Currents of Italian Syndicalism Before 1926*
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Union Security and the Right to Work Laws: Is Coexistence Possible?
William & Mary Law Review Volume 2 (1959-1960) Issue 1 Article 3 October 1959 Union Security and the Right to Work Laws: Is Coexistence Possible? J. T. Cutler Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Repository Citation J. T. Cutler, Union Security and the Right to Work Laws: Is Coexistence Possible?, 2 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 16 (1959), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol2/iss1/3 Copyright c 1959 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr UNION SECURITY AND RIGHT-TO-WORK LAWS: IS CO-EXISTENCE POSSIBLE? J. T. CUTLER THE UNION STRUGGLE At the beginning of the 20th Century management was all powerful and with the decision in Adair v. United States1 it seemed as though Congress was helpless to regulate labor relations. The Supreme Court had held that the power to regulate commerce could not be applied to the labor field because of the conflict with fundamental rights secured by the Fifth Amendment. Moreover, an employer could require a person to agree not to join a union as a condition of his employment and any legislative interference with such an agreement would be an arbitrary and unjustifiable infringement of the liberty of contract. It was not until the first World War that the federal government successfully entered the field of industrial rela- tions with the creation by President Wilson of the War Labor Board. Upon being organized the Board adopted a policy for- bidding employer interference with the right of employees to organize and bargain collectively and employer discrimination against employees engaging in lawful union activities2 . -
Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
Tra Fascismo Ed Antifascismo Nel Salernitano
TRA FASCISMO E ANTIFASCISMO NEL SALERNITANO di Ubaldo Baldi Dopo la “grande paura” della borghesia italiana del biennio rosso e la “grande speranza” per il proletariato della occupazione delle fabbriche del settembre 1920 , gli anni che vanno dal 1920 al 1923 , sono caratterizzati in Italia dalle aggressioni squadristiche fasciste. Queste hanno l’obiettivo di smantellare militarmente le sedi dei partiti e delle organizzazioni sindacali della sinistra e con una strategia del terrore eliminare fisicamente e moralmente le opposizioni. Una essenziale , ma non meno drammatica, esposizione di cifre e fatti di questo clima terroristico si ricava da quanto scritto in forma di denunzia da A. Gramsci nell’ “Ordine Nuovo” del 23.7.21 . Nel salernitano il fascismo si afferma, sia politicamente che militarmente, relativamente più tardi, sicuramente dopo la marcia su Roma. Questo fu solo in parte dovuto alla forza e al consistente radicamento all’interno del proletariato operaio delle sue rappresentanze sindacali e politiche. Di contro gli agrari e il padronato industriale ma anche la piccola borghesia , in linea con il classico trasformismo meridionale, prima di schierarsi apertamente , attesero il consolidamento del fascismo e il delinearsi preciso della sua natura per poi adeguarsi conformisticamente alla realtà politico-istituzionale che andava rappresentandosi come vincente. Anche perché ebbero ampiamente modo di verificare e valutare concretamente i privilegi e i vantaggi economici che il fascismo permetteva loro. Il quadro economico provinciale -
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS ABEYANCE – The placement of a pending grievance (or motion) by mutual agreement of the parties, outside the specified time limits until a later date when it may be taken up and processed. ACTION - Direct action occurs when any group of union members engage in an action, such as a protest, that directly exposes a problem, or a possible solution to a contractual and/or societal issue. Union members engage in such actions to spotlight an injustice with the goal of correcting it. It further mobilizes the membership to work in concerted fashion for their own good and improvement. ACCRETION – The addition or consolidation of new employees or a new bargaining unit to or with an existing bargaining unit. ACROSS THE BOARD INCREASE - A general wage increase that covers all the members of a bargaining unit, regardless of classification, grade or step level. Such an increase may be in terms of a percentage or dollar amount. ADMINISTRATIVE LAW JUDGE – An agent of the National Labor Relations Board or the public sector commission appointed to docket, hear, settle and decide unfair labor practice cases nationwide or statewide in the public sector. They also conduct and preside over formal hearings/trials on an unfair labor practice complaint or a representation case. AFL-CIO - The American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations is the national federation of unions in the United States. It is made up of fifty-six national and international unions, together representing more than 12 million active and retired workers. -
Anarchism in Greece
The Anarchist Library (Mirror) Anti-Copyright Anarchism in Greece Antonios Vradis & Dimitrios K. Dalakoglou Antonios Vradis & Dimitrios K. Dalakoglou Anarchism in Greece 2009 Vradis, Antonios, and Dimitrios K. Dalakoglou. “Anarchism, Greece.” In The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest: 1500 to the Present, edited by Immanuel Ness, 126–127. Vol. 1. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. usa.anarchistlibraries.net 2009 Contents 1876–1944 .......................... 5 1967–Present ......................... 6 References And Suggested Readings ............ 8 3 demonstrators, for example at the higher education students’ Greek anarchy stands among the largest and most active con- demonstration of March 1, 2007. temporary movements of its kind in the world. The first organized State violence and repression acted – to some extent – as a anarchist group in the country appeared as early as 1876. Near- greenhouse for anarchism, increasing its influence. Since the complete lack of anarchist activity between World War II and the 1980s Athens boasts two anarchist publishing houses (Free Press military dictatorship (1967–74) effectively divides the history of and International Library) and numerous regularly published mag- Greek anarchism into two distinct phases, 1876–1944 and 1967– azines at any given time, along with hundreds of brochures and present. poster campaigns every year. Squats have emerged and anarchist collectives have appeared all across the country. In parallel to a 1876–1944 mass anarchist movement, Greece witnesses the emergence of clandestine anarchist activity, primarily arson and casualty free Individual anarchists were politically active from the early 1860s explosions of symbolic targets. In January 2008 alone the country (Emanouil Dadaoglou, Amilcare Cipriani, Mikelis Avlihos), while saw more than ten actions of this kind. -
Which Liberalism? Franco Sbarberi
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Institutional Research Information System University of Turin Bobbio and Croce – Which Liberalism? Franco Sbarberi Abstract: Benedetto Croce taught Norberto Bobbio to distinguish between two kinds of commitment, namely an intellectual and a political one. The expression “politica della cultura” effectively translates the idea of the autonomy or independence of scholarly and intellectual research. Another idea which was passed on from Croce to Bobbio is that of liberalism as the theoretical basis of every form of civil government insofar as the liberal conception rejects any notion of “Providence” as a covert agent of history. But Bobbio differed from Croce since he never believed that democracy could essentially contradict the perspective of liberalism, and was convinced that true emancipation is a sort of “conguagliamento delle libertà,” or, in other words, that it implies a strong relation between individual political rights and the demands of social justice. In the Preface to a bibliography of his writings that was published in 1984, Bobbio made reference to a “half-score” of his preferred authors. For the early modern period the selection seemed “almost inevitable” as far as the names of Hobbes, Locke, Kant, and Hegel were concerned. For more contempo- rary authors, on the other hand, he specifically singled out Croce, Cattaneo, Kelsen, Pareto, and Weber since they all represented, at one point or another, a crucial point of reference either for his own political development or for the considerable range of his intellectual interests (which also show him to have been a subtle analyst and systematic interpreter of the classic writers). -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
History As Contemporary History in the Thinking of Benedetto Croce
Open Journal of Philosophy, 2015, 5, 54-61 Published Online February 2015 in SciRes. http://www.scirp.org/journal/ojpp http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojpp.2015.51007 History as Contemporary History in the Thinking of Benedetto Croce Nicola Conati Department of Humanities, University of Trento, Trento, Italy Email: [email protected] Received 12 January 2015; accepted 30 January 2015; published 3 February 2015 Copyright © 2015 by author and Scientific Research Publishing Inc. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY). http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Abstract In this brief consideration of mine, trying to remain as faithful as possible to the texts taken into exam, I will first try to introduce the concept of history as contemporary history in the thinking of Benedetto Croce, whereas the second part of the reasoning will point toward proving and medi- tating on how such concept crosses the whole philosophical system of the Italian intellectual. What does contemporary history mean according to Benedetto Croce? Why is the spirit of the historian fundamental in the description of this concept? What kind of connection exists between story and contemporary history? What does pathology of history mean? How does the concept of contem- porary history relate to that of awareness, of finished and thinking? These are but a few of the questions to which I tried to find an answer with this essay. Keywords Benedetto Croce, History, Philosophy of History, Historical Knowledge, Contemporary History, Pathology of History, Heidegger, Rosmini, Idealism 1. Introduction I would like to begin my consideration by taking into account “Storia, cronaca e false storie”, a brief 1912 de- liberation originally born as a “memoir” for the Accademia Pontiniana of Naples, which will later merge into the 1917 “Teoria e storia della storiografia” (although the first edition was published in Germany in 1915). -
Fernand Pelloutier and the Dilemma of Revolutionary Syndicalism1
ALAN B. SPITZER ANARCHY AND CULTURE: FERNAND PELLOUTIER AND THE DILEMMA OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM1 "nous voulons que l'emancipation du peuple soit 1'ceuvre du peuple lui-meme." (L'Organisation corporative et l'anarchie.) Advancing under socialist banners, the labor movement in Western Europe won such success by the end of the nineteenth century as to produce a deep moral and intellectual crisis in European socialism. Internecine quarrels over revisionism, participationism, and anti- political syndicalism reflected the malaise of a "revolutionary" move- ment that each year bound itself more closely to the system it had vowed to destroy. For socialist theoreticians, the crisis was cognitive or "scientific" - it had to do with issues of adequate historical analysis and prediction - but for the theorists of French revolutionary syn- dicalism it was essentially a moral crisis. In their eyes the socialist parties had already failed because they were the instruments for manipulation and betrayal of the workers by leaders whose ambitions could be gratified through the capitalist establishment. They identified a practical and moral alternative to political socialism in the revolution- ary general strike prepared and carried out by autonomous proletarian organizations. Such organizations were necessary to the idealists of the general strike if their programs were not to degenerate into a strictly verbal revolutionary Coueism and they therefore put great stock in the development of militant working-class associations. Among these, the Bourses du Travail, which flourished from 1895 to 1901 under the dedicated direction of the anarchist intellectual, Fernand Pelloutier,2 seemed the most promising. Fernand Pelloutier came to revolutionary syndicalism out of a background of provincial republican politics. -
Centro Studi Sea
CENTRO STUDI SEA ISSN 2240-7596 AMMENTU Bollettino Storico, Archivistico e Consolare del Mediterraneo (ABSAC) N. 3 gennaio - dicembre 2013 www.centrostudisea.it/ammentu/ Direzione Martino CONTU (direttore), Giampaolo ATZEI, Manuela GARAU. Comitato di redazione Lucia CAPUZZI, Maria Grazia CUGUSI, Lorenzo DI BIASE, Maria Luisa GENTILESCHI, Antoni MARIMÓN RIUTORT, Francesca MAZZUZI, Roberta MURRONI, Carlo PILLAI, Domenico RIPA, Maria Elena SEU, Maria Angel SEGOVIA MARTI, Frank THEMA, Dante TURCATTI, Maria Eugenia VENERI, Antoni VIVES REUS, Franca ZANDA. Comitato scientifico Nunziatella ALESSANDRINI, Universidade Nova de Lisboa/Universidade dos Açores (Portogallo); Pasquale AMATO, Università di Messina - Università per stranieri ―Dante Alighieri‖ di Reggio Calabria (Italia); Juan Andrés BRESCIANI, Universidad de la República (Uruguay); Margarita CARRIQUIRY, Universidad Católica del Uruguay (Uruguay); Giuseppe DONEDDU, Università di Sassari (Italia); Luciano GALLINARI, Istituto di Storia dell‘Europa Mediterranea del CNR (Italia); Elda GONZÁLEZ MARTÍNEZ, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas (Spagna); Antoine-Marie GRAZIANI, Università di Corsica Pasquale Paoli - Institut Universitaire de France, Paris (Francia); Rosa Maria GRILLO, Università di Salerno (Italia); Victor MALLIA MILANES, University of Malta (Malta); Roberto MORESCO, Società Ligure di Storia Patria di Genova (Italia); Fabrizio PANZERA, Archivio di Stato di Bellinzona (Svizzera); Roberto PORRÀ, Soprintendenza Archivistica della Sardegna (Italia); Didier REY, Università di Corsica Pasquale Paoli (Francia), Sebastià SERRA BUSQUETS, Universidad de las Islas Baleares (Spagna); Cecilia TASCA, Università di Cagliari (Italia). Comitato di lettura La Direzione di AMMENTU sottopone a valutazione (referee), in forma anonima, tutti i contributi ricevuti per la pubblicazione. Responsabile del sito Stefano ORRÙ AMMENTU - Bollettino Storico, Archivistico e Consolare del Mediterraneo (ABSAC) Periodico annuale pubblicato dal Centro Studi SEA di Villacidro. -
Levy, Carl. 2017. Malatesta and the War Interventionist Debate 1914-1917: from the ’Red Week’ to the Russian Revolutions
Levy, Carl. 2017. Malatesta and the War Interventionist Debate 1914-1917: from the ’Red Week’ to the Russian Revolutions. In: Matthew S. Adams and Ruth Kinna, eds. Anarchism, 1914-1918: Internationalism, Anti-Militarism and War. Manchester: Manchester University Press, pp. 69-92. ISBN 9781784993412 [Book Section] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/20790/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] 85 3 Malatesta and the war interventionist debate 1914–17: from the ‘Red Week’ to the Russian revolutions Carl Levy This chapter will examine Errico Malatesta’s (1853–1932) position on intervention in the First World War. The background to the debate is the anti-militarist and anti-dynastic uprising which occurred in Italy in June 1914 (La Settimana Rossa) in which Malatesta was a key actor. But with the events of July and August 1914, the alliance of socialists, republicans, syndicalists and anarchists was rent asunder in Italy as elements of this coalition supported intervention on the side of the Entente and the disavowal of Italy’s treaty obligations under the Triple Alliance. Malatesta’s dispute with Kropotkin provides a focus for the anti-interventionist campaigns he fought internationally, in London and in Italy.1 This chapter will conclude by examining Malatesta’s discussions of the unintended outcomes of world war and the challenges and opportunities that the fracturing of the antebellum world posed for the international anarchist movement. -
El Sindicalismo De Acción Directa Italiano En Perspectiva
El sindicalismo de acción directa italiano en perspectiva transnacional: redes militantes y conexiones políticas y organizativas entre Francia y España1 Direct action Italian syndicalism from a transnational perspective: Militants networks and political and organizational connections between France and Spain Marco Masulli Università di Bologna [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0001-6128-1908 Recibido: 30-9-2019 Aceptado: 19-11-2019 Cómo citar este artículo / Citation: MASULLI, Marco (2020). El sindicalismo de acción directa italiano en perspectiva transnacional: redes militantes y conexiones políticas y organizativas entre Francia y España. Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea, 20, pp. 67-91 https://doi.org/10.14198/PASADO2020.20.03 Resumen A partir de la primera década del siglo XX, el sindicalismo de acción directa operó en un sentido internacional y transnacional. Partiendo de los intentos por crear una estructura de coordinación internacional autónoma, pasando por el difícil período de la represión fascista, y poniendo finalmente a prueba la validez de las tesis anarcosindicalistas en España, las redes militantes fueron las verdaderas protagonistas de la historia del 1 Este texto forma parte de los resultados del proyecto de investigación “La patria hi- spana, la raza latina. Intelectuales, identidades colectivas y proyectos políticos entre España, Italia y Argentina (1880-1945)” financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (HAR2016-75324-P) Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea, 20, 2020, pp. 67-91 DOI: 10.14198/PASADO2020.20.03 68 Marco Masulli movimiento. El presente trabajo se centra en el caso italiano para seguir su actividad entre la clandestinidad y el exilio durante los años veinte y treinta.