form an inclusive Liberian community, mirroring the Ivorian host society. The Liberian refugee community in Danane have schools, churches, business within itself and it has the LRC (Liberian Refugee Community) working as a loose organizational framework for their society. Many Liberians work and interact mainly in this sphere and have no need to exert themselves to integrate in Ivorian society. The work of the mediators makes it quite comfortable to remain outside of the contemporary Ivorian reality, and instead invest time and energy in forming an all

" One Liberian girl said that she had to do love business in order to be able to help her mother in Liberia. The behaviour is mostly not viewed as prostitution because they tend to stay in a relationship with one Ivorian man. There are a few Liberian prostitutes in Danane, however not as many as one would expect in such a situation.

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Liberian reality of exile. This behavior is reinforced by the international donor agencies who sponsor Liberian projects, where the donor demand for integration is close to non-existent.96 The fact that incomes from NGO projects are considerably large and that it permits the refugees to live a more independent life (a striving away from the reality of exile), makes the Liberian quest for work in this sphere quite clear.

Strategies of Exile The UNHCR refugee policy, with its low food quota which is distributed only to newcomers and to those seen as vulnerable in the refugee community, have meant that refugees in Danane to a large extent are forced to take care of themselves. This fact has compelled many Liberians to interact with the host society to a larger extent than many other refugee societies. Isolation has been an impossible choice. My material has shown a wide variety of employment, some of which has emphasized integration into the host society, and some which have not. Although aware of this overly simplified typology, the last part of this report has tried to separate the working strategies into two extremes: employment in an integrational sphere and work in an all Liberian sphere. This has shown that work in the Liberian sphere hold a higher status than in the integrational sphere. This is traceable to two main facts. Firstly, it is natural for emotional reasons that Liberians prefer to stay 'Liberian'. Secondly, the aid money from the international donor community at work in the Liberian sphere is better paid than that available in the integrational sphere. This means that the strategy of integration is employed only in cases where it is absolutely necessary. It is often individuals with low status who will enter that sphere, i.e., mostly rural dwellers, women and unskilled labor. This report has focused on strategies of work and employment. Even if the quest for work is not the only factor that induces an integrational behavior, it is clearly a major aspect of it. The report has shown that donor founds have given the refugees the means to remain apart. If these financial resources are not specially directed for projects of an integrational character (which is not the case today), the situation will remain as it is until the Liberians, or the donors, have left Danane.

96 For instance the women's projects discussed above.

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REFERENCES Agar, M. 1996. The professional stranger: an informal introduction to ethnography. San Diego: Academic Press. Bodley, J. H. 1990. Victims ofprogress. Mountain View, Calif.: Mayfield Pub. Co. Chavez, L. R. 1991. Outside the imagined community: undocumented settlers and experiences of incorporation. American Ethnologist (18): 257-78. Clifford, J. 1988. The predicament of culture: twentieth-century ethnography, literature, and art. Cam- bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Cohen, A. 1969. Custom and politics in urban Africa: a study of Hausa migrants in Yoruba towns. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ellis, S. 1995. Liberia 1989-1994: A study of ethnic and spiritual violence. African Affairs (94). Etienne, M. 1983. "Gender relations and conjugality among Baule," in Female and Male in West Africa. Edited by C. Oppong, pp. 301-319. London: George Allan & Unwin. Gallagher, D. 1989. The evolution of the international refugee system. International Migration Review xxiii(3): 579-598. van Gennep, A. 1960. The rites ofpassage. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Harrell-Bond, B., E. Voutira, and M. Leopold. 1992. Counting the refugees: gifts, givers, patrons and clients. Journal of Refugee Studies 5(3/4): 205-225. Harrell-Bond, B. E. 1975. Modern marriage in Sierra Leone: a study of the professional group. The Hague: Mouton. Harrell-Bond, B. E., and E. Voutira. 1992. Anthropology and the study of refugees. Anthropology Today 8(4): 6-10. Hein, J. 1993. Refugees, immigrants, and the state. Annual Review of Sociology 19: 43-59. Holcomb, B. K., and J. W. Clay. 1987. The Ethiopian famine. Anthropology Today 3(1). Huppauf, B. 1995. "Modernism and the photographic representation of war and destruction," in Fields of vision: essays in film studies, visual anthropology, and photography. Edited by L. Devereaux and R. Hillman. Berkeley: University of California Press. Johnson, B. C. 1986. Four Dan sculptors: continuity and change. San Francisco: Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Distributed by the University of Chicago Press. Knudsen, J. C. 1995. "When trust is on trial: negotiating refugee narratives," in Mistrusting refugees. Edited by E. V. Daniel and J. C. Knudsen. Berkeley: University of California Press. Liberian Working Group. 1995. Liberia working group, newsletter. Jesuit Refugee Service. Loescher, G. 1993. Beyond charity: international cooperation and the global refugee crisis. New York: Oxford University Press. Malkki, L. 1990. "Context and consciousness: local conditions for the production of historical and national thought among Hutu refugees in Tanzania," in Nationalist ideologies and the production of cultures, vol. 2. Edited by R. G. Fox: American Ethnological Society Monograph Series. Malkki, L. 1992. National geographic: the rooting of peoples and the territorialization of national identity among scholars and refugees. Cultural Anthropology 7(1): 24-44. Malkki, L. 1995a. Purity and exile: violence, memory, and national cosmology among Hutu refugees in Tanzania. University of Chicago Press. Malkki, L. 1995b. Refugees and exile: from "refugee studies" to the national order of things. Annual Review of Anthropology 24: 495-523. Malkki, L. 1996. Speechless emissaries: refugees, humanitarianism, and dehistoricization. Cultural Anthropology 11(3): 377-404. Malkki, L. 1997. "Speechless emissaries: refugees, humanitarianism, and dehistoricization," in Sitting culture. Edited by K. F. Olwig and K. Hastrup. London: Routledge. Marcus, G. E. 1993. Perilous states : conversations on culture, politics, and nation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Mauss, M. 1954. The gift; forms and Anctions of exchange in archaic societies. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Meillassoux, C. 1984. Maidens, meal and money: capitalism and the domestic community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Oppong, C. Editor. 1983. Female and male in West Africa. London: George Allen & Unwin. Pankhurst, R. 1986. The Ethiopian famine: Cultural survival's report assessed. Anthropology Today 2(3). Pankhurst, R. 1987. The Ethiopian famine. Anthropology Today 3(2): 23-25. Paulme, D. Editor. 1974. Women in tropical Africa, first ed. 1963 edition. Berkeley: University of California Press. Reno, W. 1996. The Business of war in Liberia. Current History May 1996. Richards, P. 1992. Famine (and war) in Africa - what do anthropologists have to say? Anthropology Today 8(6): 3-5. Richards, P. 1995. "Rebellion in Liberia and Sierra Leone: A crisis of youth?," in Conflict in Africa. Edited by 0. Furley. London: Tauris Academic Studies. Richards, P. 1996. Fighting for the rain forest: war, youth and resources in Sierra Leone. Oxford: James Currey. Ruiz, H. A. 1992. Uprooted Liberians: casualties of a brutal war. Washington, DC: American Council for Nationalities Service. Sesay, M. A. 1996. Politics and society in post-war Liberia. The Journal ofModern African Studies 34(3): 395-420. Shohat, E. 1992. "Antinomies of exile: Said at the frontiers of national narration's," in Edward Said: a critical reader. Edited by M. Sprinkler. Oxford: Blackball. Toulon, C. 1992. Cattle, women, and wells: managing household survival in the Sahel. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Turner, V. 1987. The Ritual Process, [1969] edition. Ithaca: Cornell university Press. UNHCR. 1995. The State of the Worlds Refugees. Oxford: Oxford University Press. USCR. 1995. World Refugee Survey. U.S. Committee for Refugees. U. S. State Department. 1997. Liberia country report of human rights practices for 1996. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Waldron, S. 1987. Blaming the refugees. Refugee Issues 3(3): 1-19. Waldron, S. 1988. Working in the dark: why social anthropological research is essential in refugee administration. Journal of Refugee Studies 1(2). Zetter, R. 1991. Labelling refugees: forming and transforming a bureaucratic identity. Journal of Refugee Studies 4(1): 39-62.

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Government Size, Political Freedom, and Economic Growth in Liberia: A Comparison of Three Presidential Regimes

James S. Guseh*

" The era of big government is oven" William Jefferson Clinton President of the United States State of the Union Address

Introduction

This study assesses the impact of government size and the degree of political freedom on economic growth across three political regimes in Liberia over the period 1960-1986. The study finds that government contributes negatively and positively to economic growth, but the positive impact appears to be marginal. Liberia has never been a politically free country over the sample period, and the moderate degree of political freedom that existed in the country has not contributed to economic growth. The three political regimes also seem to have contributed to the negative impact of moderate political freedom on growth. Determining the best political economic system for the development of society is an important issue. Until the early 1990s, the world was characterized by two models of development-socialism led by the Soviet Union and capitalism led by the United States. With the breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, countries are abandoning

Dr. Guseh is a Liberian Liberianist. He is a Professor of Public Administration and Political Economy at North Carolina Central University. Dr. Guseh has published significantly on Liberia's political and economic trends. He is the current President of the Liberian Studies Association.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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socialism and are adopting democratic capitalism. Since 1972 Freedom House has provided annual rankings of political freedom and civil liberties for countries on a

scale of 1 to 7, with 1 being most free and 7 being least free. In 1972, 43 countries were rated free, but today 89 countries are rated free. Over the same period the share of free states has increased from 29 percent to 46 percent, while the share of the not-free states has declined from 46 percent to 25 percent. The Americas and the Caribbean had only 13 countries classified as free during the initial rankings, but 23 countries are now rated as free. Western Europe had 18 free states initially, but today 24 states are considered free. While the Asian-Pacific region had 8 free states in 1972, today there are 18 free countries. In Sub-Saharan Africa, only 2 countries were considered free in 1972; currently 11 are now classified as free (Karatnycky, 2003). Although democratic capitalism deals with private ownership of the means of production and market allocation of resources, the size of government, conventionally measured as the share of government expenditure in national economic output, can vary from country to country in such political economic system. Using international comparable macroeconomic data for the year 1998 recently published by Robert Sum- mer and Alan Heston (2002), examples of countries with small and large government size can be provided. The smallest government size (i.e., share of government expenditure in GDP is 10 percent or less) was found in countries such as Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Luxembourg, Mauritius, Nigeria, Singapore, and Switzerland. The largest government size (i.e., share of government expenditure in GDP exceeds 25 percent) was found in countries such as Algeria, Bulgaria, China, Cuba, Hungary, India, Israel, Jordan, Syria, and Ukraine. The size of government may also indicate the degree of market allocation of resources and the degree of political freedom. Most of the countries with the smallest government size tend to have democratic market institutions, while most of those with the largest government size do not. According to Brunk, Caldeira, and Lewis-Beck (1987), "democratic political practice reaches a maximum under moderate amounts of public direction of economic affairs, but suffers at the extremes of both unfettered capitalism and socialism." Too much or too little government bodes ill for political democracy. While the global trend is toward democratic market institutions, over the years the Liberian political economy has not followed this trend. According to Freedom House's (2003) annual rankings of political freedom discussed earlier, Liberia has never been ranked as a politically free country. The Liberian political institutions have been characterized by less political freedom and civil liberties. Moreover, although Liberia espouses the market economic system, since 1960 the role or size of government in the economy has been increasing. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Liberian political economy by assessing the impact of government size, presidential regimes, and political freedom on economic growth in Liberia over the period 1960-86. Government size, as defined earlier, is government expenditure as a percentage of GDP. Since the sample period consists of

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three presidential regimes (William V. S. Tubman from 1960 to 1970, William R. Tolbert from 1971 to 1979, and Samuel K. Doe from 1980 to 1986), the study will also compare the impact of government size on economic growth among these regimes, as well as assess the impact of these regimes on economic growth. With the global trend toward democratic market institutions, the study will assess the impact of the degree of political freedom on economic growth. Such a richer study should provide further insights into the political economy of development in Liberia. The next section reviews studies on the relationship between growth in government size, democracy, and economic growth. This is followed by an overview of the Liberian political economy during the three presidential regimes. Next is an assessment of the impact of government size and political freedom on economic growth among the presidential regimes. The paper concludes with a summary and some policy implications.

Govenment, Democracy, and Economic Growth

Many authors have examined the impact of government and political freedom on economic growth. Various points of view have been advanced for a large government size in economic development. One point of view suggests that a large government size can play a critical role in the process of development. A large government size, it is argued, is likely to be a powerful engine of economic developments. Arguments in support of this view include "(i) role of government in harmonizing conflict between private and social interests, (ii) prevention of exploitation of the country by foreigners, and (iii) securing an increase in productive investment and providing a socially opti- mal direction for growth and development" (Ram, 1986, p. 191). The other point of view is that a large government size may be detrimental to efficiency and economic growth. Arguments in support of this view include: "(i) government operations are often conducted inefficiently, (ii) the regulatory process imposes excessive burdens and costs on the economic system, and (iii) many fiscal and monetary policies tend of government to distort economic incentives and lower the productivity of the system." (Ram, 1986, p. 191). Given the various points of view on the role of government in development, direct empirical investigation of the relationship between government size and economic growth have produced mixed results. Ram (1986) and Rubinson (1977) concluded that large government size promotes economic growth, while Landau (1983, 1986) and Barro (1991) concluded it depresses growth of per capita income. Conte and Darrat (1988) found that changes in economic growth are not affected by public sector expansion, but Gemmell (1983) found that nonmarket sector growth has adverse macroeconomic effects that vary strongly from country to country. Bairam (1990) found positive effects for some countries and negative effects for others. Grossman (1988, 1990) concluded that government contributes both positively and negatively

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to economic growth, but the net effect appears to be marginally negative. In the spe- cific case of Liberia, I assessed the relationship between government size and economic growth over the period 1960-86 using zero-order correlation and graphical analysis. I found that growth in government size has been associated with a slowdown in economic growth in Liberia (Guseh, 1999, 2000). Another group of studies has examined the impact of political and economic freedoms on economic growth. Some have argued that democracy must first exist in order to realize rapid economic growth. For example, according to Simon Kuznet (1973, 1976), while technological advancement is necessary for economic growth, it must be coupled with liberal democratic institutions, which provide citizens political freedom to participate in the political process, as well as the economic freedom to participate in the economy. Scully (2002) and Carlsson and Lundstrom (2002) also found that economic freedom is a positive and significant macroeconomic determinant of growth in per capita income. Other studies have found that a significant positive association exists between democracy and economic growth with a larger direct causal effect of democracy on economic growth (Nelson and Singh, 1998; Pourgerami, 1988; Fedderke and Klitgaard, 1998). Scully (1988) found that the choice of the socio-political institutions significantly affects the efficiency and growth of economies. He concluded that "Politically open societies, which bind themselves to the rule of law, to private property, and to

market allocation of resources, grow at three times . . . the rate and are two and one- half times as efficient as societies in which these freedoms are circumscribed or pro- scribed." (1988, p. 661). Barro (1997) found that economic growth increases at low levels of democracy, but the relation turns negative once a moderate amount of political freedom has been attained. According to Barro, in the worst dictatorships, an increase in political rights tends to increase growth and investment because the benefit from limitations on governmental power is the key. However, in places that already have achieved a moderate amount of democracy, a further increase in political rights impairs growth and investment because a major concern is with redistribution. Finally, I discovered that not only does greater government size take a toll on economic growth, but the type of political and economic and economic systems present in a country affects the magnitude of the toll. The adverse effects of government on economic growth are more than three times as great in non democratic socialist economies as in democratic market economies. (Guseh 1997). I also found that nondemocratic socialist systems had annual growth rates that were 2.2 percent slower than democratic market systems for a 10 percent increase in government size. Mixed economies with democratic institutions have the minimum adverse effects of the growth in government. The adverse effects of growth in government size on economic growth reaches a minimum under moderate amounts of public direction of economic affairs in a democratic society, but reaches a maximum in societies with nondemocratic socialist institutions. Similarly, Brunk, Caldeira, and Lewis-Beck found that economic systems

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influence political systems in a nonlinear fashion. They concluded that Democratic political practice reaches a maximum under moderate amounts of public direction of economic affairs, but suffers at the extremes of both unfettered capitalism and socialism. Too much socialism or too much capitalism bodes ill for political

democracy, but if a nation has proper balance of public and private involvement, . . . it will more often than not produce a high level of democratic performance (1987, p. 469).

Overview of the Liberian Political Economy

Since 1960 the role or size of government in the economy has been increasing. As Figure 1 shows, government size (measured as the share of government expenditure in GDP) was about 20 percent in the 1960s and declined to its lowest level of 17 percent in 1972. It grew to a peak of 33 percent in 1982 and has remained high, fluctuating between 25 percent and 30 percent over the rest of the period (1983-1986). Among the presidential regimes, the average government size was 20.87 percent during the Tubman regime, 19.72 percent during the Tolbert Regime, and 27.49 percent during the Doe regime (see Table 1). Growth in the size of government is also indicated by the number of public sector enterprises that have been established over the years. The number increased from 8 during the Tubman regime of the 1960s to 35 during the Tolbert regime of the 1970s and to 44 during the Doe regime of the 1980s (Guseh,

Figure 1 Government Size and Econonic Growth

-10

1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 Year Government Size - Economic Growth

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Table 1 Average Annual Growth Rates of the Variables among the Regimes and over the Sample Period (Percent)

Regimes Sample

Var Tubman Tolber Doe Mean Standard Minimum Maxim 1960-70 1971-79 1980-86 Deviation

Y/L 3.12 0.36 -3.65 0.34 5.81 -11.99 9.32 I/Y 19.05 10.79 5.41 12.76 8.80 3.10 42.10 G/Y 20.87 19.72 27.49 22.20 3.90 17.10 32.80 POP 2.83 2.97 3.14 2.96 0.39 2.34 4.47 FR* 6.0 5.28 5.5 5.63 0.49 4.50 6.00

Note: Definitions of variables: Y/L is GDP per capita; I/Y is the share of investment in GDP; G/Y is the share of government expenditure in GDP; POP is population used as a proxy for the labor force; FR is the

freedom ranking, measured on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1-2 being free, 3-5 being partially free, and 6-7 being not free.

*The freedom ranking (FR) is not in percent.

1999). When this number of public sector enterprises is combined with about 20 ministries and numerous autonomous and semi-autonomous agencies of the Liberian government, Liberia has developed a very large government size or public sector. On the other hand, over the years there has been a slow down in economic growth. Table 1 shows that the average annual rate of economic growth was 3.12 percent during the Tubman regime of the 1960s. The rate declined to 0.36 percent during the Tolbert regime of the 1970s and to -3.65 percent during the Doe regime of the 1980s. According to Figure 1, the economy grew from a rate of 2.7 percent in 1961 to its highest rate of 9.3 percent in 1963. This impressive rate of growth reflects the rapid rate of economic expansion in Liberia during the 1950s and 1960s. In fact, the rate of expansion of the Liberian economy during the decade preceding 1961 surpassed that of any other country in the world, except Japan (Clower, Dalton, and Horowitz, 1966). By the early through the mid-1970s, the rate of economic growth began to slowdown due to, among other things, the depletion of the iron ore mines and the impact of the 1973 OPEC oil embargo. The economy declined to its lowest growth rates of -12.0 percent and -11 percent in 1972 and 1975, respectively. Annual growth rates were negative during most of the 1980s, with the lowest during that period being a -9.2 percent in 1980. This high negative growth rate in 1980 was due to several factors- the impact of second OPEC oil embargo of 1979, the cost of hosting the Organization of African Unity conference in 1979, and the military coup of 1980. These factors along with corruption and the global stagflation of the 1980s contributed to the negative growth rates during the rest of the 1980s.

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Associated with the decline in economic growth has been a decline in investment. Investment as a share of GDP was 19.2 percent in 1960 and increased to its highest level of 42.1 percent in 1962, reflecting the rapid rate of economic expansion in Liberia during the early 1960s. Since that period, the share of investment in GDP declined, reaching its lowest level of 3.1 percent in 1985 over the sample period. Among the political regimes, the average annual share of investment in GDP was 19.1 percent during the Tubman era, 10.8 percent during the Tolbert era, and 5.4 percent during the Doe era. With respect to political freedom, according to Freedom House (2002) Liberia has never been classified as a politically free state over the sample period. Since 1972 Free- dom House has provided annual rankings of political freedom and civil liberties for countries on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1-2 being free, 3-5 being partially free, and 6-7 being not free. As Table 1 shows, the highest rating of freedom in Liberia has been partially free (4.5), while the lowest rating has been not free (6.0). Among the three political regimes, the average ranking of political freedom was 6.0 during the Tubman regime, 5.28 during the Tolbert Regime, and 5.5 during the Doe regime.

Government Size, Political Freedom and Economic Growth Among Political Regimes

To examine the impact of government size and political freedom on economic growth among the presidential regimes, this study employs a neoclassical growth model where growth of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita (Y/L) is a function of growth of capital (K) and of labor (L). The model is adapted to include government size, political freedom, and presidential regimes. Growth in capital is measured as the share of investment in GDP (I/Y). Population is used as a proxy for the labor force (L) since data on labor force in developing countries is difficult to obtain. With respect to government size, as defined earlier, Peltzman (1980) points out that the role or the size of government is far more pervasive in economic life than is implied by this variable (e.g., statutes and administrative rules, regulation, etc.), but data limitations dictate the choice. For political freedom, the freedom ranking of Liberia is either partially free (PF) or not free (NF). As stated earlier, Liberia has never been classified as politically free over the sample period, 1960-86. The presidential regimes consist of the Tubman regime (1970- 70), the Tolbert regime (1971-79), and the Doe regime (1980-1986). By way of summary, the variables are defined as follows: Y/L is gross domestic product per capita; I/Y is the share of investment in GDP; G/Y is the share of government expenditure in GDP; L is the labor force; PF is partially free; NF is not free; and TUBMAN, TOLBERT and DOE represent the respective regimes. The variables for political freedom and the three presidential regimes are coded as dummy variables. Except for these dummy variables, all variables are expressed in logarithmic form.

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The macroeconomic data used are published by Heston and Summers (2002) who have constructed internationally comparable economic series for a large number of countries for the period 1960-1998. However, in the case of Liberia, the data covers Table 2. Regression Results Dependent Variable: Gross Domestic Product Per Capita, ln(Y/L)

Var. L1_1 121 (3) i_4.1

Const. 4.2086 2.566a 1.351 0.815 (3.972) (1.785) (0.862) (0.496)

In (I/Y) -0.0457 -0.0323 -0.0460 -0.0338 (0.878) (0.634) (1.381) (1.014)

In (L) 0.254' 0.460a 0.7366 0.7816 (1.748) (2.432) (3.489) (3.554)

In (G/Y) -0.420b -0.548b -0.0803 -0.228c (3.039) (3.535) (0.619) (1.939)

PF -0.092 -0.1506 -.157b (1.26) (3.873) (3.994)

TUBMAN -0.044 (0.847)

DOE -0.334b (5.381) First order interaction with In (G/Y) TUBMAN 0.0212 (0.620)

DOE 0.2226 (5.324)

R2 0.411 0.474 0.806 0.807 F 5.348 4.9581 13.849 13.942 N = 27.

Notes: Absolute values of t-statistics are in parentheses. Not free (NF) is the base category. a = Significant at .10. b = Significant at .01.

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only the period 1960-1986. Because of the civil war and the unstable political environment in Liberia since 1989, reliable macroeconomic data on Liberia has been difficult to obtain for the latter part of the 1980s and beyond. Thus, the sample period is determined by the availability of the data. The data on political freedom is obtained from Freedom House (2002) discussed earlier. The results of an econometric estimation of the model using the ordinary least squares regression method are reported in Table 2. All the macroeconomic variables have the expected signs, except for investment which, contrary to economic theory, is negatively correlated with economic growth. Zero-order correlations among the variables reveal a correlation coefficient of 0.86 between labor and investment. This high correlation indicates a problem of multicollinearity where two or more explanatory variables in the regression model are highly correlated, leading to statistically insignifi- cant estimated coefficients. However, despite this problem, economic theory requires that both capital and labor be included a growth model.

The Size of Government and Economic Growth The estimated coefficients of government size are negative, which is consistent with the literature. These coefficients are statistically significant, except for the one in equation 3. An examination of the zero-order correlation shows a correlation coefficient of 0.812 between government size and the Doe regime, indicating a problem of

multicollinearity in equation 3. In equations 1 and 2, where the Doe and other presidential regimes are excluded, the estimated coefficients for government size are significant, further corroborating the problem of multicollinearity. Overall, taking all of the estimated coefficients of government size into account, growth in the size government has been associated with a decline in economic growth in Liberia. Given the impact of government size, a related issue is whether there are differen- tial effects of this impact on economic growth among the political regimes. That is, what is the impact of government size on economic growth given the Tubman regime, the Tolbert regime, or the Doe regime? To address this issue, the interactions between government size and the presidential regimes are tested (see equation 4). The impact of government size on economic growth given a political regime is obtained by adding the coefficient of the additive term of the government size variable and the coefficient of the respective interaction variable.' The results are reported in Table 3. The impact of government size on economic growth is negative in the Tubman and Tolbert regimes, but there is no significant difference between the impacts in the two regimes. A percent increase in government size yields a 0.21 percent decline in economic growth during the Tubman regime and a 0.23 percent decline during the Tolbert regime.

Mathematically, the impact of government size on economic growth given a political regime is obtained by taking the derivative of the dependent variable in equation 4 with respect to government size and substituting therein the value of the relevant political regime variable.

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The impact of government size on economic growth during the Doe regime is positive and statistically significant. A percent increase in government size leads to an increase in economic growth by 0.006 percent. Although the impact is significant, it may not be of policy significance given the small magnitude of the coefficient. For example, to realize a percent increase in economic growth during the Doe regime would have required an increase of government spending of 167 percent of GDP, holding other factors constant. Comparisons of the impact of various levels of government size on economic growth among the presidential regimes are presented in Table 3. The levels of government size include the mean, minimum, and maximum values over the sample period. For example, the impact of the average government size of 22 percent is a 4.6 percent decline in economic growth during the Tubman regime, a 5.1 percent decline during the Tolbert regime, and a 0.132 percent increase during the Doe regime. These results suggest that an increase in government size either depresses economic growth as in the Tolbert and Tubman regimes or may be inefficient in promoting growth as in the Doe regime. Table 3. Comparisons of the Impact of Various Levels of Government Size on Economic Growth among the Presidential Regimes over the Period 1960-86 (Percent)

Government Size Tubman Tolbert Doe

1 -0.207 -0.228 0.006

Minimum: 17 -3.519 -3.876 .102

Mean: 22 -4.62 -5.06 0.132

Maximum: 33 -6.831 -7.524 0.198

Presidential Regimes and Economic Growth There are differences in the impact of the presidential regimes on economic growth. Using equation 3, the estimated coefficient for the Tubman regime is negative and not significant, while the coefficient for the Doe regime is negative and highly significant. These results suggest that there is no significant difference between the effects of the Tubman and Tolbert regimes on economic growth. On the other hand, there is a significant difference between the effects of the Doe and the other regimes. Economic growth during the Doe regime was 0.3 percent lower than that of any of the other regimes. A comparison of the rates of economic growth among the three regimes shows that on the average the rate of economic growth was about 1.8 percent during

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the Tubman regime and the Tolbert regime, while it was about 1.5 percent during the Doe regime.

Political Freedom and Economic Growth The highest ranking of political freedom in Liberia over the sample period is "partially free." This moderate degree of political freedom has not had a positive impact on economic growth. The estimated coefficient for partially free is negative and statistically significant in all of the estimated equations. This indicates that the rate of economic growth was lower when the country was partially free than when the country was not free. Economic growth was 0.15 to 0.16 percent lower during periods when the country was partially free than when it was not free. Unfortunately, a moderate degree of political liberalization has had a negative impact on economic growth in Liberia. However, inclusion of political freedom in the models dramatically affects the magnitude and significance of the coefficients of other variables. With partially free included in equation 3, the estimated coefficient for labor nearly doubles, while that for government size increases by about a third. Some degree of political freedom appears to enhance the impact of labor on economic growth. With freedom, labor will move from uses in which its wages are low to uses in which its wages are high, thereby enhances its impact on economic output. It appears that the presidential regimes may have contributed to the negative impact of the degree of political freedom on economic growth in Liberia. In equation 2, which does not include the presidential regimes, the estimated coefficient for partially free is negative and nearly significant. However, in equation 3 where the presidential regimes are included, the coefficient of partially free is highly significant. These results suggest that the negative effects of the degree of political freedom on economic growth are influenced by the presidential regimes. The degree of political freedom and the nature of the political regimes are linked, and different countries or regimes may bundle freedom differently. For example, according to Scully (1988), some countries may offer more economic liberty and less political or civil liberty than another country. The degree of political freedom may depend on the presidential regime, which in many developing countries does the bundling or unbundling of freedom. For example, during the 1970s the Tolbert regime granted more economic liberty to the Liberian people, but proceeded slowly in granting political freedom. Thus, the degree of political freedom may reflect the nature of the regime, and the nature of the regime may be a reflection of the degree of political freedom. With inclusion of the political regimes variables in the models, the negative coefficient of the political freedom variable becomes highly significant, indicating the interdependence of political freedom and presidential regimes.

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Summary and Conclusions

The purpose of this study has been to review the political economy of Liberia by assessing the impact of government size and the degree of political freedom on economic growth across political regimes over the period 1960-1986. The study finds that growth in government size depresses economic growth. The impact of government size varies among the political regimes, with the impact being negative in the Tubman and Tolbert regimes and positive but marginal during the Doe regime. The rate of economic growth also varies among the regimes, with the estimated growth rate being 0.3 percent lower during the Doe regime than the rates during the Tubman and Tolbert regimes. The negative impact of government on growth may be due to government being inefficient in the allocation of resources and to distortions arising from government's taxing and spending mechanisms and unproductive rent-seeking activities. Over the sample period, Liberia has never been a political free country, and a moderate degree of political freedom has not contributed to economic growth. The political regimes seem to exacerbate the negative impact of the moderate political freedom on growth. Barro (1997) has attributed such relations to the adverse effects of political instability on property rights and the linkage between property rights and private investment. He further states that the correlation could also reflect political response to bad economic outcomes. Political regimes in Liberia need to pursue a much greater level of political freedom in order to realize its benefits on economic growth.

REFERENCES Bairam, Erkin. 1990. "Government Size and Economic Growth: The African Experience, 1960-85," Applied Economics 22: 1427-35. Barro, Robert J. 1991. "Economic Growth in a Cross Section of Countries," The Quarterly Journal of Economics 106 (1991): 407-443 Brunk, Gregory, Gregory Caldeira, and Michael Lewis-Beck. 1987. "Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy: An Empirical Inquiry, European Journal of Political Research 15 (1987): 459-470. Carlsson, Frederik and Susanna Lundstrom. 2002. "Economic Freedom and Growth: Decomposing the Effects," Public Choice 112: 335-344. Glower, R.W., George Dalton, Harwitch Mitchell, and A. A. Walters/ 1966. Growth without Develop- ment An Economic Survey of Liberia, Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Conte, Miachael, and Ali Darrat. 1988. "Economic Growth and the Expanding Public Sector," Review of Economics and Statistics 70: 322-30. Fedderke, Johannes and Robert Klitgaard. 1998. "Economic Growth and Social Indicators: An Exploratory Analysis, Economic Development and Cultural Change 46, no. 3: 455-489. Freedom House. 2002. Freedom in the World Country Ratings 1972-73 to 2001-2002 http://www.freedomhouse.org/research/freeworld /FHSCORES.xls Retrieved June 25, 2003. Gemmell, Norman. 1983. "International Comparison of the Effects of Non-Market Sector Growth," Journal of Comparative Economics 7: 368-381.

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Grossman, Philip. 1988. "Government and Economic Growth: A Non-Linear Relationship, Public Choice 56: 193-200. Grossman, Philip (1990). Government and Growth: Cross-Sectional Evidence," Public Choice 65: 217-227. Guseh, James S. 1997. "Government Size and Economic Growth in Developing Countries: A

Political-Economy Framework," Journal of Macroeconomics 19, no. 1 (1997): 175-192. Science Review 1(1): 30-39 Guseh, James. 1999. "The Political Economy of the Private Sector and Privatization in Liberia," Journal of African Policy Studies 5, no.1: 67-84. Heston, Alan and Robert Summers. 2002. Penn Worlda Tables @ CHASS (Computing in the Humanities and Social Sciences). Obtained May 27, 2003. Karatnycky Adrian. 2003. "Liberty and Advances in a Troubled World," Journal of Democracy 14 (1): 100-113 Kuznets, Simon. 1976. Modern Economic Growth, New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press.

. 1973. "Modern Economic Growth: Findings and Reflections," American Economic Review 63: 247-258. Landau, Daniel. 1983. "Government Expenditure and Economic Growth: A Cross-Country study, Southern Economic Journal 49: 783-92.

. 1985. "Government Expenditure and Economic Growth in Developed Countries: 1952- 76," Public Choice 47: 459-77

. 1986. "Government and Economic Growth in Less Developed Countries: An Empirical Study for 1960-80, Economic Development and Cultural Change 35: 35-75 Nelson, Michael, and Ran Singh. 1998. "Democracy, Economic Freedom, Fiscal Policy, and Growth in LDCs: A Fresh Look, Economic Development and Cultural Change 46: 677-696. Peltzman, S. 1980. "The Growth of Government," Journal of Law and Economics 23 (2) October): 209-287. Pourgerami, Abbas. 1988. "The Political Economy of Development: A Cross-National Causality Test of Development-Democracy-Growth Hypothesis," Public Choice 58: 123-41. Rati, Ram. 1986. "Government Size and Economic Growth: A New Framework and Some Evidence from Cross-Section and Time-Series Data," American Economic Review 76: 191-293. Rubinson, Richard (1977), "Dependency, Government Revenue, and Economic Growth, 1955-70," Studies in International Comparative Development 12: 3-28. Scully, Gerald W. 2002. "Economic Freedom, Government Policy and Trade-Off Between Equity and Economic Growth," Public Choice: 113: 77-96 Scully, Gerald W. 1988. "The Institutional Framework and Economic Development," Journal of Political Economy 96: 652-62.

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T. Smalls, [a.k.a. Sam Wolo, Jr.], In the Crosshairs (New Orleans, Louisiana: Awofo Publishing, 2002), 177pp.

In the Crosshairs, a novel by Tarnue Smalls (nom de plume of Sam Wolo, Jr), is another work of doomsday fiction set in modern Liberia. The author places several characters with their personal problems to enact a vast drama as they confront the realities of a national tragedy. As the novel opens, the reader discovers that American foreign policy-makers and Liberian foreign policy-makers are at loggerheads because the national security of the United States is threatened. Jim "Maverick" Thornbill, Operations Officer for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) masquerading as a military attache, informs American sources that President Jenkins Allen Diggs of Liberia poses a threat to the national security of the United States in this region of Africa and, therefore, has to be assassinated. The root-cause of this is Liberia-Israeli relation and Liberia's association with Russia and the Non-alignment Movement. That, to borrow a phrase which James Joyce has popularised, is "the moment of epiphany." Meanwhile, plans are in the pipeline on the one hand, by seven dissidents of indigenous background with the aid of 200 Libyan and Russian mercenaries to overthrow the Americo-Liberian oligarchy, and on the other, by seventeen noncommissioned military officers headed by Corporal James Barchue, and Sergeant Francis Zoegah, who are assigned to the elite Presidential Guard at the Executive Mansion. The reason underlying their intention to overthrow the Americo-Liberian oligarchy is to settle old scores along the sectionalism-ethnicity divide. They claim that the settlers (or "Americos ") have had the monopoly on the power and wealth of the country for too long. As the two soldiers undergo rigorous training under the aegis of Jim Maverick Thornbill, Paul Greaves, Liberia's Ambassador to the United States, and Marvin Coleman, Liberia's Ambassador to the United Nations, are recalled by President Diggs for briefing. The main purpose for being recalled is to ascertain America's assessment of Liberia-Israeli relation on the one hand, and Liberia's association with Russia and the Non-alignment Movement on the other. The novel moves with narrative agility when a plot spearheaded by Bulu, is foiled by the Liberian government. Bulu and his dissidents are arrested, tried, and convicted of treason. However, as they await execution, a plot led by Barchue and Zoegah with the support of the United States, is successful. As the novel ends, all the security guards at the Executive Mansion are killed. During the coup d'etat, President Jenkins Allen Diggs is captured by the coup-makers, delivered to U. S. Ambassador Stennis and his diplomatic staff, and flown to the United States to face President Barrett of the United States. President Barrett berates him for his association with Russia and the Nonalign- ment Movement. Although he is handcuffed like a common criminal, Diggs protests

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vehemently and tells the U. S. president that the United Nations will be informed of the United States declaration of war against a sovereign and independent state such as Liberia. After berating Diggs, President Barrett leaves him to face his swan song. This is a compelling and unusual story depicting President Jenkins Allen Diggs of Liberia being threatened by an imminent overthrow by seventeen non-commissioned military officers. The author involves the reader in several characters enacting a vast drama on a stage of epic national and international proportions. Besides President Barrett of the U. S. and President Diggs of Liberia, there are U. S. Ambassador Stennis, who acts on behalf of his Commander-in-Chief to monitor the successful overthrow of the Americo -Liberian oligarchy; Barchue, a soldier of an indigenous background, who is eventually installed as Head of State; Kweku, a former driver of the Williams Garbage Disposal truck assigned to the Executive Mansion, and whose livelihood has improved beyond his wildest expectations; scores of security guards, soldiers, and police officers whose dead bodies litter the grounds of the Executive Mansion like human debris; and the entire nation plunged into an unimaginable transition in which indigenous leaders are installed in power. In essence, everything in this novel is larger than life. The author unequivocally states that the United States is involved in the toppling of President Diggs and the Americo-Liberian oligarchy. This is bullying of a very spiteful kind. A great world power such as the United States is involved in the violent overthrow of a small West African nation such as Liberia. The training of the coup-makers by U. S. military personnel and the pervasive violence which seems to be the parameter of the coup- makers are eloquent testimony to this. Barchue, who is part and parcel of this pervasive violence transforms himself from a corporal to a Head of State reputedly supported by the United States. Thus, for some this is an insurmountable tragedy, for others an opportunity. This is a novel to lose yourself in. However, commendable though In the Crosshairs is, it does have many weaknesses. At less than 200 pages, the novel is hardly long enough to justify making references to the actual events that culminated in the decline and fall of Liberia, Africa's oldest republic South of the Sahara. Moreover, although the novel is essentially cast in the mode of creative non-fiction, the author seems to be out of step with the march of time in that his grasp of Liberian history and the actual events that led to the downfall of the First Republic is rather muddled. When Gore Vidal wrote Lincoln, his great historical novel, he was faithful to historical events. So were Harold Robins in Wind- mills of the Gods and Chinua Achebe in A Man of the People, respectively. T Smalls holds the reader's interest initially, but falls short of this promise. His depiction of Liberia and President Jenkins Allen Diggs as being threatened by Libyan and Russian mercenaries and American support of coup-makers are unsub- stantiated by history. Consequently, the events that underpin his narrative are pure fantasy rather than fiction. So why bother making references to events that the author

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claims lead to President Jenkins Allen Diggs, the analogue of President William R. Tolbert, Jr., to trample his way to a splendid downfall? The author's narrative would have been more credible if the novel were set in a mythical country or if he were faithful to history and the actual events that led to the downfall of the so-called " Americo-Liberian oligarchy." The crux of the matter is that the decline and fall of the First Republic can be attributed to the rice riots of April 14, 1979 when the leader of the Progressive Alliance of Liberia (PAL) and his supporters decided to stage a peaceful march against the increase in the price of rice, the nation's staple, from $22 to $30 a bag. In any event, the march turned into a riot. Many Liberians lost their lives and hundreds of others were wounded. President Tolbert had preached a philosophy of "from mat-to-mattress." He also emphasized the importance of food production and a nation being able to feed itself. Thus, the crux of the matter was that Tolbert's philosophy and political machinations went awry, suggesting what Liberians had suspected all along: the reneging on his philosophy and the tightening of his grips on the freedom of thought and utterance he had espoused in the initial stages of his administration. Thus, the decline and fall of the First Republic on April 12, 1980, was neither due to the Liberian President Tolbert being a threat to the national security of the United States nor that Liberians were not law-abiding citizens. Rather, it was the president who was, with his capricious advisers and officials, the fly in the ointment. Then too, the novel is poorly edited. As a result, there are many misspelled words, poor diction, grammatical infelicities, and stylistic ineptitude that could be profitably eliminated to enhance the author's style and make the novel to appear more professional. Here are a few examples:

(1) "It's suppose to be somewhere on this side of the beach, but I can't seem to find it." (p. 2). (2) "It's Alright." (p. 50). (3) "Is their anything unusual out there?" (p. 61). (4) "All is quiet sir." (p. 61). (5) "Bulu's spirit sunk" (p. 64).

(6) "... as they continued to pledge there support for Bulu. . ." (p. 64). (7) " ... trying to escaping in that direction." (p. 64). (8) "This opportunity that you have provide to us will never be forgotten." (p. 142).

Furthermore, in the trial scene, Chief Justice Momolu Dearson's deliberations are referred to as a "soliloquy." This is an example of poor diction in that "soliloquy" is the wrong lexical item. A "soliloquy" is a literary or dramatic form of discourse in which a character talks to himself or reveals his thoughts in the form of a monologue without

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addressing a listener. The word is derived from Latin: so/us (alone) + loqui (to speak). Hamlet's famous soliloquy, "To be, or not to be," is an obvious example.

Frequent switches of viewpoint in a novel can be irritating, but not when handled with deftness. Stylistically, T. Smalls uses the omniscient point of view. In the hands of the unskilled writer, this point of view often results in formlessness because the actions are frequently diffused. Assuming the role of author as narrator, T. Smalls exercises a great deal of freedom in shifting from his exterior so-called fictional society to the inner selves of his characters. He isn't always successful in achieving this freedom of movement in both time and place because he synchronizes several separate actions simultaneously. Then too, he isn't always successful in commenting convincingly upon the meaning of the actions of the characters and stating the thematic intentions of the narrative without breaking the thread of the narrative. Moreover, some of the chapters have headings while others lack headings. This is inconsistency on the author's part. Also, the novel lacks a table of contents. A book with chapter headings should always have a table of contents. It is the convention. In the final analysis, one can assert that T. Smalls' novel, In the Crosshairs, isn't completely successful as a work of art. Despite the novel's weaknesses, the author affords a panoramic view of Liberian society of the past, showing how Liberians- young and old alike--at work, in the corridors of power, at school and at home, cared for their country. Yet it is hard to hear their genuine voices, their anxieties, and anger in a novel of this brevity, a novel that is essentially more of a fantasy rather than fiction. Readers will have to fill in the anguished cries of Liberians, in-depth analysis, and criticisms for themselves. In the meantime, Liberians can rest-assure that the peace and stability that they had enjoyed in the past have gone for good.

Leicestershire, England Robert H. Brown*

* Dr. Brown is a Liberian Liberianist. He taught English at the University of Liberia before his departure to England in the 1980s. He currently teaches English at a college in Leicestershire, England.

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Lester S. Hyman, United States Policy Toward Liberia 1822 To 2003: Unintended Consequences? Cherry Hill, Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers, 2003, 281 pp + Bibliography, Index, Appendix.

In this well-packaged presentation, Hyman joins a number of American observers of the Liberian political scene, especially during major moments in the country's modern history. Raymond Leslie Buell of Harvard sought in his writings to defend Liberia's interests during the crucial negotiations that led to Firestone's installation in the 1920s. Ibrahim Sundiata wrote perhaps the definitive account of the forced labor crisis of the 1930s. And J. Gus Liebenow articulated a "black colonialism" thesis in his path-setting Liberia: The Evolution of Privilege (1968). But what the author of this volume offers is of a wholly other genre. Hired by Warlord, and subsequently, President Charles Taylor for various assignments, one pre- sumes of a legal nature, he was associated with official Liberia for twelve of the four- teen years of civil war. That experience apparently impelled him to take up a cause, though one is left wondering whether the cause was that of the Liberian people, as he claims repeatedly, or a hired attorney's brief in the midst of a fratricidal conflict. The book's fundamental argument is that inept and unconscionable US policymakers have made decisions regarding Liberia whose consequences were unintended. Three themes that go beyond Liberia in their relevancy for US foreign policy are advanced to explicate the thesis - "making common cause with one evil-doer in order to defeat a greater evil doer;" "the [need for] timely treatment of post-conflict nations;" and "focusing on a country's leader instead of its people." A case study of Liberia in respect of the three themes becomes the preferred means of demonstrating that US/Liberia relations, at least in recent times, is a microcosm of US relations with the developing world. It is the obvious negatives of this relationship that has produced not only "unintended consequences," but prolonged civil war and destruction of Liberia. In twelve uneven chapters, he proceeds to elucidate his thesis. Chapter one draws upon selected secondary sources to provide historical background, while the second chapter offers a panoramic view of twentieth century official Liberia. A clearly partisan tone is discernable in the latter, when, for example, he seeks to explain the embezzle- ment charges against Taylor leveled by President Samuel Doe. There is some light shed on the shadowy role of former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark in defense of Tay- lor. And then Hyman begins his own pattern of defense of Taylor which is sustained in the rest of the text. He enmeshes himself in interim Liberian and West African regional politics, stoutly defending the NPFL position (p. 33). A prolonging of the civil war's first phase of 1989-96 in chapter three continues the apology. To US Ambassador Madeleine Albright he attributes an "unwanted chastise-

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ment" of the Liberian interim leadership to which Taylor's forceful retort apparently sealed his fate in reference to American opposition to his person. A major revelation of the book is a CIA Field Intelligence Report of September 1996 with its unflattering comments on major Liberian politicians, including Taylor. It alludes to an "operation" of destabilization should any of the candidates win the then pending presidential elections. This is presented as evidence of official Washington's opposition to Taylor because of the latter's ouster of "their boy," Samuel Doe (p. 48). Chapter four is a lamentation of courtesies and opportunities purposely denied Taylor but offered previous Liberian presidents. Hyman writes: "Not only did Presi- dent Clinton decline to meet personally with one of the few democratically elected leaders in Africa, but when, later the same year ... Secretary of State Madeleine Albright toured African countries, she refused to meet with the elected Liberian president." (p. 53). He then adds the case of US unwillingness to help train the country's security forces because Taylor would not fire his notorious Police Chief Joe Tate "who was doing a good job holding down crime in the country" (p.61). And then there was the case of another US obstruction, this one of an arms embargoed Taylor's efforts at surreptitiously acquiring from the US an armored Hummer automobile - "Even the minor matter of an automobile to protect the life of the president of Liberia was a contentious issue" (p. 71). The fifth chapter recounts the 1998 hostilities in and near the US Embassy in Monrovia involving government forces and armed opponents, while chapter six dis- cusses West African regional relations and international sanctions against the Taylor regime. The apology continues as the author cites remarks by perennial politician Bacchus Matthews that "people are starving because of sanctions," as he does Taylor crony, Senator Grace Minor. Chapter seven focuses the LURD incursion that began in 1999, but is more concerned about American "containment" of Taylor - "...the U.S. in cold war fashion, used the Lurd and Model rebel groups in its policy to contain Charles Taylor" (p. 177). But very little sustained analysis of this admittedly American national interest-based policy follows. Natural resources are addressed in the next chapter - diamonds and the RUF connections (which subsequently led to Taylor's indictment in 2003 by the international War Crimes Tribunal in Sierra Leone). Again, an apologist's tone in a rendition of conflicting perceptions: "If Taylor lied, why did not the U.S. refute his denials?" ( p. 139). Chapter nine continues the work of the defense counsel as human rights, the press, women, and social issues are discussed. "Compared to many other nations around the world," Hyman writes, "Liberia's human rights record was not the worst" (p. 148). And, in reference to the widely known excesses of the security forces including notably the April 2002 brutalization of Human Rights Lawyer Tiawon Gongloe, or the attacks two months later on journalist Hassan Bility, the author considers: "The compelling

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question that remained was: did the Taylor government order, or know about, these incidents on the part of the Liberian security force member" (149). Chapters ten and eleven bring the story to a close with comments on US/Liberia relations in the post 9/11 world, and the projection in 2002 of national elections in 2003. The latter is replete with anticipation of a Taylor "plan to win," that is, before the dramatic events in the summer of 2003 of the indictment, and the pressured resignation and exile. The concluding chapter suggests a basis for assessment of US/Liberia relations. This reviewer would have used the ideas discussed here at the very outset of the study to in fact provide a clearer framework for understanding the relationship. Crucial subheadings are "US Policymakers," "US National Interest," "a word about Africa." A framework anchored in the politics of legitimacy and integrity (orthodox rather than warlord politics), in an appreciation of the shifts in the international systems may have all led Hyman to ask other sets of questions and suggest other kinds of responses. Obstructing US policymakers, at least at crucial moments since the 1989 origin of Taylor's insurgency, may have been in harmony with the preference of most Liberians in an intrinsic distrust of the "strongest warlord." Reed Kramer captured well the national interest consideration in the relationship when he characterized Liberia as being a "Casualty of the Cold War." Liberia imploded precisely at the moment the U.S. was readjusting its foreign policy thinking with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Having concluded failure in its policy toward Doe's Liberia, a policy that had perhaps emboldened Doe to embark on militarization of the country, the U.S. may have been holding off sustained support for any faction, warring or political, in a situation of civil war. And Taylor's consistent unorthodox behavior, in Liberia as in the West Afri- can subregion, did not inspire confidence. I am not by this seeking to defend U.S. policy over the past 14 years, but rather to attempt an understanding of the possible motives for that policy. The author's "unintended consequences" thesis may not hold in all instances cited, never mind the inept policymakers presumed. It is not clear-cut that official Washing- ton regretted the replacement in 1980 of President William Tolbert with President Samuel Doe, and so the consequences of the 1980 coup may not have been unintended. More than this, no policymaker can anticipate all policy outcomes. What is often done is policy adjustment in the context of perceived national interest. Nor is it clear that allowing Taylor entry into Monrovia in the early 1990s "and the right to become president after he had secured 95% of the country" (p. 212) would have avoided. the "seven years of devastating civil war." Taylor's leadership ethos as demonstrated repeatedly both during the NPFL years as well as his presidential term might be the more relevant factor. Finally, questions must be raised about the assumptions of U.S. and UN policymakers regarding non-support for Liberia's integrated rehabilitation and recon- struction during the Taylor presidency, and UN imposition and re-imposition of sanc-

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tions against the regime. It does not necessarily follow that with US financial support and the absence of UN sanctions Liberians would have been better off in the past six years. Murderous autocratic leaders with ample resource (Iraq's Saddam Hussein, or even Samuel Doe with $500 million from the U.S.) leave their people in no better condition than resource-starved autocrats. The book's title is a misnomer since the study clearly is not a treatment of US/Liberia relations, 1822-2003. Often problematic historical sketches are provided, with a more explicit focus on Charles Taylor and the United States. Or better still, an American attorney's defense of the Charles Taylor saga. As to the stated motive for writing the book - To change America's Liberia policy from "interference followed by indifference to a pro-active stance of cooperation and support for the Liberian citi- zenry," this ideal statement is at variance with the author's fundamental assumptions, namely that Taylor won in "free and fair" elections, and that had the US supported Taylor the warlord, and as president, this would have translated to a truncated civil war. There is out there a tremendous body of literature to refute these assumptions. This, then, is not a work of scholarship but essentially of advocacy.

University of the South D. Elwood Dunn*

* The reviewer is a distinguished Liberian Liberianist. He has published substan- tially on the political history and foreign policy of Liberia. He served as editor of the Liberian Studies Journal from 1985-1995. He is a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of the Liberian Studies Journal.

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New Studies on or Relevant to Liberia

Adebajo, Adekeye. Building Peace in West Africa: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau. Boulder, CO.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002.

Belt-Beyan, Phyllis M. The Emergence ofAfrican American Literacy Traditions: Family and Community Efforts in the Nineteenth Century. Westport, CT.: Greenwood Press, 2004.

Clegg, Claude A. The Price of Liberty: African Americans and Making of Liberia Chapel Hill, NC: University North Carolina Press, 2004.

Fairhead, James, Tim Geysbeek, Svend E. Holsoe, and Melissa Leach, eds. African American Exploration in West Africa: Four Nineteenth-Century Diaries. Bloomington, IN.: Indiana University Press, 2003.

Hall, Richard L. On Africa's Shore: A History ofMaryland in Liberia, 1834-1857. Anapolis, MD.: Maryland Historical Society, 2003.

Huffman, Alan. Mississippi in Africa: The Saga of the Slaves of Prospect Hill Plantation and Their Legacy in Liberia Today. New York: Gotham Books, 2004.

Pham, John-Peter, Liberia: Portrait of a Failed State. New York: Reed Press, 2004.

Sudiata, Ibrahim K. Brothers and Strangers: Black Zion, Black Slavery, 1914-1940. Durham, NC.: Duke University Press, 2003.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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Loma Bibliography Compiled by Robert Leopold, Smithsonian Institution

Academie des Langues [Conakry, Guinee] 1980 Lexique fondemental des sciences exact: maninka, soso, pular, kpeleewoo, kisiei, loma. [Publie par L'Institut national du livre de Guinee.] Paris: Hatier.

Adam, J. 1942 Rapport de M. Adam, (1942) sur le Projet de reclassement du foret du Ziama. Archives: Direction Nationale des Forets et de la Chasse, Ministere de l'Agriculture et des Ressources Animals, Conakry, Guinea. Macenta/Ziama file. 1951a Noms de clan en pays toma (Guinee Francaise). Premiere Conference Internationale des Africanistes de l'Ouest (I.F.A.N., Dakar, 1945). Comptes Rendus, Tome II, p. 149. 1951 b Noms toma d'arbres et arbustes (Guinee Francaise). Premiere Conference Internationale des Africanistes de l'Ouest (I.F.A.N., Dakar, 1945). Comptes Rendus, Tome II, pp. 150-152. 1951c Origine des noms de rivieres et de ruisseaux en pays toma (Guinee Francaise). Premiere Conference Internationale des Africanistes de l'Ouest (IFAN, Dakar, 1945). Comptes Rendus, Tome II, pp. 147-148. Akoi, Stephen and Karl-Heinz Hasselmann 1975 Youth and Environment: A Liberian Case Study on Food and Nutrition in Buzzi-Quarter, Monrovia. (Occasional Research Paper 9). Monrovia: Department of Geography, University of Liberia.

Amachree, Igolima T. D. 1971 "Detribalization" and Urban Residence: A study of Some Liberian Urban Dwellers. Liberian Research Association Journal 3(2): 1-13.

Ammann, P. D. 1954a Charades et devinettes du pays toma. (Catholic) Missions 4: 63.

1954b Enterrement d'un chef au pays toma. (Catholic) Missions 4: 59. 1954c Ehuile rouge. (Catholic) Missions 4: 62.

1954d Les Toma et leurs noms de famine. (Catholic) Missions 4: 60-61.

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Anderson, Benjamin 1971 Narrative of a Journey to Musardu, the Capital of the Western Mandingoes (together with) Narrative of the Expedition Dispatched to Musandu, by the Liberian Government under Benjamin J. K. Anderson, Senior, Esq. in 1874. [New edition, with a new introduction by Dr. Humphrey Fisher.] London: Frank Cass and Co. Ltd. Anon. 1859 Liberia Interior Exploration. New York Colonization Journal 107 (Novem- ber). [Seymour and Ash Expedition] Anon. 1860 George L. Seymour's Journal. Liberia Herald 7 (January 4, 1860). Anon. 1922 Among the Buzis. The Liberian Churchman 1(1): 5-6. 1923 Government Calls on Mission Doctor for Help. The Liberian Churchman 10(9): 4.

1923 Notes from the Field. The Liberian Churchman 1(4): 13. 1923 The William Hoke Ramsaur Memorial School. The Liberian Churchman 1(5): 1. Anon. 1923 The William Hoke Ramsaur Memorial School at Pendaimi [sic], Liberia. The Spirit of Missions 88(9): 599-600. 1924 Wanted, Godparents! The Spirit of Missions 89(9): 595. 1934 Pandemai Church to be Built of Native Brick. The Spirit of Missions (March 1934): 126. Anon. 1924 Important Town in Liberia. Missionary Review of the World 47(12): 1006- 1007. Anon. 1925 France Invades Liberian Territory. The Liberian News 10(6): 7. Anon. 1987 English translation of P. D. Gaisseau's Foret sacree (1951).

Appia, B. [Beatrice] 1940a Quelques proverbs guineens. Bulletin de 11.F.A.N. 2(3-4): 396-415. 1940b Superstitions guineenes et senegalaises. Bulletin de FI.F.A.N. 2(3-4): 358- 395.

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1943 Masques de Guinee Francaise et de Casamance, d'apres des dessins d'enfants noir. Journal de la Societe des Africanistes 13: 153-182. Arcin, Andre 1907 La Guinee FrancaIse: races, religions, coutumes, production, commerce. Paris: Augustin Challamel.

1911 Histoire de la Guinee Francaise. Paris: Augustin Challamel.

Atkinson, The Rev. Sydney J., O.H.C. 1959 Return to Africa II. Holy Cross Magazine 70: 6-10; 102-104. Atherton, John H. 1970/1 Liberian Prehistory. Liberian Studies Journal 3(2): 83-111.

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Moore, Joseph Graessle (?) 1954 The Tomas of West Africa; Birdwatching; Troy. 1 hour; sound; b&w; original format: 16mm. kinescope. American Museum of Natural History Film Archives. Shilin, Alan (director) 1955 Kezli of Zorzor. Produced, directed, and written by Alan Shilin. New York:

United Lutheran Church in America, 1955. 1 film reel of 1 (25 min.): sd., col.; 16 mm. Lutheran Church in America Archives (Film LCA 56).

Sound Recordings

Folk music of Liberia. New York: Folkways Records, 1954. Description: 1 sound disc: 33 1/3 rpm., mono.; 12 in. Series: Ethnic folkways library. Notes: Instrumental music and songs sung in native languages. Program notes by Packard L. Okie ([4] p. ill.) inserted in container. Recorded by Packard L. Okie. Subjects: Toma (African people) - Music. Voice - Liberia - Toma. [MELVYL] Guinee: recits et epopees. Recorded in December, 1986, in Guinea, by Patrick Larue, of Les Films du Village. France: Ocora (Distribution Harmonia Mundi),

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1992. Recording. 1 sound disc (69:20): digital, stereo; 4 3/4 in. NOTES: Tradi- tional and sung narrative music of three different ethnolinguistic and geographic groups from Guinea. Partial song texts, technical, and ethnographic notes by Daniela Langer in French, with English and German translations (24 p.: ill.), in container. [OCLC]

Guinea: toma; Congo: Luba, Kanyoka, Hutu. [S.1.: s.n., 1900 1993. Recording. 1 sound reel: analog, 2 tracks; 7 in. Guinee Francaise: Musique Toma (Musee de l'Homme L.D.H.) - The face of Africa: tribal music of the Belgian Congo (Lon- don TW 91204).

Liberia, 1973-1975 / collected by Cynthia Elizabeth Schmidt. Description: 11

sound tape reels: 7 1/2 ips, 2 track, mono. ; 7 in. Notes: Deposited at the Ethnomusicology Archive, UCLA by Cynthia Elizabeth Schmidt in 1976. Tape documentation by Cynthia Elizabeth Schmidt [191 p.]. Parts of collection described in collector's Ph.D. thesis: Multi-part vocal music of the Kpelle of Liberia, UCLA, 1985. Field recordings made 1973-1975 by Cynthia Elizabeth Schmidt. Subjects: Loma (African people) - Music. [MELVYL] Liberia and Sierra Leone, Gbande, Loma, Mandingo, 1935 / collected by Robert H.

Morey. 16 cylinders : 150 rpm, course groove; 2 1/8 in. x 4 1/4 in. + documentation. "Performed by various native musicians. Songs and music of the Gbande, Loma, Mandingo and possibly Koranko people. Accompanied by item description sheets; listed in Indiana University, Bloomington, Archives of Traditional Music, Early Field Recordings (I. U. Press, 1987). Deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music under Option 3. Recorded in Northwestern Liberia in the village of Zealua near Zigida, and possibly other locations in Liberia and Sierra Leone; sound quality fair to very poor." [ATM] Liberia, Bassa, Kru, Loma, and others 1973-1976 / collected by William C.

Siegmann. 38 sound cassettes : analog, 1 7/8 ips, mono. + 2 sound tape reels. "Interviews with various natives. Deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music in 1978 under Option 1. Recorded by Siegmann between 1973 and 1976 in Liberia." [ATM]

Liberia, Robertsport and Cape Mount, 1942 / collected by Packard L. Okie. 2 sound tapes reels: analog, 71/2 ips, mono.; 7 in. + documentation. "Performed by various native musicians. Songs and music; sung in Vai, Buzi, Bassa, Gola, Mende, Gbandi, and Kissi. Accompanied by tape index sheets. Deposited by Okie at the Archives of Traditional Music in 1956 under Option 2. Recorded by Okie in 1942 in Robertsport and Cape Mount, Liberia, during school functions and at other unknown locations; sound quality poor." [ATM]

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Musique Toma: Guinee / enregistrements de P. D. Gaisseau, J. Fichter et T. Saulnier

[and S. Dreyfus]. Paris: Disques Vogue, p1972. 1 sound disk: 33 1/3 rpm; 12 in. Manufacturer's no.: LDM 30107 Disques Vogue. Collection Musee de l'Homme. "Program notes in French and English by Simone Dreyfus. Recorded in Guinea in 1952 and 1953." [Liner notes in Gaisseau file.] [ATM]

The Field recordings of African coast rhythms : Tribal and folk music of West Africa / recorded by Arthur S. Alberts. New York: Riverside Records, [1954]. Description:

1 sound disc: 33 1/3 rpm ; 12 in. Series: World folk-music series. Publisher No.: RLP 4001 Riverside. Notes: Vocal and instrumental music. "Portions of this recording are from the 78 rpm, 3-album set, Tribal, folk and cafe music of West Africa" - Container. Program notes, based on material by Melville J. Herskovitz, Richard A. Waterman, and the editor, on container. Contents: Buzi (Loma) harp songs. Recorded in French Guinea and Liberia by Arthur S. and Lois Alberts in 1949. [MELVYL]

West Africa, Guinea Coast, Various culture groups, 1949 /collected by Arthur S.

Alberts. 21 sound tape reels : analog, 71/2 ips, full track; 7 in. "Performed by various unidentified native musicians. Folk music of West Africa. Selections have been issued on Riverside Records (RLP 4001, 4003). Deposited at the Archives of Traditional Music by Northwestern University in 1968 under Option 2. Recorded by Alberts in 1951 at various locations in Ghana, Liberia, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Ivory Coast." [ATM]

Abbreviations ANG Archives Nationales du Guinee ATM Archives of Traditional Music, Indiana University CUC Cuttington University College DFMS Archives of the Episcopal Church (Austin, Texas) IPGAN Institut Polytechnique Gamal Abdul Nasser IU Indiana University LC Library of Congress MELVYL University of California NW Northwestern University NYPL New York Public Library OCLC On-Line Computer Library Catalog TILL The Institute of Liberian Languages UL University of Liberia * Item in personal files

Last updated: June 1, 2002

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A COMPREHENSIVE REPORT OF THE SECOND ASSESSMENT OF CUTTINGTON UNIVERSITY COLLEGE CAMPUS UNDERTAKEN ON OCTOBER 23, 2003

INTRODUCTION After the first assessment of the campus, a total amount of US$2,624,385.00 was estimated for the renovation of the campus buildings. This second assessment report was prompted by rumors of looting and pillaging that took place after the first assessment and the assessed damages summed up to US$256,050.00 in addition to the first amount.In a bid to get factual reports about the facilities of the Cuttington University College campus after the first assessment and repeated rumors of additional damages, a two man team was designated to perform a comprehensive assessment. Below are the team's observations:

OBSERVATIONS Currently the entire Cuttington University College campus is unoccupied. Cuttington Security staff who previously lived there have been relocated to the Phebe Compound and the Phebe Airstrip, while other CUC workers have moved to Suakoko, Totota, and Salala respectively. The University facilities particularly the infrastructure are not only exposed to deterioration from leaking, but massive looting and plundering. The campus is engulfed with hard bush and some of the bushes are almost entering the buildings. All residential buildings are broken into and looters have vandalized left over prop- erties. The level of destruction varies from one building to another. In general, commodes, glasses, doors, window screens and furniture were completely removed. Nearly all buildings on the campus with corrugated galvanized zinc have been removed. The worst affected buildings are: The newly renovated Nursing Department The newly renovated Dean of Student Services Office The main campus cafeteria (Seth Edward's Memorial Cafeteria) partially de-roofed The Campus School KG Instructor's residence The Animal Compound Maintenance Office Dorm A (Cedar Hall) The Guest House (Ferdum Hall) ILO Building (House 57) RDI Cafeteria and Chief Security Residence Specifics

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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a. Nursing Department The newly renovated Nursing Department is one of the worst affected buildings on the campus. The entire roofing sheets are removed, thereby leaving the timbers and ceiling sheets as well as office documents to ecological damage.

b. Animal Compound The animal compound buildings have been de-roofed. The timbers are now exposed to heavy rain fall. If these timbers are not the next target of the looters, we may make use of them if materials are quickly available to cover them from further destruction.

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c. Dormitories Window glasses, plywood doors, bed floors, and locks have been looted. The corrugated galvanized zinc on dorms D & E were removed and this has resulted to the leakage of the ceiling which has been completely damaged by the rains. As for Dorm A, the portion of the roof that was repaired by the Lebanese Cultural Union was removed. Damage to this newly renovated building is the worst of all damages done on the RDI dormitories. The heavy down pull of rain is affecting the timbers, ceiling sheets, as well as closets and plywood doors.

d. RDI Cafeteria This building was used as cafeteria when the Rural Development Institute, a junior college attached to the University College with students majoring in Agriculture, was established in the 70s and later closed in the 80s. The building was used by students to prepare meals on their own in recent times. It was completely looted as seen in the photo below.

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a. RDI School Building All the classrooms offices were broken into and some window screens and glasses removed. Few galvanized roofing sheets were removed from the roof. However, some of the chairs and instructional materials are still intact. We may use them only if they are not taken away by looters as time goes on.

b. RDI Resource Center/Computer Laboratory All doors of the building are damaged. Window screens and glasses are either broken or looted. Eighty percent of books are on the floor. Shelves are also broken. The computer lab which is next door is severely damaged. All forty two (42) computers are willfully smashed on the walls.

c. Residential Buildings All of the residential buildings have been broken into. Fittings such as commodes, window glasses, doors, closet doors, face basin, etc have been removed. The level of damage varies from one building to another. Of the residential buildings, house # 57, the Guesthouse, and the Campus School instructor's residence are severely damaged, as the roofs are completely removed. The rain and ecosystem are doing further damages to these buildings.

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d. The Registrar's Office All documents in the Registrar's Office, including filing cabinets have been totally vandalized and some records are scattered on the floor. There is high possibility for salvaging and rehabilitating these documents by workers who live around the campus.

a. CUC Chief Security Home Doors and corrugated zincs of the building have been completely looted.

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b. College Rubber Farm Fifteen metric tons of cuplumps rubber stocked piled at the factory has been looted by LURD fighters and sold at the Firestone buying station near Totota. Additionally, cuplumps on trees were removed and also sold. The lost to the farm is estimated at US$5,000.00. One of the worst damages done to the farm is the complete burning down of the tapers' camp which consists of 30 units. Moreover, the zincs on the camp school and rubber factory were also removed. The camp's hand pump was also looted. Time could not permit us to get photos of these damages

c. The Tubman Library The William V. S. Tubman Library is the only reading center on the Cuttington University College campus. This facility was also affected by looters. The books and other furniture were taken away while other books were looted from the shelves and some thrown on the floor.

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SOME AFFECTED AREAS OF THE LOOTING AND PILLAGING OF THE CAMPUS This building was constructed in the early 80s to be sued as a guesthouse for Cuttington University College. It is one of the most hit, as the roofing sheets are

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completely removed thereby causing the timber, ceiling, doors as well as other materials to deteriorate faster.

House #57 is one of the buildings that was reserved for foreign professors in the early 80s. It was one of the worst affected as the roof was completely looted, thereby exposing the timbers, ceiling and other materials to heavy rain fall.

This building was also one of the most affected as the roof was completely looted, including the removal of plumbing, electrical and other fixtures.

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House # 39 is one of those affected on the RDI compound. The plumbing, electrical and other fixtures were also damaged. This building was intended for use by the Chief of Security of Cuttington University College.

Some looted zinc believed to be from CUC on display at the buffer zone in Totota.

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CONCLUSION Since our present financial situation is so insolvent and cannot contrive to facilitate even the renovation of one of the damaged buildings on the campus, we are appealing to the international community, including friends of Cuttington in the Americas and elsewhere to come to the aid of Cuttington in order to save its future. We remain committed to seeing Cuttington University College going back to its main campus in Suakoko as soon as we obtain funding to help with the renovation.

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ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION OF THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION

ARTICLE I

Name and Objective

1. We, the undersigned, desiring to form a non-profit association for the purpose of effecting cooperation among persons interested in furthering research concerning the Republic of Liberia, and adjacent areas, do thereby constitute ourselves a voluntary association under the name of THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIA- TION.

2. THE LIBERIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION is a scholarly organization created to provide a means for effective cooperation among persons interested in furthering research in all scholarly disciplines, including the sciences, social science, and humanities, on topics relevant to the Republic of Liberia, and adjacent areas; to publish and otherwise disseminate the results of such research; to cooperate with scholarly organizations, and cultural, scientific, and educational institutions, nationally and internationally, having mutual interests in the exchange and presentation of information and ideas resulting from research in the subject field; to encourage interest in Liberian affairs; and to stimulate and facilitate academic contacts and educational exchanges between Liberia and the United States. The Association shall not take any official corporate position on or seek to influence any legislation or policies of the United States or the Republic of Liberia.

ARTICLE II

Office and Duration

1. The office of the Association shall be located at the institution or organization at which the Secretary Treasurer has official residence; or at such place as the Board may from time to time determine, or as the business of the Association may require.

2. The duration of the Association shall be perpetual.

3. The death, removal, or resignation of any member of the Association shall not result in the dissolution of the Association. Liberian Studies Journal, XXLX, 2 (2004)

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ARTICLE III

Membership and Dues

1. Membership in the Association shall be open to all persons who wish to support its objectives. Application for membership shall be communicated to the Secretary Treasurer in a manner provided for by the Board. All members in good standing may vote, hold office, and participate in all the activities of the Association.

2. A member shall be enrolled upon receipt of the first payment of dues.

3. The schedule of dues shall be determined by the Board and submitted for approval by a majority vote of the members present at the annual business meeting of the Association.

4. Dues shall be payable on the first of January. Any member failing to pay dues within six months after they become payable may be suspended from membership. Formal resignation from membership may be presented to the Secretary Treasurer of the Association.

ARTICLE IV

Meetings of the Membership

1. Meeting of the Association shall be held at such time and place as the Board shall determine. There shall be an annual business meeting and its location shall be determined by the Board.

2. A full and true statement of the affairs of the Association shall be submitted at the annual business meeting by all responsible officers. A summary of the transactions or proceedings of the meeting shall be prepared by the Secretary Treasurer and shall be published in the first issue of the Liberian Studies Journal to appear subsequent to meeting, or otherwise notified to the membership.

3. At meetings of the Association, each member shall be entitled to one vote. At any meeting of the Association, any vote shall be taken by secret ballot, if any member so requests. Voting eligibility shall be established upon personal recogni- zance as a member.

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4. Those members present at a meeting shall constitute a quorum. The vote of the majority of the members present shall decide any question unless provided otherwise in these Articles.

ARTICLE V

Government

1. The government of the Association, the management of its affairs, and the regulation of its procedures, except, as expressly otherwise provided in the Articles of Association, shall be vested in a Board composed of the officers and two (2) members elected by the Association. If a vacancy shall occur on the Board or in any of the offices it may be filled by the Board, and the person designated shall hold the position for the unexpired terms of the person vacating it. All actions of the Board shall be by majority vote in person or by correspondence.

2. The Board of the Association shall have the control and management of its affairs, policies, and business. The Board shall exercise all the powers of the Associa- tion and undertake all lawful actions which are not reserved by the Articles of Association to the membership at large.

a. Members of the Association shall annually elect one member of the Board by a majority of the membership present. Each such member shall hold office for two years or until his successor is elected and qualified. Members will be elected and officially installed at the annual business meeting.

b. Board members shall be eligible for re-election.

c. An up-to-date copy of the Articles of Association shall be available to any member upon request to the Secretary Treasurer.

ARTICLE VI

Officers

1. There shall be six officers of the Association, viz, a President, a Past President, a Vice President, a Secretary Treasurer, a Parliamentarian, and the Editor of the Association's journal, The Liberian Studies Journal. All officers shall be elected at the annual business meeting. The President, Past President, and Vice President shall be elected for terms of one year and shall serve until their successors are elected. They

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shall be eligible for re-election. The Secretary Treasurer, the Parliamentarian, and the Editor shall be elected for three-year terms, and shall be eligible for re-election.

2. The President shall be the chief executive officer of the Association, shall preside at all meetings of the members and of the Board, shall have overall responsibility for the management of the Association and shall see that all decisions of the Board are carried into effect. The President shall present an annual report to the membership.

3. The Past President shall be a non-voting member of the Board and shall advise the President and the Board.

4. The Vice President shall preside at meetings of the members and of the Board, if the President is prevented from carrying out this function. In the case of death, resignation, or disability of the President, the latter to be determined by majority vote of the Board, the Vice President shall succeed to the Presidency to complete the unexpired term.

5. The Secretary Treasurer shall combine the functions and duties of Secretary and Treasurer of the Association. In case of the death, resignation, or incapacitation of the Secretary Treasurer the Board shall appoint a qualified member to assume the full duties of the office for the duration of the unexpired term.

a. As Secretary, -or in the absence of the Secretary Treasurer,. an alternate designated by the President-shall record the proceedings of the meetings of the Associa- tion and Board. The Secretary Treasurer shall receive and maintain the records, archives, and membership lists of the Association and carry on such correspondence as pertains to the Secretary's duties.

b. As Treasurer, the Secretary Treasurer shall collect, receive, and have custody of all funds of the Association and as directed by the Board shall have authority to disburse such funds. The Secretary Treasurer shall keep full and accurate accounts of receipts and disbursements in books belonging to the Association; and shall deposit all moneys and other valuable effects in the name and to the credit of the Associa- tion in such depositories a the Secretary Treasurer may designate with the approval of the Board. The Secretary Treasurer shall process applications for membership. The retiring Secretary Treasurer shall within one month after the expiration of his or her term of office deliver to the newly elected or appointed Secretary Treasurer all money, vouchers, books, and papers of the Association in the Secretary Treasurer's custody. Any or all of the members of the Board may be given signature authority to act for the Association by a majority vote of the Board.

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6. The Parliamentarian shall be responsible for ruling on questions of procedure at meetings and shall be the designated officer for service of process and shall serve as the agent of the Association for the purpose of the incorporation of the Association as a non-profit association under the laws of any state of the United States of America.

7. The Editor shall be responsible for the publication of The Liberian Studies Journal which shall be the official organ of the Association. The Editor shall recommend editorial policies to the Board. There shall be an Editorial Advisory Board whose membership and length of service shall be determined by the Board of the Association. The Editor shall consult with the Editorial Advisory Board on Editorial policy and with the Secretary Treasurer on all matters concerning the business management, financing, and distribution of the Liberian Studies Journal.

ARTICLE VII

Records

1. All minute books, correspondence, and other records of the Association shall be preserved by the Officers. Records that have ceased to be of use for the conduct of the affairs of the Association may, by the direction of the Board, be turned over for preservation to a depository designated by it, or discarded.

ARTICLE VIII

Committees

The President may appoint committees from time to time in consultation with the Board.

ARTICLE IX

Dissolution

In the event of the dissolution of the Association its property, funds, and other assets shall be transferred to whatever organization or organizations operated exclusively for charitable, educational, and/or scientific purposes as the Board may determine, provided such organization or organizations qualify as tax-exempt under the Internal Revenue Code of the United States or Liberia.

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ARTICLE X

Amendments

Amendments to these Articles of Association may be made by a two-thirds majority of the members of the Association present at the Annual Business meeting.

ARTICLE XI

Publications

1. Subject to the availability of funds, the Association shall publish The Liberian Studies Journal and such other publications as the Board, in consultation with the Editor and the Editorial Advisory Board, may determine. Members in good standing shall receive the JOURNAL. Subscription rates for non-members and institutions shall be determined by the Board.

ARTICLE XII

Rules

1. Roberts Rules of Order (most current revision) shall govern the proceedings of the Association except as otherwise provided in these Articles of Association and special rules which may be adopted from time to time.

I. THE UNDERSIGNED, HEREBY CERTIFY that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the duly adopted Articles of Association of Said Association as amended at the Annual Business Meeting of the Association at Atlanta, Georgia, USA, March 28, 1998

Dianne Oyler Secretary Treasurer March 28, 1998

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23/05/2001

Press Release BI0/3359

Biographical Note

NEW PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF LIBERIA PRESENTS CREDENTIALS

(Based on information received from the Protocol and Liaison Service.)

Lami Kawah, the new Permanent Representative of Liberia to the United Nations, presented his credentials to Secretary-General Kofi Annan today.

Prior to his current appointment, Mr. Kawah served as his country's Minister of Planning and Economic Affairs and, from 1998 to 1999, its Minister of Transport.

An international economist, he had served in Liberian planning and economic ministries since the mid-1960s. In 1968, he became Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs. From 1975 to 1977, he was Deputy Minister for Planning and Economic Affairs.

In addition to his government service, Mr. Kawah has worked extensively with multinational iron ore mining ventures in West Africa, including, from 1977 to 1989, management and consulting positions in the Lamco Joint Venture Company, a mining operation owned by Granges International Mining, Bethlehem Steel, and the Gov- ernment of Liberia. He also held management and consulting positions with the Afri- can Mining Corporation from 1990 to 1997.

Mr. Kawah holds an M.A.L.D. degree international relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, United States, and completed all requirements, except the dissertation, for the Ph.D. in economic development from Boston University. He received a Bachelor of Science from Liberia's Cuttington Col- lege in 1960.

Born in Robertsport, Liberia, on 14 May 1936, Mr. Kawah is married and has two children.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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Cuttington College, Liberia

The 1968 Football Team of CUC

Back Row from left to right: Anthony Watson, Dennis Julu, Edwin Cooper, Chistopher Kandakai, Robert Gooding, Joseph Weah, Dominic Tarpeh, James Tarpeh Center Row from left to right: T. Max Beer, Jr., Randolph McClain, Joe Jimmeh, Eugene Peabody, Ogunlewe, Njoh Front Row from left to right: Austin Cooper, Joseph Keller Courtesy of T. Max Beer, Jr.

Liberian Studies Journal, XXIX, 2 (2004)

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Cuttington College, Liberia

Cuttington Choir on tour; Josepf Knott, director.

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Cuttington College, Liberia

Graduating Class of 1962

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