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Post-Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata's Rise
This is the accepted version of the article which is published by Sage in International Political Science Review, Volume: 38 issue: 4, page(s): 456-472 available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117720809 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24592/ Post-populism in Zambia: Michael Sata’s rise, demise and legacy Alastair Fraser SOAS University of London, UK Abstract Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring hyper- partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme. Keywords Elections, populism, political theatre, Laclau, Zambia, Sata, Patriotic Front Introduction This article both contributes to the thin theoretic literature on ‘post-populism’ and develops an illustrative case. It discusses the explosive arrival of the Patriotic Front (PF) on the Zambian electoral scene in 2006 and the party’s subsequent evolution. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Evaluation Report Nimd – Programme in Zambia 2004-2007
EVALUATION REPORT NIMD – PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA 2004-2007 December 2007 Nadia Molenaers [email protected] IOB-University of Antwerp, Belgium TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY…………………………………………………………………………4 I.INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………………….5 I.1. Working with political parties - NIMD: mission, vision, strategy I.2. Terms of Reference and a note on methodology II.ZAMBIAN POLITICAL HISTORY AND CONTEXT ………………………………………………….9 II.1. Independence and the formation of a one-party State: Kaunda’s legacy II.2. 1991: The first multi-party elections, the first alternation of power II.3. From multi-party to dominant party system? Chiluba seeking a third term II.4. MMD continues to rule: Mwanawasa consolidates the dominant party system II.5. Is the power balance slowly tilting towards a second real alternation in power? II.6. An overall assessment of the political situation III.EVALUATING THE NIMD PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA……………………………………………15 III.1. Facts and Figures III.2. Perceptions and views III.3. Perceptions with regards to the institutional set-up of ZCID IV. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………………………………......................39 LIST OF INTERVIEWED PEOPLE……………………………………………………………………….41 ANNEX: TERMS OF REFERENCE……………………………………………………………………….42 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS FDD: Forum for Democracy and Development HP: Heritage Party IPB: Inter Party Bureau MMD: Movement for Multiparty Democracy NCC: National Constitution Conference NIMD: Netherlands Institute Multiparty Democracy PF: Patriotic Front SoP: Summit of Presidents ULP: United Liberal Party UNIP: United National Independence Party UPND: United Party for National Development ZCID: Zambian Center for Interparty Dialogue 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY1 “The thing that threatens ZCID yet at the same time is its driving force is the turbulent nature of politics and political parties. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
Download It From
IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights. -
B-8-2017-0368 EN.Pdf
European Parliament 2014-2019 Plenary sitting B8-0368/2017 16.5.2017 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law pursuant to Rule 135 of the Rules of Procedure on Zambia, particularly the case of Hakainde Hichilema (2017/2681(RSP)) Cristian Dan Preda, Bogdan Brunon Wenta, Deirdre Clune, Mariya Gabriel, Pavel Svoboda, Tunne Kelam, Milan Zver, Krzysztof Hetman, Dubravka Šuica, Maurice Ponga, Sven Schulze, Stanislav Polčák, Lefteris Christoforou, Marijana Petir, Claude Rolin, Ivan Štefanec, Tomáš Zdechovský, Eva Maydell, Csaba Sógor, Adam Szejnfeld, Patricija Šulin, Sandra Kalniete, Ivana Maletić, Brian Hayes, Luděk Niedermayer, Elisabetta Gardini, Željana Zovko, Laima Liucija Andrikienė, Andrey Kovatchev, Jiří Pospíšil, Mairead McGuinness, José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, Roberta Metsola, Francisco José Millán Mon, Ramón Luis Valcárcel Siso, Seán Kelly, Inese Vaidere on behalf of the PPE Group RE\P8_B(2017)0368_EN.docx PE605.467v01-00 EN United in diversityEN B8-0368/2017 European Parliament resolution on Zambia, particularly the case of Hakainde Hichilema (2017/2681(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to previous resolutions on Zambia, – having regard to the statement of 16 April 2017 by the EEAS spokesperson on political tensions in Zambia, – having regard to the EU Electoral Observation Mission Report on the 2016 elections in Zambia, – having regard to the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights, – having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, – having regard to the Zambian Constitution, – having regard to the Cotonou Agreement, – having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, – having regard to Rule 135 of its Rules of Procedure, A. -
Ficha País De Zambia
OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Zambia República de Zambia La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comunicación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios, no defendiendo posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. ABRIL 2021 Forma de Estado: República presidencialista. Zambia División Administrativa: Zambia está organizada territorialmente en 10 pro- vincias: Central, Copperbelt, Este, Luapula, Lusaka, Muchinga, Norte, No- roeste, Sur y Oeste. Cada una de ellas cuenta con la figura de un viceminis- tro, que actúa como Gobernador. Nº residentes españoles: 31 (31/01/2021) Día Nacional: 24 de octubre. Mpulungu Año Independencia: 1964 (24 de octubre de 1964, fecha de su indepen- REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA TANZANIA dencia de Reino Unido). Kasama DEL CONGO Gentilicio : Zambiano, -na; zambianos, -nas (RAE). Lago 1.2. Geografía Kansanshi Malawi Mufulirá Kitwe Ndola La mayor parte de su superficie se encuentra en una llanura de entre 1.000 y ANGOLA MALAWI Kapiri Mposhi 1.500 m de altura respecto del nivel del mar, al que Zambia no tiene acceso. Kabwe El punto orográfico más elevado (2.200 m) son las Montañas Muchinga, en el MOZAMBIQUE Mongu LUSAKA este del país. Las Cataratas Victoria y el Río Zambeze comparten frontera con Zimbabue. 1.3. Indicadores sociales NAMIBIA ZIMBABUE BOTSUANA Densidad de población: 23,3 habitantes/km² (2020) © Ocina de Información Diplomática. -
Zambia Edalina Rodrigues Sanches Zambia Became Increasingly
Zambia Edalina Rodrigues Sanches Zambia became increasingly authoritarian under Patriotic Front (PF) President Edgar Lungu, who had been elected in a tightly contested presidential election in 2016. The runner-up, the United Party for National Development (UPND), engaged in a series of actions to challenge the validity of the results. The UPND saw 48 of its legislators suspended for boycotting Lungu’s state of the nation address and its leader, Hakainde Hichilema, was arrested on charges of treason after his motorcade allegedly blocked Lungu’s convoy. Independent media and civil society organisations were under pressure. A state of emergency was declared after several arson attacks. Lungu announced his intention to run in the 2021 elections and warned judges that blocking this would plunge the country into chaos. The economy performed better, underpinned by global economic recovery and higher demand for copper, the country’s key export. Stronger performance in the agricultural and mining sectors and higher electricity generation also contributed to the recovery. The Zambian kwacha stabilised against the dollar and inflation stood within the target. The cost of living increased. The country’s high risk of debt distress led the IMF to put off a $ 1.3 bn loan deal. China continued to play a pivotal role in Zambia’s economic development trajectory. New bilateral cooperation agreements were signed with Southern African countries. Domestic Politics The controversial results of the August 2016 presidential elections heightened political tensions for most of the year. Hakainde Hichilema, the UPND presidential candidate since 2006, saw the PF incumbent Lungu win the election by a narrow margin and subsequently contested the results, alleging that the vote was rigged. -
Election Observation Delegation for the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Zambia
Texte ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ZAMBIA 2 October 2011 Report by Mr. David MARTIN Head of the Delegation Annexes: A. List of participants B. Programme of the delegation C. Observations by the EP Delegation D. Preliminary Statement E. Press release by EU EOM’s Chief Observer, Ms. Maria Muñiz De Urquiza Introduction Following an invitation sent by the President of Zambia on 17 December 2010, the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament authorised, on 7 September 2011, the sending of an Election Observation Delegation to observe the presidential and parliamentary elections in Zambia, scheduled for 20 September 2011. The country also held local government elections that day which were not observed by the EU EOM. The European Parliament Election Observation Delegation was composed of two Members: Mr David MARTIN (S&D, UK) and Ms Radvilè MORKÜNAITĖ-MIKULĖNIENĖ (EPP, Lithuania)1. Mr David MARTIN was appointed Chair of the Delegation at its constitutive meeting. These elections were the fourth since the introduction of the multipartite system in 2001. The Movement for Multipartite Democracy (MMD) was in power since then. The previous general elections had been organised in 2006. Nevertheless presidential elections had to be held in 2008 after the death of late President Mwanawasa. The presidential election was the most watched and commented as a close contest was expected between the two runners from 2008 election: incumbent President Rupiah Banda and main opposition leader Michael Sata. In 2008 Mr Banda won with a small margin (40% against 38%). The three elections are single round "first-past-the-post". -
PF Cadre Gets Beating After Talking Ill About Kaizer
No343 K10 www.diggers.news Monday January 7, 2019 By Mukosha Funga Renowned PF cadre Fidelis Solomon Ngoma (below) was left for dead after being beaten by unknown people ‘Nosy’ PF cadre gets beating on Saturday night, following a drinking spree in Lusaka. Ngoma is said to be a witness in a fight and shooting incident in which President Edgar Lungu’s political advisor Kaizer Zulu is after talking ill about Kaizer implicated. To page 2 ...LEFT FOR DEAD Lsk cop dies from gunshot wound By Mukosha Funga Constable Lennox Kapila, who was shot by his colleague who is still on the run, has died. Police spokesperson Esther Mwaata Katongo has confirmed this in a statement, saying Kapila died between 09:00 hours and 10:00 hours yesterday at Levy Mwanawasa University Teaching Hospital. To page 4 Police IG Kakoma Kanganja (c) watches as Home Affairs Minister Stephen Kampyongo cuts a cake with Senior Assistant Commissioner of police Nsofwa Butala (l) at the Annual Ball held at ZNS Chamba Valley base in Lusaka on January 4, 2019. Below is Commissioner of Police in charge of Administration Lombe Kamukoshi at the event – Pictures by Tenson Mkhala Sesheke by-election is ZRA paid an opportunity to test mines alliance – Kampyongo K7.3bn By Mukosha Funga opportunity to test the alliance that the party has adopted PF national youth chairperson of “little parties”. Dean Masule as its candidate Stephen Kampyongo says And PF Secretary General in the Sesheke by-election. in VAT the Sesheke by-election is an Davies Mwila has announced To page 4 refunds By Stuart Lisulo ZRA says it has paid out a total CCZ denies pushing opposition of K9.4 billion in VAT refunds in the 2018 financial year, with the mining sector having agenda in dialogue process received at least 78 per cent of By Sipilisiwe Ncube meetings. -
Opposition Party Alliances and Elections in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia
VOLUME 6 NO 1 91 OPPOSITION PARTY ALLIANCES AND ELECTIONS IN BOTSWANA, LESOTHO AND ZAMBIA Victor Shale Victor Shale is a Researcher at EISA and EISA’s Political Parties Programme Coordinator. He is also a Doctoral Candidate in the Department of Political Science of the University of South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 Tel: +27 011 482 5495; Fax: +27 011 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The Southern African Development Community has made significant democratic progress since the 1990s following a wave of ferocious internal conflicts, as in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In order for the achievements to be sustained the region requires viable political parties, which are key role players in a democracy. The majority of the current ruling parties in the SADC region such as the African National Congress, the Botswana Democratic Party, Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), the Lesotho Congress for Democracy, Zambia’s Movement for Multiparty Democracy and the South West Africa People’s Organisation are very powerful, while opposition parties are fragmented and generally weak. However, a trend has developed for opposition parties, having recognised their limitations, to form alliances in order to play a meaningful role. This route has been followed by opposition parties in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia. On the eve of the recent general elections in Lesotho and Zambia, parties negotiated strategies to maximise their chances of winning. In Botswana the negotiation process is still under way, albeit threatened