DOCSLIB.ORG

La CGT Dans La Pénitentiaire

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
La CGT Dans La Pénitentiaire 1 TITRE TITRE La CGT dans la pénitentiaire ★★★ RETOUR SOMMAIRE RETOUR CHAPITRE Pour réaliser ce document, plus particulièrement la partie relatant l’histoire SOMMAIRE du syndicalisme dans la pénitentiaire, nous nous sommes largement inspirés de l’ouvrage de Christian Carlier, ci-dessous. Malheureusement, cet ouvrage n’est plus disponible en librairie. Si vous souhaitez télécharger les pages liées à l’histoire du mouvement syndical dans la pénitentiaire vous pouvez cliquer sur l’image, elle vous proposera le téléchargement d’un pack zip contenant une copie des pages consacrées au mouvement syndical. La CGT, survol d’une histoire Repères chronologiques Les structures de la CGT La cotisation Le syndicalisme dans la pénitentiaire De la FNPP à la CGT Pénitentiaire Années quatre-vingt-90, les luttes La CGT Pénitentiaire, son fonctionnement RETOUR SOMMAIRE 3 LA CGT, SURVOL D’UNE HISTOIRE RETOUR SOMMAIRE 4 NAISSANCE DE LA CGT Des origines à septembre 1895 : la naissance de la CGT ou la lutte pour l’unité. La révolution française a considérablement accentué les différenciations sociales. Au cours du XIXe siècle, chaque groupe social est en recherche d’identification. Le mouvement ouvrier s’affirme au travers des luttes sociales, et par sa participation aux grands évènements politiques (révo- lution de 1830, insurrection de février 1848, commune de 1 871). Face à la structuration du patronat, les premières organisations ouvrières se met- tent en place. Les congrès qui se succèdent vont voir apparaître différents courants dans une période marquée par des grèves et la répression. La fondation de la CGT à Limoges en septembre 1895 repose à la fois sur un processus unitaire, et sur le départ d’une partie des militants. La grève générale, l’autonomie syndicale et le syndicalisme de métier constituent les trois pans de la CGT. De 1895 à la scission de 1920. La CGT face au premier conflit mon- dial. Le débat syndicats/partis poli- tiques s’approfondit. Les questions non résolues des structures de la CGT empêchent encore une véritable unification de la confédération. Si les tendances subsistent dans la CGT, l’unité demeure face à la répression et aux manœuvres intégrationnis- tes du pouvoir. La charte d’Amiens adoptée en 1906 marque le triomphe des thèses de l’anarcho-syndicalisme. La question de l’État va cristalliser les clivages dans la CGT entre réfor- mistes et révolutionnaires, accentués RETOUR SOMMAIRE RETOUR CHAPITRE 5 INSTITUT D’HISTOIRE REPÈRES CHRONOLOGIQUES 1791 > 1906 SOCIALE ★ 1791 Loi ★ 1886 Fédération Le Chapelier interdisant le droit de Création de la Fédération nationale ★ 1892 Bourses du travail coalition des métiers. des syndicats (FNS), d’inspiration Création de la Fédération des Bourses guesdiste. Jules Guesde, l’un des du travail, marquée par le syndica- ★ 1831 Révolte socialistes les plus connus et les plus lisme révolutionnaire de Fernand Révolte des canuts à Lyon, échec des actifs, contribue à la diffusion des Pelloutier. négociations menées par le préfet. idées de Marx en France. L’insurrection sera durement réprimée. ★ 1 895 CGT Congrès constitutif de la Confédé- ★ 1848 Révolution ration générale du travail (CGT) à Face à la répression menée par la Limoges (23-28 septembre). bourgeoisie au pouvoir, jonction du mouvement social et républicain. ★ 1900 Journal Sous la pression populaire, le nouveau Création de La Voix du peuple, organe gouvernement adopte des mesures de la CGT. démocratiques et sociales : procla- mation de la liberté d’association, du mune. La répression de ce fait près de ★ 1902 Structures suffrage universel et du droit du tra- trente mille morts. Œuvre sociale de la Le Congrès de Montpellier donne à la vail, ouverture des Ateliers nationaux Commune de Paris : abolition du travail CGT sa double structure : fédérations pour assurer aux chômeurs le droit au de nuit dans les boulangeries, gestion et unions départementales. travail, décret limitant la durée de tra- démocratique des entreprises fermées vail à 10 heures à Paris et à 11 heures par le patronat ou travaillant pour ★ 1906 Charte d’Amiens en province, abolition de l’esclavage la Commune. Apparition du premier Adoptée au congrès elle donne au colonial. mouvement féminin de masse. syndicalisme confédéral quelques-uns de ses traits spécifiques : la lutte des ★ 1 871 La Commune de Paris ★ 1884 Syndicats ★ 1890 1er mai classes ; la lutte quotidienne pour des C’est la première révolution proléta- Loi Waldeck-Rousseau autorisant les Première célébration française et in- améliorations immédiates mais aussi rienne. Outrés par l’armistice avec syndicats professionnels ouvriers et ternationale de la journée d’action du la lutte pour la disparition du salariat la Prusse, les Parisiens se révoltent patronaux. 1er mai. Le 1er mai 1891, à Fourmies et du patronat ; indépendance vis-à- contre le pouvoir et élisent une as- (Nord) la troupe tire sur des grévistes : vis des organisations politiques. http:// semblée qui prend le nom de Com- neuf morts, 35 blessés. www.ihs.cgt.fr RETOUR SOMMAIRE RETOUR CHAPITRE 6 INSTITUT D’HISTOIRE REPÈRES CHRONOLOGIQUES 1909 > 1945 SOCIALE ★ 1930 Droit social dissolution des centrales syndicales Vote définitif de la loi sur les Assuran- ouvrières et patronales. 1941, promul- ces sociales. gation de la Charte du travail interdi- sant les grèves et le lock-out. ★ 1934 Liberté En riposte à l’émeute du 6 février, ★ 1943 Unification grève générale « contre le fascisme Les Accords du Perreux, signés par « à l’appel de la CGT et de la CGTU Robert Bothereau et Louis Saillant (organisation, née en 1920, d’une pour les « ex-confédérés » ; Henri scission de la CGT) Raynaud et André Tollet pour les « ex- unitaires », reconstituent la CGT. ★ 1936 Accords Matignon Réunification de la CGT et de la CGTU. ★ 1944 Résistance Victoire électorale du Front populaire. Participation de la CGT au programme Vague de grèves avec occupations du Conseil national de la Résistance d’usines. Accords Matignon : relè- (CNR) définissant les nationalisations, vement des salaires, extension des la Sécurité sociale et les comités d’en- ★ 1909 La Vie ouvrière international auquel participe la CGT. conventions collectives et institution treprises. Création de la Confédération Premier numéro de cette « revue En 1919 il sera remplacé par la Fédé- de délégués du personnel, semaine générale des cadres (CGC). d’action » qui se définit comme « syn- ration syndicale internationale (FSI). de 40 heures et 15 jours de congés dicaliste Révolutionnaire, antiparle- payés. ★ 1945 Conquêtes mentaire ». ★ 1919 Conquête Début des nationalisations, création Loi sur la journée de huit heures et sur ★ 1939 Années noires des comités d’entreprise et mise en ★ 1910 Retraites les conventions collectives. Création Début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale place de la Sécurité sociale. Fin de Loi sur les retraites ouvrières et de la Confédération française des (3 septembre). Le 18 septembre, le la seconde Guerre mondiale (8 mai : paysannes. L’âge de la retraite est fixé travailleurs chrétiens (CFTC). Bureau confédéral de la CGT vote capitulation allemande, 2 septembre : à 65 ans. L’espérance de vie est alors une déclaration excluant les militants capitulation japonaise). Création de la de moins de 49 ans. ★ 1921 Le Peuple, qui refusent de condamner le pacte Fédération syndicale mondiale (FSM) Naissance de l’organe officiel de la germano-soviétique. Cette décision à laquelle adhère la CGT.1946, promul- ★ 1913 Internationalisme CGT. est approuvée par la Commission gation du Statut général des fonction- Constitution du Secrétariat syndical administrative le 25 septembre.1940, naires. Début de la Guerre d’Indochine RETOUR SOMMAIRE RETOUR CHAPITRE 7 INSTITUT D’HISTOIRE REPÈRES CHRONOLOGIQUES 1947 > 1963 SOCIALE des syndicats libres (CISL) à laquelle ★ 1962 Paix adhère la CGT-FO. Une manifestation anti-OAS dure- ment réprimée fait 9 morts au métro ★ 1950 Conquêtes Charonne. Accords d’Evian, fin de la Vote de la loi sur les Conventions col- guerre d’Algérie (18 mars). lectives. Création du Salaire minimum interprofessionnel garanti (Smig). ★ 1953 Retraites Du 4 au 25 août, grande grève dans les services publics. Le 4 août, la CGT puis la CFTC appellent à une jour- née d’action des secteurs public et nationalisé contre le recul de l’âge à (19 novembre 1946). Pendant toute la la vie quotidienne reste tout aussi la retraite. Les postiers de Bordeaux durée du conflit, la CGT organise des difficile. Scission de la CGT : des res- décident la poursuite du mouvement. manifestations de solidarité à l’égard ponsables de la Confédération, réunis Aussitôt les confédérations CGT, FO, du peuple vietnamien et en faveur de autour du journal Force ouvrière, CFTC appellent à la grève générale la paix. favorables au plan Marshall et contre dans ces secteurs. Le 14 août, on ★ 1947 Guerre froide le mouvement de grève de 1947, compte quatre millions de grévistes. Lancement du « Plan Marshall d’aide donnent leur démission et quittent la à l’Europe », destiné à assurer la CGT pour créer la CGT-Force ouvrière ★ 1954 Libération reconstruction de l’Europe, sous la (CGT-FO). Début de la guerre d’Algérie (1er no- houlette américaine. Ce plan marque vembre). Durant tout le conflit la CGT le début de la Guerre froide. Vague ★ 1949 Division soutient « les revendications des Algé- nationale de grève pour une hausse La FSM critique le plan Marshall et riens et leurs aspirations nationales ». ★ 1963 Les mineurs salariale de 25 %, un minimum vital l’influence américaine en Europe, ce À l’appel de la CGT et de FO, vaste de 10 000 francs et la révision trimes- qui provoque une scission. Les syn- ★ 1956 Conquête mouvement de grèves des mineurs. trielle des salaires. Après la période dicats des Etats-Unis, d’Angleterre et Troisième semaine de congés payés. Ils s’inquiètent des incertitudes pesant noire qu’ont représenté les années de des Pays-Bas se retirent de la FSM. Ils sur leur profession et revendiquent guerre puis d’immédiat après-guerre, créent la Confédération internationale une augmentation des salaires.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Origin of Socialist Reformism in France*
    CARL LANDAUER THE ORIGIN OF SOCIALIST REFORMISM IN FRANCE* PRELUDE: THE OPPOSITION TO MARX IN THE INTERNATIONAL Although the International Workingmen's Association is often called the Marxian International, it was at no time safely under the control of Karl Marx. The spirit of Marx, however, was the strongest single influence in the organization from its beginning, and from 1868, when the Proudhonians had suffered defeat at the Brussels Congress, to 1872, when Bakunin's opposition proved too strong to be overcome, Marx possessed more power in the organization than anyone else. Yet this power collapsed in 1872: Although formally Marx was the victor at the Hague Congress, actually in the conflict with Bakunin it became evident that Marx's position was disintegrating. What were the reasons? "Marx accused his opponent of the intention to introduce into the Association ideological disorder, the spirit of [political] abstentionism and of federalism, in the Utopian desire to create a communal organi- zation without government. Bakunin, in his turn, criticized Marx for wanting to impose on the International a unified dogma and a party discipline in order to create a regime of authoritarian communism first in the Association and then in the state (dans les gouvernements)."1 Unfortunately for Marx and for the unity of the workers' movement, many members of the International who by no means believed in a "communal organization without a government" and perhaps were not * The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Institute of International Studies at the University of California at Berkeley for financial support in meeting expenses incurred in the collection of material; also to Monsieur Couta- rel, librarian of the Prefecture de police in Paris, for permission to use the files of the Prefecture; and to the staff of the Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis in Amsterdam, especially to Mr T.
    [Show full text]
  • Reviews / Comptes Rendus
    Document generated on 09/26/2021 6:16 p.m. Labour/Le Travailleur Reviews / Comptes Rendus Volume 22, 1988 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt22rv01 See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article (1988). Reviews / Comptes Rendus. Labour/Le Travailleur, 22, 273–376. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1988 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ REVŒWS/COMPTES RENDUS R. Cole Harris, ed, Historical Atlas of Canada, vol. 1, From the Beginning to 1800 by AlhnGtter/273 Bill Gillespie,/4 Class Act An Illustrated History of the Labour Movement in Newfoundland and Labrador by WJ.CCherwinski/274 Bryan D. Palmer, Solidarity: The Rise and Fall of an Opposition in British Columbia by Warren Magnusson / 277 Alan Metcalfe, Canada Leams to Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport, 1807-1914 by Geoffrey S. Smith /278 Dianne Newell, Technology on the Frontier: Mining in Old Ontario by Ian Radforth / 280 Briton Cooper Busdi, The War Against the Seals: A History of the North American Seal Fishery by Daniel Vickers/282 Charles M.
    [Show full text]
  • Jaures and the Formulation of a Socialist Peasant Policy, 1885–1898
    HARVEY GOLDBERG JAURES AND THE FORMULATION OF A SOCIALIST PEASANT POLICY, 1885-1898 On January 8, 1893, the voters in the second electoral district, De- partment of the Tarn, cast ballots in a partial election of more than local interest. The Marquis de Solages had resigned his seat in the Chamber of Deputies on the previous October 14 during the bitterness generated by the strike against his Carmaux coal company. The social- ists of the district, at first with considerable hesitation 1, nominated as their candidate Jean Jaures, who had emerged as the outstanding champion of the Carmaux miners in 1892. When he carried the election against Heral, his chief opponent, by a vote of 5317 to 4843, it meant the return to Parliament of the man who emerged as one of the three most important socialists in the prewar Republic.2 But the victory of Jaures was crucial for French socialism in another way, equally as important as the addition of a new, militant voice in the Chamber of Deputies. It meant the penetration of socialism into an essentially rural area of the Midi and the emergence of a leader closely associated with the life of peasant France. Alexandre Millerand, who had come recently to reformist socialism from the camp of radicalism, emphasized this theme on the eve of the victory: "The election of Jaures will be even more important, since the socialist 1 Zevaes, A., Jaures, Paris 1951, p. 58. Jules Guesde, the chief Marxist in France and leader of the Parti ouvrier fratifais, mixed enthusiasm with considerable reserve in writing of this selection: "We count on citizen Jaures to justify the hopes of the ex-strikers of Carmaux and to go to the Palais-Bourbon..
    [Show full text]
  • Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse
    "Order, Authority, Nation": Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse by Mathieu Hikaru Desan A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor George Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard Brick Assistant Professor Robert S. Jansen Emeritus Professor Howard Kimeldorf Professor Gisèle Sapiro Centre national de la recherche scientifique/École des hautes études en sciences sociales Acknowledgments Scholarly production is necessarily a collective endeavor. Even during the long isolated hours spent in dusty archives, this basic fact was never far from my mind, and this dissertation would be nothing without the community of scholars and friends that has nourished me over the past ten years. First thanks are due to George Steinmetz, my advisor and Chair. From the very beginning of my time as a graduate student, he has been my intellectual role model. He has also been my champion throughout the years, and every opportunity I have had has been in large measure thanks to him. Both his work and our conversations have been constant sources of inspiration, and the breadth of his knowledge has been a vital resource, especially to someone whose interests traverse disciplinary boundaries. George is that rare sociologist whose theoretical curiosity and sophistication is matched only by the lucidity of this thought. Nobody is more responsible for my scholarly development than George, and all my work bears his imprint. I will spend a lifetime trying to live up to his scholarly example. I owe him an enormous debt of gratitude.
    [Show full text]
  • In Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress*
    International Review of Social History 45 (2000), pp. 51–87 2000 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis ‘‘Performing Inter-Nationalism’’ in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress* K EVIN C ALLAHAN SUMMARY: The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at inter- national socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The inter- national performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of ‘‘inter-nationalism’’. Maurice Agulhon has aptly characterized the period from 1880 to 1889 as the ‘‘dix anne´es fondatrices’’ of the French Third Republic, culminating with the grand celebration of the centennial of the storming of the Bastille on 14 July 1889.1 Although it did not receive as much attention at the time, 14 July 1889 also marked the founding date of the Second International. In front of comrades from several countries, French ‘‘Marxist’’ socialists pub- licly staked their own claim to the legacy of the French Revolution and to their own vision of the French nation through political symbols and rituals. The congress hall was decorated with red tapestries, flags, and a banner with embroidered gold letters reading ‘‘Proletarians of all countries, unite!’’.
    [Show full text]
  • French Revolutionary Thought After the Paris Commune, 1871-1885
    French Revolutionary Thought after the Paris Commune, 1871-1885 Julia Catherine Nicholls Queen Mary University of London Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Statement of Originality I, Julia Catherine Nicholls, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Julia Catherine Nicholls Date: 23 September 2015 Abstract This thesis provides the first comprehensive account of French revolutionary thought in the years that followed the defeat of the 1871 Paris Commune, France’s last nineteenth- century revolution. The Commune as an event has captivated imaginations for the past 150 years, but the same cannot be said of its participants. With the majority either dead, deported, or in exile, this period has traditionally been seen as one of intellectual stagnation and disarray.
    [Show full text]
  • Jaures and the Formulation of a Socialist Peasant Policy, 1885–1898
    HARVEY GOLDBERG JAURES AND THE FORMULATION OF A SOCIALIST PEASANT POLICY, 1885-1898 On January 8, 1893, the voters in the second electoral district, De- partment of the Tarn, cast ballots in a partial election of more than local interest. The Marquis de Solages had resigned his seat in the Chamber of Deputies on the previous October 14 during the bitterness generated by the strike against his Carmaux coal company. The social- ists of the district, at first with considerable hesitation 1, nominated as their candidate Jean Jaures, who had emerged as the outstanding champion of the Carmaux miners in 1892. When he carried the election against Heral, his chief opponent, by a vote of 5317 to 4843, it meant the return to Parliament of the man who emerged as one of the three most important socialists in the prewar Republic.2 But the victory of Jaures was crucial for French socialism in another way, equally as important as the addition of a new, militant voice in the Chamber of Deputies. It meant the penetration of socialism into an essentially rural area of the Midi and the emergence of a leader closely associated with the life of peasant France. Alexandre Millerand, who had come recently to reformist socialism from the camp of radicalism, emphasized this theme on the eve of the victory: "The election of Jaures will be even more important, since the socialist 1 Zevaes, A., Jaures, Paris 1951, p. 58. Jules Guesde, the chief Marxist in France and leader of the Parti ouvrier fratifais, mixed enthusiasm with considerable reserve in writing of this selection: "We count on citizen Jaures to justify the hopes of the ex-strikers of Carmaux and to go to the Palais-Bourbon..
    [Show full text]
  • French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress*
    International Review of Social History 45 (2000), pp. 51–87 2000 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis ‘‘Performing Inter-Nationalism’’ in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress* K EVIN C ALLAHAN SUMMARY: The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at inter- national socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The inter- national performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of ‘‘inter-nationalism’’. Maurice Agulhon has aptly characterized the period from 1880 to 1889 as the ‘‘dix anne´es fondatrices’’ of the French Third Republic, culminating with the grand celebration of the centennial of the storming of the Bastille on 14 July 1889.1 Although it did not receive as much attention at the time, 14 July 1889 also marked the founding date of the Second International. In front of comrades from several countries, French ‘‘Marxist’’ socialists pub- licly staked their own claim to the legacy of the French Revolution and to their own vision of the French nation through political symbols and rituals. The congress hall was decorated with red tapestries, flags, and a banner with embroidered gold letters reading ‘‘Proletarians of all countries, unite!’’.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Anarcho-Syndicalism · Selfed Collective · SF-IWA
    www.selfed.org.uk Unit 1 A History of Anarcho-syndicalism 22 Introduction Anarcho-syndicalism originated as a response to capitalism. This introductory unit examines the emergence of capitalism through Unit 1: the agrarian and industrial revolutions in Britain in order to provide a context for the development of the movement. The Origins of Capitalism As well as providing an insight into how capitalism came about, and an indication of how it works, this unit looks at the nature of historical change. It challenges the idea that historical change is determined by the discoveries or endeavours of a few people, or by an unquantifiable ‘spirit of the age’ – an idea often offered as explanation of sweeping change. Rather, it looks at the idea that This Unit aims to: change comes about by the interaction of economic development and • Provide the basis for the rest of the course by examining the social movements. development of capitalism as it emerged in the first Understanding how historical change comes about, and how industrialised nation societies choose to spell out their version of the past is a crucial part • Examine, via a history of its development, the basis on which of coming to understand the political present. Acknowledging that capitalism operates social changes have occurred over time alerts us to the fact that if • Look at the ways in which historical change comes about society has not always been the same, then it can change. Study of through the interaction of economic and social relations the past also raises questions around what we are encouraged to • Provide an ‘alternative’ history of working-class people and their think of as ‘natural’ social relations in the present.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reorientation of French Socialism, 1888–90
    THOMAS MOODIE THE REORIENTATION OF FRENCH SOCIALISM, 1888-90 Historians are in general agreement that French socialism experienced a major reorientation at the end of the 1880's and the beginning of the 1890's. In 1888 the French socialist movement consisted of several diminutive and poorly organized factions, which could not claim, either singly or collectively, a significant national following despite nearly a decade of organizing and propagandizing. Yet by 1893 socialists were able to elect some forty deputies to the Chamber of Deputies, and in the previous year scored numerous victories in municipal elections. Electorally impotent in the 1880's, socialists became a serious force in national political life with the victories of 1893. Nearly simultaneously, the stalemate among rival factions was broken as schism in the ranks of both Possibilists and Blanquists permitted the Guesdists to emerge as the dominant organization. Finally, these years were marked by the appearance of a pragmatic, reformist socialism most clearly evident in the new moderation of the Guesdists and the rise of the Independent Socialists. While there is little dispute as to what occurred, explanations of why it took place have been less satisfactory. A persistent mode of analysis is that which sees the transformation as the result of a process of maturation. The "youthful" revolutionism and factionalism of the 1880's gave way to the more moderate and responsible behavior of the 1890's as socialism "came of age". As support grew and leaders were elected to public office, socialists became less shrill and strident, less ideological and more pragmatic.1 A slightly different version character- izes the process as one of "embourgeoisement", in which both the social composition of the supporters and the attitudes of the leadership were affected.
    [Show full text]
  • Currents of Italian Syndicalism Before 1926*
    International Review of Social History 45 (2000), pp. 209–250 2000 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Currents of Italian Syndicalism before 1926* C ARL L EVY SUMMARY: This article discusses four areas of research essential for a measured evaluation of Italian syndicalism before the fascist dictatorship. The first section presents a synoptic historical account. The second section critically summarizes the literature on the sociology of Italian syndicalism. The third section disentangles the ideological influences upon Italian syndicalism. The fourth evaluates the uniqueness or otherwise of Italian syndicalism within prefascist industrial relations. The con- clusion explains the marginalization of Italian syndicalism after 1918 using inter- national comparisons. This article provides a detailed critical bibliography of the literature on Italian syndicalism published since the 1960s. Since the 1970s the historiography of Italian syndicalism has grown signifi- cantly in both quantity and sophistication, yet it is still difficult to present a global picture of Italian syndicalism’s multiple identities. This article will identify four areas of research that are essential for this enterprise. The first section of this article presents a synoptic historical account of Italian syndicalism from the late 1890sto1918. One of the major problems with the study of Italian syndicalism is the lack of one text encompassing the entire movement before the establishment of the fascist dictatorship in 1926.1 Syndicalist ideas, politics, culture and sensibility influenced much of * I would like to thank the anonymous readers of earlier drafts of this article for their helpful comments. Dr Adrian Little was kind enough to read the final version. I thank him for his comments.
    [Show full text]
  • Benoît Malon and the Socialist Movement in France, 1871-1890
    172 French History and Civilization Reform or Revolution: Benoît Malon and the Socialist Movement in France, 1871-1890 Mira Adler-Gillies Nine years after the terrible drama of 1871 the Marxist theoretician and polemicist Paul Lafargue described the Paris Commune as ‘the most brilliant expression of class conflict’ which tore at the fabric of capitalist society.1 This “exclusively proletarian” insurrection, Lafargue wrote, marked a departure from its revolutionary antecedents in 1831 and 1848: the socialist workers of 1871 seized state power, demonstrating for the first time the necessity of proletarian political action. The “insurrectionary movement,” though “vigorously supported” by the provinces, demonstrated above all the necessity of a proletarian revolution that would be “neither local, nor national”: Lafargue declared, “it will be international or it will not be at all.”2 According to this first explicitly Marxist reading, the Commune heralded the beginning of the end of the associationist, federalist tradition that had defined the nineteenth-century labor movement. Less than a decade later, according to the Guesdists, the Workers’ Congress of Marseille in 1879 definitively sealed its fate. When the Guesdist journal Égalité reappeared in 1880, a “new epoch” was breathlessly proclaimed: the Congress of Marseille had finally “broken with the conservative and cooperative tradition, not only of the Congresses of Paris and of Lyon of 1876-77, but of the French International of 1866-70.” 3 The French proletariat, which had for so long been “prisoner of a double illusion, of its political emancipation through the development of republican institutions and of its economic emancipation through the practice of a coopération impossible,” had finally embraced the “only scientific socialism, Mira Adler-Gillies is a research assistant at the University of Melbourne.
    [Show full text]