Christian-Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Christian-Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner CHRISTIAN-NATIONALISM AND THE RISE OF THE AFRIKANER BROEDERBOND IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1918-48 Charles Bloomberg Christian-Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbond, in South Africa, 1918-48 Charles Bloomberg Edited by Saul Dubow M MACMILLAN © the friends of the late Charles Bloomberg 1990 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1990 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced. copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1956 (as amended). or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. 33-4 Alfred Place. London WC1E 7DP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 1990 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Bloomberg. Charles Christian-Nationalism and the rise of the Afrikaner Broederhond in South Africa. 1. South Africa. Afrikaners. Nationalism. Religious aspects, history I. Title II. Dubow. Saul 291.1'77 ISBN 978-1-349-10696-7 ISBN 978-1-349-10694-3 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-10694-3 Contents Friends of Charles Bloomberg VI Foreword: Charles Bloomberg and the Broederbond Vll Preface by Saul Dubow Xll Introduction XIX 1 The Precepts and Tenets of Christian-Nationalism 1 2 The Anatomy of a Secret Society: An Overview 31 3 Birth and Early Years 65 4 The Afrikaner Broederbond's Christian-Nationalist Counter-Offensive 86 5 General Hertzog's Attack on the Afrikaner Broederbond 108 6 Christian-Nationalist Colour Policy in the 1930s and the Impact of Totalitarian Thought 131 7 Republicanism and the Struggle for Leadership within the Christian-Nationalist Camp, 1940-8 156 8 General Smuts Attacks the Afrikaner Broederbond 183 9 Post-War Developments and the Birth of Apartheid 201 Notes and References 230 Index 241 v Friends of Charles Bloomberg Publication of this book was made possible by generous contributions from a number of Charlie's friends. The Trustees would like to thank the following: John Battersby Virginia Makins Mark Benson Jo Menell Lee Bozalek Clive and Irene Menell Belinda Bozzoli William Millinship Irma Brenman Maureen and Francis Nichols Jill Cargill Andrew Philips James Cornford Michael Richman Meriel and Adrian Derby Anthony Sampson David Elstein Rena Sampson Ralph Evans Ada Shapiro Sadie Forman Kenny and Sybil Sisely Minne Fry Alan Sillitoe Sandy Gall Margaret Smith Don Goldstein Michael Treisman Eric Hobsbawm Frances Weinreich Anthony Howard Katharine Whitehorn Jeremy Isaacs Gill Wright Michael Kidron Hugo Young Magnus Linklater Trustees: Hope Bloomberg, Nicholas Faith, Ros Faith, Jeremy Isaacs. vi Foreword: Charles Bloomberg and the Broederbond The publication of this book is the best tribute his friends can pay to the late, much-lamented Charles Bloomberg. It represents the life's work of a man dogged for twenty years by a severe heart condition which killed him in 1985, a man we knew as a delightful friend, brilliant journalist and talented artist. But behind all these qualities, lay a deeply serious researcher and historian, grappling with one of the most important themes in South African history, the development of the beliefs and organisations which lie at the heart of Afrikanerdom. The work is the more astonishing because it was written under conditions which were totally inimical to serious research, harassment, poverty, and perpetual insecurity. Charlie's friends were entranced by a personality which combined friendliness and lack of aggression with enormous talent and charm, a perpetual fascination with new sights, new people and new experiences, and an uncomplaining acceptance of an uncomfortable and stressful way of life. He was the ideal person to understand South Africa. Lacking any preconceptions based on race, colour or creed, he was blessed with that subtlety of perception which sometimes accompanies a sweetness and openness of nature. Charlie, and his younger sister Ada, were the children of Willy Bloomberg. By trade he was a dental mechanic. but by nature he was a true Jewish intellectual: somewhat solitary, self-taught. immensely knowledgeable. free-thinking, radical. a man who had accumulated a famous library. By contrast Charlie's mother, who had formerly been her husband's assistant. was deeply religious. After High School Charlie took an arts degree at 'Wits' - the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg - before studying law in the early 1950s. He was involved in liberal student politics. Charlie was no orator, but an inspired observer and reporter. As an editor of the student magazine, the liberal 'Wits St11dent', he had his first taste of the complexities involved in South African journalism. Student leaders at the University of Pretoria, who supported apartheid, had privately agreed to accept whoever the VII Vlll Foreword Wits students nominated, black or white, in any joint student organisation. Charlie published the promise, a revelation which provoked an anti-liberal reaction at Pretoria and prevented any further collaboration. After university Charlie naturally became a journalist. His chance came in the years after 1958 when he became a political reporter on the Johannesburg Sunday Times. Its editor, Joel Mervis, had brought a new dynamism to the paper. concentrating, like its British namesake, on bold headlines backed by well-documented political exposes, creating an atmosphere which appealed to Charlie. His gentle approach worked wonders with people as different as Nelson Mandela and a number of Afrikaner ministers. So he was the natural recipient of the material which formed the base for the single most important expose in South African journalistic history- the series of articles, starting on 25 April 1963, which revealed the existence, and explained the workings and enormous influence, of the Afrikaner Broederbond, the hitherto unknown organisation whose members dominated the spiritual, political and economic life of the Afrikaner people. Charlie's revelations were based on the spiritual agonies of one of the most remarkable Afrikaners of his generation, Dr Beyers Naude. 1 A brilliant 'Moderator' in the Dutch Reformed Church, the NGK. Naude was born into the heart of Afrikanerdom. His father had been a founding member of the Broederbond, of which he naturally became a member. Naude himself was one of the NGK delegation to a conference organised by the World Council of Churches in December 1960 at Cottesloe, a former university residence at Wits. The conference was held to consider the increased racial tensions which followed the killings at Sharpeville earlier that year. After Cottesloe Naude became increasingly isolated within the NGK. and found his ideas totally repudiated at the NGK's first national synod in October 1962. In early 1963, convinced that the Broederbond had a stranglehold on the NGK. he broke his vow of silence. He discussed the agonies he felt with Professor Albert Geyser, a close friend, not himself in the Broederbond. In Randall's words: 'Naude asked for Geyser's advice and left a number of Bond documents for him to study.' Geyser decided that 'public exposure was the best means of countering the "quasi-biblical arguments" used by the Bond to cloak its clandestine political activities'. Without consulting Naude, Geyser photographed the documents and gave the negatives to Charlie, a Foreword IX natural recipient given his paper's mass circulation and reputation. With a colleague, 'Hennie' Serfontein, Charlie used the documents as the basis for a long series of articles. Naude subsequently founded the Christian Institute, and, as a former insider, became one of the government's most feared adversaries and one of the most important symbolic figures in the anti-apartheid movement, revered by black and white alike. Now that the Broederbond has been discussed in a number of books (including one written by Charlie's former colleague) it is difficult to recreate the impact of the articles, which were both sensational and authoritative, revealing in detail the full extent of the Broederbond's influence throughout Afrikanerdom. The Broederbond, helped by the Special Branch of the South African police, immediately made feverish attempts to trace the source of the leaks. Dr Piet Koornhof. then the secretary of the Broederbond. and later a cabinet minister. told members of the Bond that the disclosures were part of 'the Communist pattern of suspicion-sowing' aimed at ·subverting Afrikanerdom and its holiest spiritual possessions' - an attitude reflected by the Afrikaner press. The mere mention of 'Communism· and ·subversive forces· provided enough justification for action by the Special Branch. On I October I 963 the offices of the Sunday Times were raided and searched and all the copies of the Broederbond documents were removed. on the flimsy pretext that the documents had been stolen. Six weeks later a special meeting of the executive council of the Broederbond was convened to announce that the source of the leak had been identified as Beyers Naude. Charlie's situation soon became impossible. Laws passed after the Sharpeville massacre provided for detention without trial. and some of Charlie's political contacts were arrested. He was led to believe that he himself might also be taken into custody. In addition he (as well as Geyser and Naude) began to receive death threats. Not surprisingly he decided to leave South Africa. a wrenching decision. for it remained his spiritual home for the rest of his life. By then he had determined to transform the material. not simply into a history of the Broederhond. hut into a much more ambitious study tracing the Bond's roots back to Holland and the rise of Christian-Nationalism. Before he left he copied hundreds of docu­ ments covering the Bond and its links with Christian-Nationalism.
Recommended publications
  • Calvinism in the Context of the Afrikaner Nationalist Ideology
    ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 78, 2009, 2, 305-323 CALVINISM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE AFRIKANER NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY Jela D o bo šo vá Institute of Oriental Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia [email protected] Calvinism was a part of the mythic history of Afrikaners; however, it was only a specific interpretation of history that made it a part of the ideology of the Afrikaner nationalists. Calvinism came to South Africa with the first Dutch settlers. There is no historical evidence that indicates that the first settlers were deeply religious, but they were worshippers in the Nederlands Hervormde Kerk (Dutch Reformed Church), which was the only church permitted in the region until 1778. After almost 200 years, Afrikaner nationalism developed and connected itself with Calvinism. This happened due to the theoretical and ideological approach of S. J.du Toit and a man referred to as its ‘creator’, Paul Kruger. The ideology was highly influenced by historical developments in the Netherlands in the late 19th century and by the spread of neo-Calvinism and Christian nationalism there. It is no accident, then, that it was during the 19th century when the mythic history of South Africa itself developed and that Calvinism would play such a prominent role in it. It became the first religion of the Afrikaners, a distinguishing factor in the multicultural and multiethnic society that existed there at the time. It legitimised early thoughts of a segregationist policy and was misused for political intentions. Key words: Afrikaner, Afrikaner nationalism, Calvinism, neo-Calvinism, Christian nationalism, segregation, apartheid, South Africa, Great Trek, mythic history, Nazi regime, racial theories Calvinism came to South Africa in 1652, but there is no historical evidence that the settlers who came there at that time were Calvinists.
    [Show full text]
  • A Look at the Coloured Community
    NOT FOR PUBLICATION INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS JCB-10- A Look at the 16 Dan Pienaaz Road Coloued Commun_ ty Duzban, Nat al Republic of South Africa June 1st, 1962 Ir. Richard Nolte Institute of Current World Affairs 66 ladison Avenue New York 17, Iew York Dear ir. Nolte: There are many interesting parallels between the South African Coloured people and the Nnerican Negro. Each is a group today only because colour singles them out for dis- crimination. They each have developed a culture that has little in common with that of the tribal African. And perhaps their most striking s iw.ilarity'lies in their mutual desire for full cit.zenship in their respective countries. However, while the position of the Negro ]as improved considerably in the last fifteen years the opposite has been true in South Africa. e Coloured population has not yet reached tle toint where they have a strong group consciousness, nor do they have the hope of a national government implementing a consti- tution in which their rights are fully guaranteed. They lack what ot-er South African racial groups have and that is a distinct cultural identity of their own. Their culture is that of the White South African, especially the Afrikaner. Even the Cape Malays, who with trei: loslem faith are about the most 'foreign' of the Coloureds, speak Afrikaans. Because there is so little difference in culture, light skins have made possible easy entry into the hite community. One social worker estimates that in recent years 25,000 have left the Cape to establish White identities in the Transvaal.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa: What Kind of Change? by William J
    A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No.5 • November 25, 1982 South Africa: What Kind of Change? by William J. Foltz Discussion of the prospects for "meaningful" or just installed. Thanks in large part to the electoral "significant" change in South Africa has engaged success of 1948, his ethnic community has now pro­ Marxist, liberal, and conservative scholars for years. duced a substantial entrepreneurial and managerial Like other participants in this perennial debate, I have class which has challenged the English-speaking com­ tripped over my own predictions often enough to have munity for control over the economy and which is bruised my hubris. I am afraid that I must disappoint now busy integrating itself with that community. In anyone who wants a firm schedule and route map as 1948 the income ratio between Afrikaners and English to where South Africa goes from here. This does not was 1:2, it is now about 1:1.3, and in urban areas it imply that important changes are not taking place in is nearly 1:1. South Africa. Indeed, some of the changes that have The African population has also changed substan­ occurred or become apparent in the last seven years tially. Despite the fictions of grand apartheid, more have been momentous, and at the least they allow us than half the African population lives in "white" areas, to exclude some possibilities for the future. There are, and by the end of the century 60 percent of the total however, simply too many uncontrolled variables in African population is expected to be urban.
    [Show full text]
  • The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy
    Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 30, Nr 2, 2000. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy Ian Liebenberg Introduction: Purpose of this contribution To write an inclusive history of liberation and transition to democracy in South Africa is almost impossible. To do so in the course of one paper is even more demanding, if not daunting. Not only does "the liberation struggle" in South Africa in its broadest sense span more than a century. It also saw the coming and going of movements, the merging and evolving of others and a series of principled and/or pragmatic pacts in the process. The author is attempting here to provide a rather descriptive (and as far as possible, chronological) look at and rudimentary outline to the main organisational levels of liberation in South Africa since roughly the 1870' s. I will draw on my own 2 work in the field lover the past fifteen years as well as other sources • A wide variety of sources and personal experiences inform this contribution, even if they are not mentioned here. Also needless to say, one's own subjectivities may arise - even if an attempt is made towards intersubjecti vity. This article is an attempt to outline and describe the organisations (and where applicable personalities) in an inclusive and descriptive research approach in See Liebenberg (1990), ldeologie in Konjlik, Emmerentia: Taurus Uitgewers; Liebenberg & Van der Merwe (1991), Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van Apartheid, Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis, vol 16(2): 1-24; Liebenberg (1994), Resistance by the SANNC and the ANC, 1912 - 1960, in Liebenberg et al (Eds.) The Long March: The Story of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism Caroline Mala Corbin University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
    Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 76 | Issue 1 Article 10 5-24-2019 Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism Caroline Mala Corbin University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Caroline Mala Corbin, Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism, 76 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 453 (2019), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol76/iss1/10 This Student Notes Colloquium is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Christian Legislative Prayers and Christian Nationalism Caroline Mala Corbin* Table of Contents I. Introduction ...................................................................... 453 II. Christian Nationalism ..................................................... 458 III. Christian Prayers Reflect and Exacerbate Christian Nationalism ..................................................... 463 A. Christian Legislative Prayers as Embodying Nationalism ................................................................ 464 B. Christian Legislative Prayers Promote Christian Nationalism ..............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Albert Geyser's Resignation Speech on 03 September 1968
    HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 2 Editorial Albert Geyser’s resignation speech on 03 September 1968 On 01 October 1962, Albert Geyser resigned as professor of the University of Pretoria after Author: Andries G. Van Aarde1 having been found guilty of the charge of heresy. The Rector Professor C.H. Rautenbach, under pressure from church leadership, made it impossible for him to stay on. Subsequently, on Affiliation: 26 August 1963, Prof. Adrianus Van Selms resigned as lecturer of the Faculty of Theology. The 1Faculty of Theology, Executive of the General Assembly of the Hervormde Kerk decided that Van Selms’s resignation Department of New Testament Studies, University as lecturer meant that his status as ordained minister of the Hervormde Kerk, was automatically of Pretoria, South Africa rescinded. Research Project Registration: Project Leader: A.G. van Aarde Geyser appealed to the Supreme Court against the Church’s guilty verdict on the heresy charge. Project Number: 2334682 The judge ordered the advocates to negotiate a retraction of the Church’s verdict. The Church agreed and Geyser’s status as minister of the Church was restored. Johan Buitendag, in Van Corresponding author: Aarde, De Villiers and Buitendag (2014), points out on account of the written memoirs of Judge Andries van Aarde, [email protected] Frik Eloff that: we ought to understand the reinstatement of Geyser’s ministerial office in much more radical terms than How to cite this article: we have done so far … It is quite clear: Prof. Geyser was not reinstated in his office as if he were the Van Aarde, A.G., 2017, ‘Albert recipient of a favour, but in the sense that he had never been found guilty.
    [Show full text]
  • 200 1. Voortrekkers Were Groups of Nineteenth- Century Afrikaners Who
    Notes 1. Voortrekkers were groups of nineteenth- century Afrikaners who migrated north from the Cape colony into the South African interior to escape British rule. 2. ‘Township’ is the name given by colonial and later apartheid authorities to underdeveloped, badly resourced urban living areas, usually on the outskirts of white towns and cities, which were set aside for the black workforce. 3. See, for example, Liz Gunner on Zulu radio drama since 1941 (2000), David Coplan on township music and theatre (1985) and Isabel Hofmeyr on the long- established Afrikaans magazine Huisgenoot (1987). 4. In 1984 the NP launched what it called a ‘tricameral’ parliament, a flawed and divisive attempt at reforming the political system. After a referendum among white voters it gave limited political representation to people classi- fied as coloured and Indian, although black South Africans remained com- pletely excluded. Opposition to the system came from both the left and right and voting rates among non- whites remained extremely low, in a show of disapproval of what many viewed as puppet MPs. 5. The State of Emergency was declared in 1985 in 36 magisterial districts. It was extended across the whole country in 1986 and given an extra year to run in 1989. New measures brought in included the notorious 90- day law, in which suspects could be held without trial for 90 days, after which many were released and then re- arrested as they left the prison. 6. According to André Brink, ‘The widespread notion of “traditional Afrikaner unity” is based on a false reading of history: strife and division within Afrikanerdom has been much more in evidence than unity during the first three centuries of white South African history’ (1983, 17).
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanese Christian Nationalism: a Theoretical Analyses of a National Movement
    1 Lebanese Christian nationalism: A theoretical analyses of a national movement A Masters Thesis Presented by Penelope Zogheib To the faculty of the department of Political Science at Northeastern University In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Northeastern University Boston, MA December, 2013 2 Lebanese Christian nationalism: A theoretical analyses of a national movement by Penelope Zogheib ABSTRACT OF THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December, 2013 3 ABSTRACT OF THESIS This thesis examines the distinctiveness of Lebanese Christian identity, and the creation of two interconnected narratives pre and during the civil war: the secular that rejects Arab nationalism and embraces the Phoenician origins of the Lebanese, and the marriage of the concepts of dying and fighting for the sacred land and faith. This study portrays the Lebanese Christian national movement as a social movement with a national agenda struggling to disseminate its conception of the identity of a country within very diverse and hostile societal settings. I concentrate on the creation process by the ethnic entrepreneurs and their construction of the self-image of the Lebanese Christian and the perception of the "other" in the Arab world. I study the rhetoric of the Christian intelligentsia through an examination of their writings and speeches before, during and after the civil war, and the evolution of that rhetoric along the periods of peace and war. I look at how the image of “us” vs.
    [Show full text]
  • From Broederbond to Brotherhood— a Tribute to C
    making choices but of failing to recognize alternatives, of stressing one truth at the expense of its companion The gospel message itself must, truth Truth has a way of being elliptical, and heresy in these bewildered times, be is the attempt to circularize that which in its very nature followed by "Be ye reconciled is elliptical The two foci may not be reduced to one to God." he Reformed heritage has in it several items which Tmust be very carefully handled in times such as guilt And when we had difficulty with the concept of ours, items which can very easily be made to feed the guilt we had to rename our penitentiaries, for only modern mind and contribute to the cancelling out of where there is subject-role can there be penitence, we subject-role One of these is the doctrine of the "cove­ call them houses of correction now We try to solve the nant/' which when spoken of as "monopleunc" or made crime problem while we view people in the object-role, over into a "testament" becomes a case of circularizing and then we wonder why it is that we cannot build the ellipse The associated concept of "pedobaptism" prisons fast enough or big enough must likewise be carefully watched in times such as Our assumption in the face of poverty is that where ours, and for the same reason The very concept of the people live below an artificially established level, some­ "decrees," especially when it is dissociated from its thing or someone out there is the cause Such people companion doctrine, can be employed to feed the "spirit are said to be "underprivileged,"
    [Show full text]
  • AFRIKANER NATIONALISM and the JEWS SENATOR LESLIE RUBIN Senator Representing the Africans of the Cape Province
    AFRIKANER NATIONALISM AND THE JEWS SENATOR LESLIE RUBIN Senator Representing the Africans of the Cape Province. DR. N. DIEDERICHS is an important member of the Nationalist party. Acknowledged as something of an economic expert, both within and beyond the ranks of his party, he delivers well- prepared and thoughtful speeches. As a rule he sticks to his specialised field. He often talks about industrial matters, and was chosen by the Government, early in the parliamentary session of this year, to move the motion urging an increase in the price of gold. He is thought to be in the running for Minis­ terial honours if the cabinet should be enlarged. Dr. Diederichs recently had something to say which referred to the Jews in South Africa. He said it in the course of an address to an Afrikaner commercial organisation which received wide publicity. The Afrikaner, he said, could be congratulated upon the progress he had made in recent years in the industrial and commercial fields, but other sections of the population still had a disproportionate share of the country's economic wealth, and the Afrikaner must continue the struggle to alter this undesirable state of affairs. (Although the Jews are not mentioned, there is no doubt that the statement refers to them as one of the sections, the other being the English.) This is, of course, an oblique restatement of the familiar thesis of economic anti-Semitism: the Jews are not ordinary citizens of the country, but a distinct competitive group threat­ ening the rightful economic destiny of Afrikanerdom. For many a discerning South African Jew, the statement recalled memories of those frightening days, in the thirties, when a number of versions of overseas Jew-baiting movements flourished in a greater or lesser degree, in this country; or—what is more important—reminded him that there was a time when the garb worn by the Nationalist Party was quite different from its present post-1948, rather consciously pro-Semitic, new look.
    [Show full text]
  • Mirror, Mediator, and Prophet: the Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa
    VOL. 42, NO. 1 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY WINTER 1998 Mirror, Mediator, and Prophet: The Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa INGRID BIANCA BYERLY DUKE UNIVERSITY his article explores a movement of creative initiative, from 1960 to T 1990, that greatly influenced the course of history in South Africa.1 It is a movement which holds a deep affiliation for me, not merely through an extended submersion and profound interest in it, but also because of the co-incidence of its timing with my life in South Africa. On the fateful day of the bloody Sharpeville march on 21 March 1960, I was celebrating my first birthday in a peaceful coastal town in the Cape Province. Three decades later, on the weekend of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990, I was preparing to leave for the United States to further my studies in the social theories that lay at the base of the remarkable musical movement that had long engaged me. This musical phenomenon therefore spans exactly the three decades of my early life in South Africa. I feel privi- leged to have experienced its development—not only through growing up in the center of this musical moment, but particularly through a deepen- ing interest, and consequently, an active participation in its peak during the mid-1980s. I call this movement the Music Indaba, for it involved all sec- tors of the complex South African society, and provided a leading site within which the dilemmas of the late-apartheid era could be explored and re- solved, particularly issues concerning identity, communication and social change.
    [Show full text]