The Pegasus Ethos 16 AIR ASSAULT BRIGADE
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Armed Forces' Pay Review Body 47Th Report 2018
Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body – Forty-Seventh Report 2018 Armed Forces’ Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body Forty-Seventh Report 2018 Chair: John Steele Cm 9677 Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body Forty-Seventh Report 2018 Chair: John Steele Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Defence by Command of Her Majesty July 2018 Cm 9677 © Crown copyright 2018 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected]. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations/office-of-manpower-economics ISBN 978-1-5286-0435-2 CCS0318277118 07/18 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum Printed in the UK by the APS Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body TERMS OF REFERENCE The Armed Forces’ Pay Review Body provides independent advice to the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Defence on the remuneration and charges for members of the Naval, Military and Air Forces of the Crown. In reaching its recommendations, the Review Body is to have regard to the following considerations: • the need to recruit, retain and motivate suitably able and qualified people taking account of the particular circumstances of Service life; • Government policies for improving public services, including the requirement on the Ministry of Defence to meet the output targets for the delivery of departmental services; • the funds available to the Ministry of Defence as set out in the Government’s departmental expenditure limits; and, • the Government’s inflation target. -
Unlocking NATO's Amphibious Potential
November 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE J.D. WILLIAMS, GENE GERMANOVICH, STEPHEN WEBBER, GABRIELLE TARINI Unlocking NATO’s Amphibious Potential Lessons from the Past, Insights for the Future orth Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members maintain amphibious capabilities that provide versatile and responsive forces for crisis response and national defense. These forces are routinely employed in maritime Nsecurity, noncombatant evacuation operations (NEO), counterterrorism, stability operations, and other missions. In addition to U.S. Marine Corps (USMC) and U.S. Navy forces, the Alliance’s amphibious forces include large ships and associated landing forces from five nations: France, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom (UK). Each of these European allies—soon to be joined by Turkey—can conduct brigade-level operations, and smaller elements typically are held at high readiness for immediate response.1 These forces have been busy. Recent exercises and operations have spanned the littorals of West and North Africa, the Levant, the Gulf of Aden and Arabian Sea, the Caribbean, and the Pacific. Given NATO’s ongoing concerns over Russia’s military posture and malign behavior, allies with amphibious capabilities have also been exploring how these forces could contribute to deterrence or, if needed, be employed as part of a C O R P O R A T I O N combined and joint force in a conflict against a highly some respects, NATO’s ongoing efforts harken back to the capable nation-state. Since 2018, NATO’s headquarters Cold War, when NATO’s amphibious forces routinely exer- and various commands have undertaken initiatives and cised in the Mediterranean and North Atlantic as part of a convened working groups to advance the political intent broader strategy to deter Soviet aggression. -
Delivering Security in a Changing World Future Capabilities
Delivering Security in a Changing World Future Capabilities 1 Delivering Security in a Changing World Future Capabilities Presented to Parliament by The Secretary of State for Defence By Command of Her Majesty July 2004 £7.00 Cm 6269 Chapter 1 Introduction 2 Chapter 2 Force Structure Changes 5 Chapter 3 Organisation and Efficiency 11 Chapter 4 Conclusions 13 Annex Determining the Force Structure 14 © Crown Copyright 2004 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and departmental logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing that it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Any enquiries relating to the copyright in this document should be addressed to The Licensing Division, HMSO, St Clements House, 2-16 Colegate, Norwich, NR3 1BQ. Fax: 01603 723000 or e-mail: licensing@cabinet-office.x.gsi.gov.uk Foreword by the Secretary of State for Defence the Right Honourable Geoff Hoon MP In the Defence White Paper of last December I set out the need to defend against the principal security challenges of the future: international terrorism, the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction, and weak and failing states. Our need in the future is for flexible and adaptable armed forces properly supported to carry out the most likely expeditionary operations. To create a more sustainable and affordable force structure which better meets these operational requirements we have secured additional resources: the 2004 Spending Review allocated £3.7 billion to defence across the Spending Review period, which represents an average real terms increase of 1.4% a year. -
TRANSFORMING the BRITISH ARMY an Update
TRANSFORMING THE BRITISH ARMY An Update © Crown copyright July 2013 Images Army Picture Desk, Army Headquarters Designed by Design Studio ADR002930 | TRANSFORMING THE BRITISH ARMY 2013 TRANSFORMING THE BRITISH ARMY 2013 | 1 Contents Foreword 1 Army 2020 Background 2 The Army 2020 Design 3 Formation Basing and Names 4 The Reaction Force 6 The Adaptable Force 8 Force Troops Command 10 Transition to new Structures 14 Training 15 Personnel 18 Defence Engagement 21 Firm Base 22 Support to Homeland Resilience 23 Equipment 24 Reserves 26 Army Communication Strategic Themes 28 | TRANSFORMING THE BRITISH ARMY 2013 TRANSFORMING THE BRITISH ARMY 2013 | 1 Foreword General Sir Peter Wall GCB CBE ADC Gen Chief of the General Staff We have made significant progress in refining the detail of Army 2020 since it was announced in July 2012. It is worth taking stock of what has been achieved so far, and ensuring that our direction of travel continues to be understood by the Army. This comprehensive update achieves this purpose well and should be read widely. I wish to highlight four particular points: • Our success in establishing Defence Engagement as a core Defence output. Not only will this enable us to make a crucial contribution to conflict prevention, but it will enhance our contingent capability by developing our understanding. It will also give the Adaptable Force a challenging focus in addition to enduring operations and homeland resilience. • We must be clear that our capacity to influence overseas is founded upon our credibility as a war-fighting Army, capable of projecting force anywhere in the world. -
Operation in Iraq, Our Diplomatic Efforts Were Concentrated in the UN Process
OPERATIONS IN IRAQ First Reflections IRAQ PUBLISHED JULY 2003 Produced by Director General Corporate Communication Design by Directorate of Corporate Communications DCCS (Media) London IRAQ FIRST REFLECTIONS REPORT Contents Foreword 2 Chapter 1 - Policy Background to the Operation 3 Chapter 2 - Planning and Preparation 4 Chapter 3 - The Campaign 10 Chapter 4 - Equipment Capability & Logistics 22 Chapter 5 - People 28 Chapter 6 - Processes 32 Chapter 7 - After the Conflict 34 Annex A - Military Campaign Objectives 39 Annex B - Chronology 41 Annex C - Deployed Forces and Statistics 43 1 Foreword by the Secretary of State for Defence On 20 March 2003 a US-led coalition, with a substantial contribution from UK forces, began military operations against the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq. Just 4 weeks later, the regime was removed and most of Iraq was under coalition control. The success of the military campaign owed much to the determination and professionalism of the coalition’s Armed Forces and the civilians who supported them. I regret that, during the course of combat operations and subsequently, a number of Service personnel lost their lives. Their sacrifice will not be forgotten. The UK is playing a full part in the re-building of Iraq through the establishment of conditions for a stable and law-abiding Iraqi government. This process will not be easy after years of repression and neglect by a brutal regime. Our Armed Forces are performing a vital and dangerous role by contributing to the creation of a secure environment so that normal life can be resumed, and by working in support of humanitarian organisations to help the Iraqi people. -
Joint Doctrine Note 1/16: Air Manoeuvre
Joint Doctrine Note 1/16 Air Manoeuvre Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre Joint Doctrine Note 1/16 Air Manoeuvre Joint Doctrine Note (JDN) 1/16, dated September 2016, is promulgated as directed by the Chiefs of Staff Head Doctrine Conditions of release 1. This information is Crown copyright. The Ministry of Defence (MOD) exclusively owns the intellectual property rights for this publication. You are not to forward, reprint, copy, distribute, reproduce, store in a retrieval system, or transmit its information outside the MOD without VCDS’ permission. 2. This information may be subject to privately owned rights. JDN 1/16 i Authorisation The Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre (DCDC) is responsible for publishing strategic trends, joint concepts and doctrine. If you wish to quote our publications as reference material in other work, you should confirm with our editors whether the particular publication and amendment state remains authoritative. We welcome your comments on factual accuracy or amendment proposals. Please send them to: The Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre MOD Shrivenham, SWINDON, Wiltshire, SN6 8RF Telephone number: 01793 31 4216/4217/4220 Military Network: 96161 4216/4217/4220 E-mail: [email protected] All images, or otherwise stated are: © Crown copyright/MOD 2016. Distribution The distribution of Joint Doctrine Note (JDN) 1/16 is managed by the Forms and Publications Section, LCSLS Headquarters and Operations Centre, C16 Site, Ploughley Road, Arncott, Bicester, OX25 1LP. All of our other publications, including a regularly updated DCDC Publications Disk, can also be demanded from the LCSLS Operations Centre. LCSLS Help Desk: 01869 256197 Military Network: 94240 2197 Our publications are available to view and download on the Defence Intranet (RLI) at: http://defenceintranet.diif.r.mil.uk/Organisations/Orgs/JFC/Organisations/Orgs/ DCDC This publication is also available on the Internet at: www.gov.uk/mod/dcdc iiii JDN 1/16 Preface Purpose 1. -
Joint Doctrine Note 1/20, Air Manoeuvre
Joint Doctrine Note 1/20 Air Manoeuvre Joint Doctrine Note 1/20 Air Manoeuvre Joint Doctrine Note (JDN) 1/20, dated June 2020, is promulgated as directed by the Chiefs of Staff Head Doctrine Conditions of release This publication is UK Ministry of Defence (MOD) Crown copyright. Material and information contained in this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system and transmitted for UK government and MOD use only, except where authority for use by other organisations or individuals has been authorised by a Patent Officer of the Defence Intellectual Property Rights. JDN 1/20 i Authorisation The Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre (DCDC) is responsible for publishing strategic trends, joint concepts and doctrine. If you wish to quote our publications as reference material in other work, you should confirm with our editors whether the particular publication and amendment state remains authoritative. We welcome your comments on factual accuracy or amendment proposals. Please contact us via: Email: [email protected] Telephone: 01793 31 4216/4220 Copyright This publication is UK Ministry of Defence © Crown copyright (2020) including all images (unless otherwise stated). If contacting Defence Intellectual Property Rights for authority to release outside of the UK government and MOD, the Patent Officer should be informed of any third party copyright within the publication. Crown copyright and Merchandise Licensing, Defence Intellectual Property Rights, Central Legal Services, MOD Abbeywood South, Poplar 2 #2214, Bristol, BS34 8JH. Email: [email protected] Distribution All DCDC publications, including a biannual DCDC Publications Disk, can be demanded from the LCSLS Headquarters and Operations Centre. -
The Suez Crisis Sedgley's Diamond 60 Sixty Years, Sixty People, Sixty Stories About Village Life
Sedgley’s Diamond 60 1956 Sixty years, sixty people, sixty stories about village life The Suez Crisis by Martin Jones My earliest memory is of my dad going off to work in the morning on the back of his colleague’s motorbike during the Suez crisis of 1956/57. At that time our family were living in Bishop’s Stortford in Hertfordshire and my father was a partner in a solicitor’s practice in Stevenage, around 30 miles away. He usually A three-year-old Martin in around travelled to work in our family car, a Wolseley 4/44. 1956/7, at the time of the Suez crisis. 17th December 1956 was different. Petrol supplies to garages had already been cut by 10%, prompting panic buying and long queues at petrol stations. On that day motorists were further restricted to travelling 200 miles a month, making a daily drive to and from Stevenage impossible. The family car, a Wolseley 4/44, It was the beginning of petrol rationing in the UK, which was abandoned during the caused by the nationalisation of the Suez canal by the petrol rationing of the Suez crisis Egyptian president Gamul Abdul Nasser. The Israelis, British and French had colluded to invade and occupy the canal region: an Anglo/French invasion of Suez began on 5th November 1956 when the 3rd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment captured El Gamil airfield. Nasser responded by sinking 49 ships and rendering the Suez canal unnavigable. The crisis stopped oil Nasser cheered by supporters in exports from travelling the short route from the 1956. -
The Perception Versus the Iraq War Military Involvement in Sean M. Maloney, Ph.D
Are We Really Just: Peacekeepers? The Perception Versus the Reality of Canadian Military Involvement in the Iraq War Sean M. Maloney, Ph.D. IRPP Working Paper Series no. 2003-02 1470 Peel Suite 200 Montréal Québec H3A 1T1 514.985.2461 514.985.2559 fax www.irpp.org 1 Are We Really Just Peacekeepers? The Perception Versus the Reality of Canadian Military Involvement in the Iraq War Sean M. Maloney, Ph.D. Part of the IRPP research program on National Security and Military Interoperability Dr. Sean M. Maloney is the Strategic Studies Advisor to the Canadian Defence Academy and teaches in the War Studies Program at the Royal Military College. He served in Germany as the historian for the Canadian Army’s NATO forces and is the author of several books, including War Without Battles: Canada’s NATO Brigade in Germany 1951-1993; the controversial Canada and UN Peacekeeping: Cold War by Other Means 1945-1970; and the forthcoming Operation KINETIC: The Canadians in Kosovo 1999-2000. Dr. Maloney has conducted extensive field research on Canadian and coalition military operations throughout the Balkans, the Middle East and Southwest Asia. Abstract The Chrétien government decided that Canada would not participate in Operation Iraqi Freedom, despite the fac ts that Canada had substantial national security interests in the removal of the Saddam Hussein regime and Canadian military resources had been deployed throughout the 1990s to contain it. Several arguments have been raised to justify that decision. First, Canada is a peacekeeping nation and doesn’t fight wars. Second, Canada was about to commit military forces to what the government called a “UN peacekeeping mission” in Kabul, Afghanistan, implying there were not enough military forces to do both, so a choice had to be made between “warfighting” and “peacekeeping.” Third, the Canadian Forces is not equipped to fight a war. -
Cohesion in a British Platoon in Afghanistan
Citation for published version: Bury, P & King, A 2015, A Profession of Love: Cohesion in a British Platoon in Afghanistan. in A King (ed.), Frontline: combat and cohesion in the 21st century. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 200-215. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198719663.001.0001 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198719663.001.0001 Publication date: 2015 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication This is a draft of a chapter that has been published by Oxford University Press in the book 'Frontline: Combat and Cohesion in the Twenty-First Century', edited by Anthony King and published in 2015. University of Bath Alternative formats If you require this document in an alternative format, please contact: [email protected] General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 28. Sep. 2021 9 A Profession of Love: Cohesion in a British Platoon in Afghanistan Patrick Bury and Anthony King Introduction British infantry platoons have been engaged in high-intensity combat and counter-insurgency operations in Afghanistan since 2006. During this time, the British infantry in particular have taken some of the heaviest casualties per number of serving soldiers in NATO.1 Yet despite these relatively high numbers of casualties, a complex and arguably vague counter- insurgency mission, and a constantly shifting U.K. -
Arinternational SPECIAL FORCES and SWAT / CT UNITS
arINTERNATIONAL SPECIAL FORCES And SWAT / CT UNITS ABU DHABI Emirate of Abu Dhabi Police Special Unit ========================================================================================== ALBANIA Minster of defence Naval Commandos Commando Brigade - Comando Regiment, Zall Herr - 4 x Commando Battalions - Special Operations Battalion, Farke - Commando Troop School Ministry of Interior Reparti i Eleminimit dhe Neutralizimit te Elementit te Armatosur (RENEA) Unit 88 Reparti i Operacioneve Speciale (ROS), Durres Unit 77 (CT) Shqiponjat (police) "The Eagles" /Forzat e Nderhyrjes se Shpejte (FNSH) - There are 12 FNSH groups throughout Albania . - Albania is divided into 14 districts called prefectures. There is one FNSH group assigned to 11 of these prefectures Garda Kombetare - National Guards ========================================================================================== ALGERIA Ministry of National Defence Units of the Gendarmerie National Special Intervention Detachment (DSI) / Assault & Rapid Intervention unit Special Brigade Garde Republicaine - Republican Guard (presidential escort honour guard & VIP) Units of the DRS (Research & Security Directorate) (internal security, counter- intelligence) Special Unit of the Service Action GIS, Groupe d’Intervention Sppeciale (Special Intervention Group), Blida Army Units - Saaykaa (Commando & CT), Boughar, Medea Wilaya - One Special Forces/Airborne Divisional HQ - 4 x Airborne Regiments - 18th Elite Para-Commando Regiment ('The Ninjas') - The Special Assault /Airborne/Recon Troops -
Suez Ripples Half-Century After Crisis
Middle East May 11, 2006 Suez ripples half century after crisis By Ronan Thomas An outspoken, youthful Middle Eastern leader takes on powerful Western adversaries seeking to isolate him. Grasping the mantle of national and regional power, his gamble is stunningly successful, but brief. Strategic calculation leads Western powers and their ally Israel to use military power in response. The result: shambles, recrimination, political downfall, imperial eclipse, and an entirely altered regional complexion. July marks the half-century since the 1956 Suez Crisis and Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser's resistance to the West. In 1956, Nasser, putative figurehead for Arab nationalism, seized and nationalized the Suez Canal, the Middle East's vital shipping artery. His ambition: to shake off British and French control of Egyptian assets at a time when both powers were entering an imperial endgame. Egyptian and pan-Arab euphoria was followed by swift naval, airborne and land assaults by Britain, France and (after secret negotiation) Israel. Egyptian military defeat was inevitable, but Western success illusory. The events of the crisis bear retelling, 50 years on, and not just for the historically minded, for parallels with today's Iran imbroglio are emerging. Most of the actors of 1956 are intimately involved. In 2006 another regional protagonist, Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, has voiced Nasser-style defiance toward Western powers and Israel. Iran now appears set on nuclear power amid international opprobrium. It remains unclear whether development of Iranian nuclear weapons may be next. The row - exacerbated in recent months by Ahmadinejad's colorful outbursts - has now moved to New York.