Contextualising Wasaṭiyyah from the Perspective of the Leaders of The

Home , Abdul Samad Ismail, Ahmad Mohamed Ibrahim, Ali Gomaa, Away from Me, Intan Azura Mokhtar, Raja Haji Fisabilillah

Contextualising Wasaṭiyyah from the Perspective of the Leaders of the Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore Today

Mohamed Feisal Mohamed Hassan ORCID ID: 0000-0002-8895-6706

Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

June 2018

Faculty of Arts, Asia Institute The University of Melbourne

Abstract

The need for this research arises from the current discourse associating extremism and violence to the Muslim ummah (community). In one corner of the discourse, certain sections have unequivocally associated violence and terror to Islam and Muslims. On the other corner, the constancy of suicide acts, arrests and acts of violence and terror perpetuated in the name of Islam have traumatised Muslims and non-Muslims alike all over the world. This violence- related discourse that the Muslim ummah (community) is presented in our present time, calls upon this research to understand how the text of the Qur’ān, being the primary revealed source of Islam, defines the central characteristic of the Muslim ummah (community).

The focus of this research is on the ummatan wasaṭan verse in Qur’ān 2:143 which says: ‘We have indeed made you an ummatan wasaṭan’. The central characteristic of the Muslim ummah (community) is described in the Qur’ān as wasaṭan which is translated as ‘just, middlemost, and balanced’. Since the revelation of this verse, scholars have continued to address this wasaṭīcharacteristic aligning the Muslim community with the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

This research attempts to continue this scholarly tradition. As much of the available scholarship on the wasaṭiyyah discourse have been focused from the context of a Muslim majority community, this research seeks to understand the applicability of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah from the context of the Malay/Muslim minority community in Singapore today.

To understand the applicability of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah today from the context of the Singaporean Malay/Muslim minority community, this research uses Abdullah Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān. Saeed’s contextual approach deals with four levels of analysing the Qur’ānic text which are the linguistic context, macro context 1, connector context, and macro context 2.

In this research, these levels of analysis provide a structured framework to understand three basic questions. Firstly, what is the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah as understood at the time of revelation by the Prophet and his community? Secondly, was the concept of wasaṭiyyah prevalent among the Malay/Muslim community of the past in Singapore before the arrival of Raffles in 1819? Finally, how has the Malay/Muslim leadership understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah in Singapore today?

Based on these questions, this research examines the akal-hati-budi (rationality-belief- mannerism) of the Malay/Muslim community in terms of how wasaṭiyyah is read, understood, and applied by three key components of the community in Singapore – the political leadership, the ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers), and the Islamic religious education. This research adopts a qualitative research method by interviewing relevant key political and religious leadership figures within the political and religious spheres, participating in conferences and seminars, and analysing khuṭbahs (Friday sermons). It also refers to a rich array of written literature, both classical and modern, in three different languages: English, Bahasa Melayu and Arabic with particular focus on the fields of Islamic studies, theology, tafsīr (Qur’ānic exegesis), Malay studies, minority studies, psychology and sociology.

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In summary, this research concludes that the concept of wasaṭiyyah has evolved since the revelation of the verse that moulded the wasaṭi (just, middlemost, and balanced) characteristics of the Medinan community in Prophet Muhammad’s time. Based on the subjectivity of these characteristics, over the different contexts of time and place, the concept of wasaṭiyyah has taken different forms. In medieval Islam, wasaṭiyyah took the form of a moral ethical framework, and today, it has adopted a more legalistic outlook.

Focusing on the Malay/Muslim world, this research discovers that while the usage of the term wasaṭiyyah was a rarity in classical Malay/Muslim literary tradition, the values associated to wasaṭiyyah were inherent within the past Malay/Muslim’s aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion. In the context of the Malay/Muslim minority community in Singapore today, this research concludes that the applicability and degree of pervasiveness of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah within contemporary Malay/Muslim minority community in Singapore is determined by the current Malay/Muslim leadership’s conscious effort to balance living Islam faithfully as a minority community within the needs of progress and inclusivity in a modern, secular, and multicultural nation.

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Declaration This is to certify that: 1.The thesis comprises only my original work towards the PhD except where indicated in the preface, 2.Due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used, 3.The thesis is fewer than 100,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, maps, bibliographies and appendices.

Melbourne, 27 June 2018 Mohamed Feisal Mohamed Hassan

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Acronyms Administration of Muslim Law Act 1966 (AMLA) Al-Jama’ah Al-Islamiyah, Jamā’ah Islāmiyyah or Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Angkatan Sasterawan '50 or Singapore Writers’ Movement (Asas ’50) Asatizah Recognition Board (ARB) Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP) Citizens’ Consultative Committees (CCC) Compulsory Education (CE) Darul Islam (DI) Edith Cowan University (ECU) Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party or Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) Inter-Agency Aftercare Group (ACG) Internal Security Department (ISD) International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) Inter-Racial and Religious Circles (IRCC) Joint Madrasah System (JMS) Madrasah Strategic Unit (MSU) Majlis Pendidikan Anak-Anak Islam or Council for the Development of Singapore Malay/Muslim Community (MENDAKI) Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura or Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) Member of Parliament (MP) Ministry of Education (MOE) Mosque Building and Mendaki Fund (MBMF) Mosque Management Board (MMB) Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) Nanyang Technological University (NTU) National Institute of Education (NIE) Office of Mufti (OOM) Parti Islam Se-Malaysia or Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) Party for Justice and Development in Morocco (PJD) People’s Action Party (PAP) Persatuan Ulama dan Guru-Guru Agama Islam or Singapore Islamic Scholars & Teachers Association (PERGAS) Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) Prime Minister (PM) Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) Republic Polytechnic (RP) S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) Singapore Kindness Movement (SKM) Singapore Malays Action Committee (SMAC) Tariqah Qadiriyyah Naqsyabandiyyah (TQN) Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP) UMNO’s Singapore Branch (SUMNO) United Malays Nationalist Organisation (UMNO)

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Transliteration All Arabic transliteration throughout this thesis follows the American Library

Association/Library of Congress 1997 (ALA-LC 1997) transliteration format, while Malay words are transliterated in the way they are used in Contemporary Malay.

m ﻡ ṭ ﻁ d ﺩ ’ ء

n ﻥ ẓ ﻅ dh ﺫ a ا

h ة، ه ‘ ﻉ r ﺭ b ﺏ

w ﻭ gh ﻍ z ﺯ t ﺕ

y ي f ﻑ s ﺱ th ﺙ

ā َا q ﻕ sh ﺵ j ﺝ

ī َ ﻯ k ﻙ ṣ ﺹ ḥ ﺡ

ū َ ﻭ l ﻝ ḍ ﺽ kh ﺥ

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Acknowledgements بسم هللا الرمحن الرحيم In the name of God, Most Gracious Most Merciful احلمد هلل رب العاملني All praise is to God, the Lord of the Universe اللهم صل وسلم على سيدان حممد وعلى آله وصحبه أمجعني May peace and blessings be upon our Master Prophet Muhammad, his family members, and all of his companions إهلي أنت مقصودي ورضاك مطلويب أعطين حمبتك ومعرفتك O Lord, You are my purpose and Your contentment is my quest, Shower upon me Your Love and Knowledge.

With a deep sense of gratefulness and humility, this PhD journey has been a fulfilling learning journey of seeking knowledge, understanding realities, forging friendships, appreciating sacrifices, and of countless memories. First and foremost, I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to my supervisors, Professor Abdullah Saeed and Professor Vedi Hadiz. Professor Abdullah Saeed has been instrumental throughout this research with his kind advice and detailed supervision of my work. His professional insight played a critical role in shaping the course of my PhD journey. Professor Vedi Hadiz joined in the final phase of my research, and his critical yet insightful analysis provided me with a clearer vision of my research. I would also like to extend my appreciation to Dr. Muhammad Kamal for chairing the progress review committee. His friendly advice and assistance has helped the smooth progress of this research. My appreciation is also extended to the professional staffs of the Asia Institute, Ms. Leena Sookramanien and Ms. Robin Borg, for their kind assistance throughout. My sincerest appreciation to Professor Rohan Gunaratna, Head of International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University Singapore for his recommendation and friendship. My deepest appreciation to the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies for awarding me with the scholarship to pursue this research. Without the scholarship, this dream will not be a reality. I would also like to extend my gratitude to RSIS staffs and colleagues who have assisted me throughout this research. Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed has been instrumental in carving my educational journey. His wisdom and guidance has motivated me to embark on this journey. May he continuously attain good health, ease and blessings for the crucial role he plays in helping to shape the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. My appreciation to the congregation at Masjid Khadijah, Singapore for their continuous friendship, support and prayers. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Ustaz Haji Mohamed Hasbi Hassan and members of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) for their friendship and kind advice. Their gotong-royong spirit for the cause of service to the community, religion and nation is indeed a wasaṭi example for all. I would also like to extend my appreciation to government officers from the different ministries, departments and boards in Singapore, including officers in MUIS, friends from the different Malay/Muslim community groups, and students from NTUMS who have contributed

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directly and indirectly to this research. To Ummi and family, including the teachers and students at Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya, Indonesia, I thank them for their continuous support, facilitation and prayers in the course of my research. In Melbourne, I was blessed to have met with many Malay/Muslim Singaporeans. However, it is just impossible to mention all of their names. However, let me extend my sincerest appreciation to Haji Abdul Rahim Mutaliff and his beautiful family, Jali Sawi, Halimatus Saadiah, Rabiatul Adawiyah, Sufeeyatuz Zahra, Muhammad, and Mahmud who have opened their doors to provide a home away from home for me. May their sacrifices and goodwill attain blessings and goodness always. Special mention to Haji Ghazan, Cik Aini and family, the families of Rasyad/Sarah, Sadiq/Atikah, Rahmat/Idah, Shafeeq/Husnia, Rasyid/Ana, Saiful/Su, Wani/Farah, Yazid/Rina, Shah/Ayu, Haji Osman and family, Puan Jan and family, Cik Nor, Abg Salim and family, Haji Jaafar and family, Haji Salim and family, and many more for their kind assistance. My appreciation to the 3805 boys who were always fun to be with. I would like to extend my sincerest gratitude to the chairman, organising committee, and members of the Khairat Melayu Islam Victoria (KMIV) and Australian Malay Foundation (AMF) for their friendship. The classes and organised events have provided me with an opportunity to learn and appreciate the different lifestyles and challenges faced by a migrant community. Last but surely not least, my greatest gratitude and sincerest appreciation to my family back home in Singapore. The memory and educational passion of my late father, Mohamed Hassan Mutaliff, accompanied me in this journey. My mother, Puan Hjh Aishah Haji Mohamed, has always been in my life, nourishing me with care, prayers, and love. My wife, Elyana Mohd Ishak, played a critical role in being the parent to our children. Not only did she carry out the responsibility well, her sacrifices were golden. May she continue to be blessed with perseverance, kindness and understanding. To my in-laws, Haji Mohd Ishak and Hajah Noorkiah, their support and understanding are greatly appreciated. My children, Mohd Irfan, Nurul Iman, Mohd Ihsan, Mohd Noor al-Itqan, had to endure their crucial childhood period without a father’s constant presence. May they continue to be filled with guidance, humility and love throughout their lives. This research is dedicated to them and the youths of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. May this research provide them with a glimpse of their present reality. May they appreciate and continue the hardwork and sacrifices of their forefathers to mould a wasaṭi community. Finally, during the course of this research, several individuals who have made significant impact in my life passed on. They are Almarḥūmah Puan Hjh Dahlia Ahmad (d. 2013), Almarḥūm Ustaz Hj Ibrahim Kassim (d. 2014), Almarḥūm KH Zezen Zaenal Abidin (d. 2015), Almarḥūm Bro. Rashid (d. 2017), Almarḥūm Professor Dr. Sayyid Ajmal Abdur Razak al-Aidrus (d. 2017), and those teachers, guides and students of the 5th of June, 2015 Sabah Quake. May their souls rest in peace. Al-Fātiḥah.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ...... 1 Declaration...... 3 Acronyms ...... 4 Transliteration...... 5 Acknowledgements ...... 6 Chapter One - Introduction ...... 12 1.1 Introduction ...... 12 1.2 Background ...... 12 1.3 English translation of the term ummatan wasaṭan ...... 16 1.4 Research questions ...... 18 1.5 Conceptual framework ...... 19 1.6 Literature review ...... 23 1.7 Research methodology ...... 29 1.8 Chapter outline ...... 32 Chapter Two - Conceptual Framework: Understanding Wasaṭiyyah from a Contextualist Approach to Reading the Qur’ān ...... 36 2.1 Introduction ...... 36 2.2 Linguistic context of the term wasaṭ ...... 38 2.2.1 Linguistic context of the term ummatan wasaṭan in the Qurʾān according to classical exegetes (mufassirūn) ...... 40 2.3 ‘Macro context 1’ of ummatan wasaṭan in the Qurʾān ...... 43 2.3.1 The Medinan community at the time of revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse ...... 44 2.3.2 Themes from Qurʾān 2:142 – 252 in relation to the ummatan wasaṭan verse ...... 47 2.4 Contemporary discourse on wasaṭiyyah ...... 54 2.4.1 Intellectual discourse on wasaṭiyyah ...... 55 2.4.2 Political discourse on wasaṭiyyah ...... 61 2.5 Conclusion - defining wasaṭiyyah ...... 66 Chapter Three - Contextualising Power and Diplomacy of the Indigenous Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore at the Beginning of British Colonisation in the Early 19th Century ... 69 3.1 Introduction ...... 69 3.2 The disputed Cogan as a symbol of the end of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate’s conception of wasaṭiyyah ...... 71 3.2.1 Charting a new beginning for the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles in 1819 ...... 73 3.3 The realm of power within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate ...... 76 3.3.1 The Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals) ...... 78

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3.3.2 The dynamics of power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate based on the Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals) ...... 81 3.3.3 Convergence of wasaṭiyyah and the power of the Malay/Muslim sultanate ...... 83 3.4 Convergence of wasaṭiyyah and budi diplomacy in international relations within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate ...... 87 3.4.1 International relations as a precondition to the ‘budi diplomacy’ of the Malay/Muslim community ...... 91 3.5 Conclusion ...... 92 Chapter Four - Contextualising Language and Religion of the Indigenous Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore at the Beginning of British Colonisation in the Early 19th Century ... 94 4.1 Introduction ...... 94 4.2 Wasaṭiyyah of the Malay/Muslim community as understood by Raffles...... 95 4.3 Understanding the role of the Malay literary heritage in shaping the Malay/Muslim community ...... 96 4.3.1 Convergence of indah (beauty), manfaat (usefulness), and kamal (spiritual perfection) in Malay literary heritage with the concept of wasaṭiyyah ...... 98 4.3.2 From an era of self-awareness to a period of self-analysis ...... 103 4.4 The role of religion in shaping the Malay/Muslim community ...... 106 4.4.1 The role of Sufism (Taṣawwuf) in moulding a wasaṭi religious identity of the Malay/Muslim community ...... 107 4.4.2 Hamzah Fansuri as a model of a local Malay/Muslim Sufi ...... 109 4.4.3 Habib Noh’s sainthood as a wasaṭi model within the Malay/Muslim community ...... 113 4.4.4 The role of Al-Ghazālī in shaping a wasaṭi religiosity of the Malay/Muslim community .. 116 4.5 Conclusion: Wasaṭiyyah based on the aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion within the context of the Malay/Muslim community in 1819 ...... 119 Chapter Five - The Evolution of Malay/Muslim Political Leadership and their Role in Contextualising Wasaṭiyyah in Singapore Today ...... 121 5.1 Introduction ...... 121 5.2 Redefining wasaṭiyyah of the past Malay sultanate to living in a colonised modern Singapore ...... 122 5.2.1 Acculturation and assimilation of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore ...... 125 5.2.2 Language, culture and religion as the three markers of the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community ...... 128 5.3 Nurturing a wasaṭi political leadership within the assimilated Malay/Muslim community of the 20th Century ...... 131 5.3.1 Institutional reforms to administer the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community...... 133 5.3.2 Impact of racial riots on the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community ...... 136 5.4 Resurgence of wasaṭiyyah in a post-independence period of inclusiveness ...... 139 5.4.1 Singapore’s Independence – 9th of August, 1965 ...... 140 5.4.2 Administration of Muslim Law Act 1966 (AMLA) ...... 142

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5.4.3 Values of wasaṭiyyah within the AMLA ...... 146 5.4.4 Inclusive, balance and gotong-royong as elements of wasaṭiyyah ...... 148 5.4.5 The Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence as an example of wasatiyyah ...... 151 5.5 Challenges to showcase wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in modern and secular Singapore ...... 156 5.5.1 Striking a wasaṭi position against today’s modern challenges ...... 159 5.6 Conclusion ...... 160 6.1 Introduction ...... 163 6.2 The heritage of the past ʻulamāʼ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers) in Singapore ...... 164 6.2.1 Titles and Honours ...... 167 6.2.2 Religious symbolism and its impact on the wasaṭiyyah of the past ʻulamāʼ in Singapore . 170 6.3 Wasaṭiyyah discourse among ʻulamāʼ in the Malay world today ...... 172 6.3.1 Wasaṭiyyah according to Ustaz Haji Ahmad Sonhadji Mohamad ...... 172 6.3.2 Wasaṭiyyah according to Prof Dr Haji Abdul Malik bin Syekh Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah (Hamka) ...... 173 6.3.3 Wasaṭiyyah according to Prof Muhammad Quraish Shihab ...... 175 6.3.4 Wasaṭiyyah according to Prof Mohd Kamal Hassan ...... 176 6.4 Institutionalising guidance – the role of the Mufti in the context of Singapore ...... 178 6.4.1 The Current Mufti of Singapore – Sohibus Samaha Dr Md Fatris Bakaram ...... 179 6.4.2 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of the Mufti ...... 180 6.4.3 Challenges in applying wasaṭiyyah ...... 181 6.5 Rehabilitating terrorists and extremists – the role of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community in Singapore ...... 183 6.5.1 The role of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) in countering radicalism in Singapore ...... 184 6.5.2 The Co-Chairmen of the RRG - Ustaz Hj Ali Hj Mohamed ...... 186 6.5.3 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of Ustaz Hj Ali ...... 187 6.6 Uniting the ʻulamāʼ – the role of the Singapore Islamic scholars & religious teachers association (PERGAS) ...... 188 6.6.1 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of PERGAS ...... 189 6.6.2 The current President of PERGAS – Ustaz Hj Mohamad Hasbi Bin Hassan ...... 193 6.6.3 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of Ustaz Hj Mohamad Hasbi ...... 193 6.7 Conclusion ...... 196 Chapter Seven - Framing Wasaṭiyyah within Islamic Religious Education in Singapore Today ...... 199 7.1 Introduction ...... 199 7.2 The contemporary Madrasahs of Singapore: A wasaṭi pragmatic model for Islamic religious education in Singapore ...... 199

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7.2.1 Wasaṭiyyah within the subject of Islamic social studies ...... 203 7.3 Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) ...... 207 7.3.1 Wasaṭiyyah within the Code of Ethics of the ARS ...... 208 7.4 The institution of Masjid (mosque) in Singapore ...... 210 7.5 Khuṭbah (religious sermons) as a primary means of educating Islam ...... 212 7.5.1 Analysis of wasaṭiyyah in khuṭbah texts ...... 215 7.6 Conclusion ...... 223 Chapter 8 - Conclusion and Findings ...... 225 8.1 Introduction ...... 225 8.2 Findings of research ...... 226 8.2.1 Evolution of the wasaṭiyyah discourse ...... 227 8.2.2 Defining wasaṭiyyah ...... 228 8.2.3 The convergence of wasaṭiyyah to the values held by the past Malay/Muslim world ...... 230 8.2.4 Balancing wasaṭiyyah within the needs of Islam and Singapore today ...... 232 8.3 Limitations and recommendations ...... 234 Glossary of Arabic and Malay Terms ...... 236 Appendix 1 ...... 240 List of Selected Khuṭbahs between January 2016 – September 2017 by the Office of the Mufti (OOM) in Singapore analysed in this research...... 240 Bibliography and Sources ...... 243 Primary Sources ...... 243 Speeches and Reports, Newspaper and Online Sources ...... 243 Khuṭbahs used in the thesis (Friday sermons) ...... 253 Interviews ...... 254 Secondary Sources ...... 255 Books, Journals, and Papers...... 255

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Chapter One - Introduction

1.1 Introduction This introductory chapter sets the background and rationale for this research. Here, the relevant research questions, the conceptual framework, and the literature review revolving around the wasaṭiyyah discourse and the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore are introduced. This chapter provides an overview of the research method and concludes with an outline of the subsequent chapters of this thesis.

1.2 Background In December 2001, three months after the September 11 Twin Tower attacks in the US, the Internal Security Department (ISD)1 in Singapore arrested 15 persons, of whom 13 were members of the Al-Jama‘ah Al-Islamiyah (Jamā‘ah Islāmiyyah or Jemaah Islamiyah or JI), ‘the Southeast Asian associate of Al Qaeda’.2 The Australian government describes the Jemaah Islamiyah as follows: JI is a Salafi jihadist group that intends to use violence to advance its political objectives, and is inspired by the same ideology as al Qa’ida. JI seeks to revive a pure form of Islam, governed by the tenets of Sharia (Islamic law), and represents an evolutionary development of the Indonesian Islamist movement, Darul Islam (DI), which fought a violent insurgency to establish an Islamist state in Indonesia in the 1950s and 1960s. JI’s goals are essentially those of DI, but with a more regional perspective.3

It was reported that they had been planning a series of bomb attacks in Singapore. Subsequently, in August 2002, another 21 Singaporean Muslims were arrested for being members of JI.4 In a span of almost 16 years until 2017, there have been more than 50 terrorism- related arrests. 5 This new reality of terrorism related offences has continued to affect different

1 Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore, “About ISD,” accessed on March 12, 2015, https://www.mha.gov.sg/isd/pages/about-isd.aspx. 2 Rohan Gunaratna, Hillel Fradkin, Husain Haqqani and Eric B. Brown “The Ideology of Al-Jama’ah Al- Islamiya,” in Current Trends in Islamist Ideology volume 1, (Washington, DC: Hudson Institute, 2005), under "Introduction," https://www.hudson.org/research/9868-the-ideology-of-al-jama-ah-al-islamiya. 3 Australian National Security, “Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) | Australian National Security,” accessed on January 2, 2018, https://www.nationalsecurity.gov.au/Listedterroristorganisations/Pages/JemaahIslamiyahJI.aspx 4 Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore, The Jemaah Islamiyah Arrests and the Threat of Terrorism: White Paper, Cmd.: 2 of 2003 (Singapore: Ministry of Home Affairs, Republic of Singapore, 2003), 1. 5 Imelda Saad, “57 Extremists Released from Detention since 2002: PM Lee,” Channel NewsAsia, accessed on April 17, 2015, https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/57-extremists-released-from-detention-since- 2002-pm-lee-8267162.

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segments of the Muslim community in Singapore till today,6 and has changed the dynamics of life in Singapore.7

Many different initiatives have been introduced since the arrests. The government spearheaded a multi-pronged counter-terrorism effort which utilises a community engagement approach and the active involvement of the multi-racial communities in Singapore. This has become the bedrock of Singapore’s counter-terrorism policy.8 Many diverse programs and activities of nation-building such as the Inter-Racial and Religious Circles (IRCC)9 and the Citizens’ Consultative Committees (CCC)10 which incorporate cooperation between the government and a diverse array of community groups were organised. All these conscious efforts aim to encourage and enhance a harmonious lifestyle in Singapore.

Within the Muslim community itself, the JI episode sent shockwaves and pushed the community to address the situation among its different stakeholders. These arrests burdened the community with the task of explaining their faith and convincing the majority at large of the true message of Islam against the image of violence that was portrayed. The ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers) fraternity stepped forward to address the misconception of religious concepts used by the extreme groups, through formation of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG).11 The ‘ulamā’ and asātidhah in RRG volunteered to counsel and rehabilitate the detained members of the extremist groups. For almost 15 years since its formation after the first JI arrest in 2001, the RRG has garnered both local and foreign attention in its efforts to counter the ideology of these extremist groups.12

6 Neo Chai Chin, “Two Aetos Officers Arrested under ISA for Terror-Related Offences,” Today, accessed June 20, 2017, http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/2-aetos-auxiliary-police-officers-dealt-under-isa-radicalism- mha. 7 Rahil Ismail and Brian J. Shaw, “Singapore’s Malay-Muslim Minority: Social Identification in a Post-’9/11’ World,” Asian Ethnicity 7, (2006): 40. 8 Norman Vasu, “(En)Countering Terrorism: Multiculturalism and Singapore,” Asian Ethnicity 9, (2008): 17–32. 9 Inter-Racial and Religious Confidence Circles (IRCC), "Programmes", accessed January 10, 2018, http://www.ircc.sg/. 10 People’s Association, “Citizens’ Consultative Committees,” accessed September 12, 2017, https://www.pa.gov.sg/our-network/grassroots-organisations/citizens-consultative-committees. 11 Religious Rehabilitation Group, “Our Message,” accessed April 20, 2016, https://www.rrg.sg/our-message/. 12 Imelda Saad, “Religious Rehabilitation, Social Integration Key to Counter-Terrorism Efforts: Experts,” Channel NewsAsia, accessed April 16, 2015, https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/religious- rehabilitation-social-integration-key-to-counter-terro-8272656.

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Discussions among Muslim scholars in Singapore on what defines being a Muslim have often referred to the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah in an attempt to define moderation. The concept of wasaṭiyyah is a part of verse 2:143 of the Qur’ān: Thus, have We made of you an Ummat justly balanced [justly balanced community], that ye might be witnesses over the nations, and the Messenger a witness over yourselves; and We appointed the Qibla to which thou wast used, only to test those who followed the Messenger from those who would turn on their heels [from the Faith]. Indeed it was [a change] momentous, except to those guided by Allah. And never would Allah Make your faith of no effect. For Allah is to all people Most surely full of kindness, Most Merciful.13

The above Qur’ānic verse describes the Muslim community as an ‘Ummat justly balanced’. In the Qur’ānic text, ‘Ummat justly balanced’ is ummatan wasaṭan which has attracted different translations in English, such as a justly balanced community, a moderate community, and the middle community.

The Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS), the central body that administers Muslim related affairs, outlined guidelines to foster a ‘Muslim community of excellence’ which is defined as ‘religiously profound’ and ‘socially progressive’ in the context of Singapore.14 The Minister-in-charge of Muslim Affairs, Yaacob Ibrahim (b. 1955), emphasised that these violent groups do not represent Islam and Muslims: We must press on to reach out to every segment of the community, and speak with one rational, moderate voice against exclusivist and extremist doctrines.15

This approach of mainstreaming the moderate voice of the community attracted Islamic institutions such as masjid (mosques) and madrasah (religious schools) to open their doors to visitors, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, to share and explain the ‘real’ message of Islam, as

13 Abdullah Yusuf Ali, “Noble Quran,” IslamiCity, accessed January 10, 2018, http://www.islamicity.org/quransearch/. 14 Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence, 2nd ed. (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2006), iii. 15 Walter Sim, “Speak with One Moderate Voice against Extremism: Yaacob,” Straits Times, January 27, 2016, http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/speak-with-one-moderate-voice-against-extremism-yaacob.

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against the message of radicalism and extremism.16 This marshalling of the ‘moderate’ voice was observed by Ismail and Shaw when they wrote: Malay-Muslim leaders from Members of Parliament (MPs) to social and cultural group spokespersons were marshalled to air their unreserved condemnation of the ‘9/11’ attacks and the misguided cause of JI…This would later grow into calls for ‘moderate’ Muslims to ‘speak up’ against violent acts conducted in the name of Islam.17

Muhammad Haniff Hassan (b. 1970), an Islamic scholar at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) in Singapore, published a book entitled Muslim…Moderate… Singaporean, where he proposed six principles of moderation as guidelines for Singaporean Muslims.18 Haniff’s six principles that define moderation are upholding peaceful means, upholding the principles of democracy, upholding the principles of the rule of law, contextual thought and action, respecting the opinions and rights of others, and upholding Islamic teachings.19

PERGAS (Persatuan Ulama dan Guru-Guru Agama Islam Singapura or Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association), a non-governmental Islamic organisation representing the ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers) community in Singapore organised an ‘ulamā’ convention in 2003 to address the issue of wasaṭiyyah within the Singaporean context.20 It introduced its ‘Moderation Charter’ as a guideline for Singaporean Muslims to refer to in addressing issues relating to their lives as Singaporean Muslims. The proceedings of the convention have been published as a book entitled Moderation in Islam: In the Context of Muslim Community in Singapore.21

16 Natasha Ann Zachariah, “An Unusual Gift of a Mosque,” Straits Times (Lifestyle), accessed March 10, 2015, http://www.straitstimes.com/lifestyle/home-design/an-unusual-gift-of-a-mosque. 17 Ismail and Shaw, “Singapore’s Malay-Muslim Minority: Social Identification in a Post-’9/11’ World,” Asian Ethnicity 7 (2006), 41. 18 Muhammad Haniff Hassan, Muslim…Moderate…Singaporean (Singapore: Perdaus and Al-Khair Mosque Management Board, 2003), 6. 19 Muhammad Haniff Hassan, Muslim…Moderate…Singaporean, 6. 20 Konvensyen Ulama PERGAS, Moderation in Islam: In the Contex[t] of Muslim Community in Singapore: A Compilation of Working Papers Presented in the PERGAS Ulama Convention 2003, Held on 13th and 14th September 2003, Which Carried the Theme of Moderation in Islam, 1st ed. (Singapore: Pergas, 2004). 21 Pergas, Moderation in Islam.

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Ustaz Ali Haji Mohamed (b. 1947), a respected religious scholar in Singapore and co-chairman of the RRG,22 emphasised the importance of wasaṭiyyah (kesederhanaan in Malay). In an article published in the only mainstream Malay language newspaper Berita Harian, he described wasaṭiyyah as a divine responsibility (amanah) to be carried out by the community of believers who are called as ummatan wasaṭan (golongan pertengahan in Malay): Rasulullah s.a.w. diutuskan Allah sebagai ‘rahmat’ seluruh alam – termasuk kepada kaum bukan Islam dan planet yang bertaburan. Sebagai ‘rahmat’, baginda mengajar kita agar menjauhi fahaman pelampau dan senantiasa mengamalkan kesederhanaan. Umat Islam diamanahkan Allah sebagai ummatan wasaṭan (golongan pertengahan).23 Meaning: Rasulullah peace be upon him was sent as a mercy to the whole universe – ranging from those who do not follow Islam to the vast scattered planets. As mercy, the Prophet taught us to distance ourselves from extremist ideas and to always practise wasaṭiyyah (kesederhanaan). The Muslim community is established by God as the middle community (ummatan wasaṭan).

In addition, several Friday khuṭbahkhuṭbah (sermon) messages were crafted by Singapore’s Office of the Mufti (OOM) to address the masses with the message of wasaṭiyyah.24 The continuous emphasis on wasaṭiyyah as a central theme by the religious elites, which was conveyed to the Malay/Muslim community, provides an avenue to analyse how the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood and applied within the context of a minority Muslim community today.

1.3 English translation of the term ummatan wasaṭan The difficulties of translating the Qurʾānic term ummatan wasaṭan into English can be seen in the various different translations by translators of the Qurʾānic verse 2:143. John Penrice (d. 1892), the author of an English glossary of the Qurʾān, explained wasaṭ as being ‘in the midst,

22 Charissa Yong, “11 Honoured for Their Contributions to the singapore Muslim Community,” Straits Times, accessed October 14, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/11-honoured-for-their-contributions-to-the- singapore-muslim-community. 23 Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed, “Membentengi Diri Hadapi Faham Tegar,” Berita Harian, accessed June 22, 2017, http://www.rrg.sg/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/MEMBENTENGI-DIRI-HADAPI-FAHAM-TEGAR- UST-H-ALI-H-MOHAMED.pdf. 24 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life,” November 7, 2014, accessed December 10, 2014, https://www.muis.gov.sg/cms/uploadedFiles/MuisGovSG/Khutbah/E14Nov7%20-%20Wasatiyyah.pdf.

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penetrate into the midst of…the middle, middle’.25 Edward William Lane (d. 1876), a British translator and lexicographer, defined wasaṭ as: the middle, midst, or middle part, of a thing… the part of which several lateral, or outer, portions are equal; as, for instance, the middle finger: but also meaning the part which is surrounded, or enclosed, on its several sides, although unequally: or the part that is between the two sides or extremities of a thing; [or the part, or point, that is between every two opposite extremities of a thing; and properly when equidistant;] as, for instance, the centre of a circle.26

He further explained that wasaṭ revolves around the meaning of ‘the middle, intermediate, midway, equidistant, between two extremities or extremes, between good and bad, conforming to the just mean, good, and most generous’.27

Muhammad Asad (d. 1992) in his The Message of the Qurʾān translated the term ummatan wasaṭan as ‘a community of the middle way’.28 ʿAbdullah Yūsuf ʿAlī (d. 1953) translated it as ‘an Ummat justly balanced’.29 Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall (d.1936)30 and ʻAbd Allāh ʻAbbās Nadwī (d. 2006)31 both translated the term as ‘a middle nation’. Elsaid M. Badawi and M.A.S. Abdel Haleem in their Arabic-English Dictionary of Qurʾānic Usage translated it simply as ‘a just community’.32

These different translations show the various ways in which the word wasaṭ can be translated into the English language. What is interesting is that none of these translators have used the term ‘moderate’ or ‘moderation’ as a direct translation of the term wasaṭ or wasaṭiyyah. The term ‘moderate’ is from the Latin ‘moderat’ which means ‘reduced, controlled’. The Latin verb

25 John Penrice, A Dictionary and Glossary of the Kor-ân, with Copious Grammatical References and Explanations of the Text (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1995), 159. 26 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, (New York: Ungar Pub. Co., 1955), 2940. 27 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 2940-2941. 28 Muhammad Asad, The Message of the Qurʾān / Translated and Explained by Muhammad Asad. (Lahore, Pakistan: Maktaba Jawahar, 1992), available at IslamiCity.com, Translation of Q. 2:143. 29 ʿAbdullah Yūsuf ʿAlī, The Meaning of the Holy Qur’ān / ʿAbdullah Yūsuf ʿAlī (Beltsville: Amana Publications, 2001), available at IslamiCity.com, Translation of Q. 2:143. 30 Muhammad M. Pickthall and Arafat K.el-Ashi, The Meaning of the Glorious Qurʾān: Text and Explanatory Translation by Muhammad M.Pickthall; Revised and Edited by Arafat K.El-Ashi (Beltsville: Amana, 2002), available at IslamiCity.com, Translation of Q. 2:143. 31 ʻAbd Allāh ʻAbbās Nadwī, Qāmūs Alfāẓ Al-Qurʼān Al-Karīm : ʻArabī-Injilīzī : Ḥasab Al-Tartīb Al-Jidhrī Wa- Al-Siyāq Al-Maʻnawī Maʻa Īḍāḥāt Ṣarfīyah Wa-Naḥwīyah Wa-Tafāṣīl Muyassarah ʻan Al-Amākin Wa-Al-Aʻlām = Vocabulary of the Holy Qurʾān = Vocabulary of the Holy Qurʾān / Taʼlīf ʻAbd Allāh ʻAbbās Al-Nadwī.,. ."ﻭسط" Karātshī, Bākistān: Maktabat Dār al-Ishāʻat, 2005), available at ejtaal.net, Translation of) 32 Elsaid M. Badawi and M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, Arabic-English Dictionary of Qurʾānic Usage (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 1025.

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‘moderare’ is related to being modest.33 While the meaning of wasaṭ describes a ‘middlemost balanced’ position between two extremes and signifies a dignified position of ‘equilibrium and justice’, translating wasaṭ into English as ‘moderate’ or ‘moderation’ may project a sense of mediocrity for the word which does not convey the right meaning of wasaṭ.

However, it is worth noting that even though none of the above-mentioned renowned English translators of the Qur’ān used the word ‘moderation’ as a literal translation of the term wasaṭ, translating wasaṭ and wasaṭiyyah as ‘moderate’ and ‘moderation’ have been used and widely accepted in today’s literature.34 But then again, by translating wasaṭiyyah as ‘moderation’, the intended meaning of the term ummatan wasaṭan as the ‘best middle community’ could become lost in translation. Therefore, based on the variations in how the term is used in the available literature today, the term ummatan wasaṭan for the purpose of this research has been translated as ‘the just, middlemost, and balanced community’, and not as the moderate community. Wasaṭiyyah in this research is understood as being ‘just, middlemost, and balanced’. This research does not define wasaṭiyyah as moderation.

1.4 Research questions With such attention on wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, this thesis aims to explore how the Malay/Muslim leadership, representing the minority Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, contextualised this concept of wasaṭiyyah in a modern secular nation that is Singapore. The thesis argues that today’s context of understanding the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah within the minority Malay/Muslim community in Singapore is based on how Singapore’s Malay/Muslim leaders attempt to balance the practise of Islam as a minority community in a modern and secular nation.

The thesis addresses this issue by asking the following questions. Firstly, what is the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah as understood at the time of revelation by the Prophet and his community? Secondly, was the concept of wasaṭiyyah prevalent among the Malay/Muslim community of the past in Singapore before the arrival of Raffles in 1819? Thirdly, how has the Malay/Muslim leadership understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah in Singapore today?

33 Oxford Living Dictionaries, s.v. “Moderate,” accessed June 17, 2017, https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/moderate. 34 A simple online search of the word wasaṭiyyah will produce results denoting wasaṭiyyah as moderation. There are books and articles in the English language that have literally translated the term as moderation.

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1.5 Conceptual framework In order to answer the above questions, this research utilises Abdullah Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān35 as its conceptual framework. Abdullah Saeed (b. 1960), the author of Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century: A Contextualist Approach,36 explains: The contextualist approach reads the Qur’an in light of the historical context of its revelation and subsequent interpretation. In doing so, it strives to understand the underlying objectives and spirit of the Qur’an and thereby highlights the ongoing relevance of the Qur’an to our own time. A contextualist interpretation seeks not to reduce but to expand the contemporary significance of Qur’anic teachings.37

Saeed elaborates that in trying to approach a given concept in the Qur’ān, there is a need to understand the ‘narrow’- ‘broad’ contexts.38 By ‘narrow’, he refers to the words and sentences which surround a given idea or text in the Qur’ān. Therefore, it is vital that such words, along with any verses related to a similar case or situation, be considered when attempting to understand a given Qur’ānic concept.39 By ‘broad’, he refers ‘to two things: the socio-historical context of revelation and the context in which the Qur’ān is being interpreted’.40 He also explained that the socio-historical context of revelation ‘includes the world view of the first recipients of the Qur’ān as well as the broader framework of the Prophet’s life, the norms, values and practices of the time’,41 while the context in which the Qur’ān is being interpreted today ‘reflects the norms, values and practices of that time. As time changes, there is always the possibility of change in the norms, values and practices of societies’.42

35 Refer to Abdullah Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century: A Contextualist Approach (London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014). 36 Abdullah Saeed is an Australian academic and scholar of Islamic studies who is currently the Sultan of Oman Professor of Arab and Islamic Studies at the University of Melbourne. His publications address Qur’ānic hermeneutics, Islam and human rights, Islamic law reform, Islamic finance, Muslim communities in Australia, and Islam and freedom of religion. His publications include Reading the Qur'an in the Twenty-First Century: A Contextualist Approach (2013), The Qur’an: An Introduction (2008) and Freedom of Religion, Apostasy and Islam (2004). 37 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 3. 38 Abdullah Saeed, “Some Reflections on the Contextualist Approach to Ethico-Legal Texts of the Quran,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, no. 2 (2008): 221. 39 Saeed, “Some Reflections,” 223–24. 40 Saeed, “Some Reflections,” 223–24. 41 Saeed, “Some Reflections,” 223–24. 42 Saeed, “Some Reflections,” 223–24.

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This narrow-broad context frames the reading, understanding, and applying of a given concept in the Qur’ān through four levels of analysis which are the linguistic context, the macro context 1, the macro context 2, and the connector context that links macro context 1 and macro context 2.

The first level explores the ‘linguistic context’ of a given term, idea or concept. The linguistic context explores the literal and technical meaning of a term found in the Qur’ān and how the term was understood when the Qur’ān was revealed in the Arabic language to the Prophet living in 7th Century Arabia.

The second level - the ‘macro context 1’ - explores the ‘social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual settings of the Qur’ānic text under consideration’, ‘the place in which revelation occurred and the people to whom it was addressed’, and ‘includes the ideas, assumptions, values, beliefs, religious customs, and cultural norms that existed at the time.’43

The third level - the ‘connector context’ - emphasises the need to connect the intervening historical period that ‘demonstrates how successive generations of Muslims have applied the Qur’anic text and its norms to their lives…the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice are always there to help the interpreter to connect with the context of the Qur’an at the time of revelation.’44

The fourth and final level – the ‘macro context 2’ - applies the Qur’ānic concept within ‘the context in which the act of interpretation is occurring today’, in ‘the period in which the interpreter is living; the physical places in which society functions; contemporary cultural and religious norms; political ideas; economic institutions and ideas; and other systems, values, and norms. This context also includes the kinds of educational, economic, and political opportunities that are available, and the protection of the various rights that are afforded in modern societies.’45

In this thesis, these four levels of a contextual interpretation of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah are split into several chapters. Chapter 2 dwells on the ‘linguistic context’ and

43 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5. 44 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5. 45 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5.

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‘macro context 1’ of the idea of ummatan wasaṭan in verse 2:143 of the Qur’ān. Here Arabic semantics are used to understand the term wasaṭ and its meaning. There is also reference to classical and modern tafsīr (exegesis) works to understand how the term has been understood within the tafsīr tradition. In understanding macro context 1, the chapter analyses the themes discussed in 111 verses from the Qur’ān 2:142 to 2:252, which relate to the context of the revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse in the time of the Prophet.

Chapters 3 and 4 use the ‘connector context’ to help explain ‘the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. This research focuses on such aspects as ‘accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ of the community when the British first arrived in Singapore in 1819. The year 1819 was a critical period in the history of the Malay/Muslim community and of modern Singapore. It was the year that the British arrived and colonised Singapore, eventually making the Malay/Muslim community a minority in Singapore.

These four aspects of the ‘accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ are power, diplomacy, language and religion. The importance of these four aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion with regard to the Malay/Muslim community has been discussed by many contemporary scholars, including Alan Chong in his Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide to International Relations between Peoples: Prowess and Prestige in “Intersocietal Relations” in the Sejarah Melayu, 46 Hadijah Rahmat in her The Printing Press and the Changing Concepts of Literature, Authorship and Notions of Self in Malay Literature, 47 Lim Kim Hui’s dissertation entitled Budi as the Malay Mind:A Philosophical Study of Malay Ways of Reasoning and Emotion in Peribahasa, 48 Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas in his Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran,

46 Alan Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide to International Relations between Peoples: Prowess and Prestige in ‘“Intersocietal Relations”’ in the Sejarah Melayu,” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 37, 2 (April 26, 2012): 87–105. 47 Hadijah bte Rahmat, “The Printing Press and the Changing Concepts of Literature, Authorship and Notions of Self in Malay Literature,” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 69, No. 1 (270) (1996): 64–84. 48 Refer to Lim Kim Hui, “Budi as the Malay Mind: a Philosophical Study of Malay Ways of Reasoning and Emotion in Peribahasa,” (Diss., Hamburg University, 2002).

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Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu,49 and Vladimir Braginskiĭ in his The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature: A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views.50

As the connector context refers to how ‘the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ of wasaṭiyyah have been understood in the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore between the advent of Islam and today, with more emphasis on the recent part, it is argued in chapters 3 and 4 that while the usage of the literal term of wasaṭiyyah was less prevalent in those early periods, the core values of wasaṭiyyah with its emphasis on certain moral values was evident in relation to power, diplomacy, language, and religion as practised and upheld by the Malay/Muslim community. These chapters also investigate the values that have been central to these four aspects of the Malay/Muslim’s traditional heritage, in the hope of shedding light on the wasaṭi elements within the community’s traditional heritage which may or may not have contributed to the shaping of how the current Malay/Muslim community leaders conceptualise wasaṭiyyah.

Chapters 5 to 7 explore ‘macro context 2’ by focusing on three key components of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. They consist of the political leadership, the ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars), and religious content/education. Macro context 2 explores how the current political leadership, the ‘ulamā’, and religious education institutions have understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today.

Furthermore, this thesis will also apply the contextual approach to explore: 1. how the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah is contextualised by Malay/Muslim leaders in Singapore today; 2. how the traditional heritage of the Malay/Muslim community helped shape the concept of wasaṭiyyah; and 3. the concept of wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of a minority Muslim community living in the context of a secular and modern nation.

49 Refer to Syed Naguib al-Attas, Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu. (Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972). 50 Refer to Vladimir. I. Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature : A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views, Verhandelingen van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde: D. 214 (Leiden and Singapore: KITLV Press and Institute of South East Asian Studies, 2004).

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Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān is useful for this research because it provides an organised and systematic framework to explore the concept of wasaṭiyyah in the Qur’ān and how it can be understood and applied to the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. While still preserving the traditional art and science of interpretation in the tafsīr tradition, this contextual approach provides a critical approach for contemporary interpreters to analyse and understand the applicability of a given Qur’ānic concept or idea in its present context.

1.6 Literature review At present, there is limited research on the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of a minority Muslim community such as in Singapore today. However, PERGAS, Singapore’s Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association has contributed to the literature with their compilation of working papers from their ‘ulamā’ convention in 2003 and published them in a book entitled Kesederhanaan dalam Islam (Moderation in Islam).51

A contemporary Islamic scholar in Singapore, Muhammad Haniff Hassan also published in 2003 a book entitled Muslim…Moderate…Singaporean as part of a response to address the issue of wasaṭiyyah and to define a ‘moderate Muslim’ in the Singapore context.52 Haniff states: Unless Muslim organisations that are recognised as being moderates, define what it means to be “moderate” in Islam, then it will be a matter of time before others will choose to define the term for us. Without a clear definition, it will be difficult to set the moderates apart from the extremists. The danger is that the moderates are seen as being extremists and vice versa.53

Haniff defined wasaṭiyyah within the context of moderation and asserted that ‘being moderate is being in the middle of two extreme ends, a position that requires one to balance and even resist the pull of either of the polarised views’.54 Moreover, Haniff has collaborated with Pergas to create a dedicated website focussing on the issue of wasaṭiyyah, since 2015.55 In an interview

51 Refer to Konvensyen Ulama PERGAS, Moderation in Islam: In the Contex[t] of Muslim Community in Singapore: A Compilation of Working Papers Presented in the PERGAS Ulama Convention 2003, Held on 13th and 14th September 2003, Which Carried the Theme of Moderation in Islam, 1st ed. (Singapore: PERGAS, 2004). 52 Muhammad Haniff Hassan, Muslim…Moderate…Singaporean, 3-4. 53 Muhammad Haniff Hassan, Muslim…Moderate…Singaporean, 3-4. 54 Muhammad Haniff Hassan, Muslim…Moderate…Singaporean, 37. 55 Pergas, “Mengenai Wasat,” Wasat Online, accessed on February 1, 2018, https://wasatonline.wordpress.com/about/

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for this research, Haniff articulated the need to expound on a grand theory of wasaṭiyyah which to him is lacking in the current wasaṭiyyah discourse.56

Generally, the limited research on the Malay/Muslim minority community has long been highlighted in academic scholarship. In 1981, John Clammer from the Department of Sociology at the National University of Singapore lamented that ‘not a single systematic, sociological, ethnographic or socio-historical work of acceptable scholarly standards exists on the Singapore Malays’.57 Clammer adduced several reasons for the lack of academic research on the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. He wrote: The reasons no doubt have something to do with the minority status of the Malays; the bulk of sociological scholarship has been devoted to the Chinese or to more general themes (housing, population, national identity, etc.) which only touch incidentally on the Malays. Others have to do with the understandable fact that most investigations of Malay culture and society have been undertaken in Malaysia, and with the relative lack of interest from within the community itself in undertaking Western-styled investigations of its own social structure.58

Since Clammer’s observation, academic research on the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore has grown, albeit at a relatively measured pace. Research has ranged mainly from issues of religion and social conditions to education and politics.59 Syed Khairuddin Aljunied, a contemporary author of several books on issues pertaining to the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore,60 remarked that ‘it has also become apparent that studies on Malay/Muslim identity in Singapore are essentially underdeveloped’.61

56 Interview with Muhammad Haniff Hassan on the 5th of February, 2014. 57 John Clammer, “Malay Society in Singapore: A Preliminary Analysis,” Southeast Asian Journal of Social Science 9, no. 1/2 (1981): 19–32. 58 John Clammer, “Malay Society in Singapore: A Preliminary Analysis,” 19. 59 Hussin Mutalib, “Singapore Malays, 1819–1994: A Bibliographic Survey,” Southeast Asian Journal of Social Science 24, no. 2 (1996): 25. 60 Refer to Derek Heng and Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, Singapore in Global History (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2011); Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, Colonialism, Violence and Muslims in Southeast Asia: The Maria Hertogh Controversy and Its Aftermath, Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia 56 (London ; New York: Routledge, 2009); and Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied and Barbara Watson Andaya, Rethinking Raffles : A Study of Stamford Raffles’ Discourse on Religions amongst Malays / Syed Muhd. Khairudin Aljunied., History (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2005). 61 Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, “Making Sense of an Evolving Identity: A Survey of Studies on Identity and Identity Formation among Malay-Muslims in Singapore.,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (December 2006), 379.

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His observation is supported by an unpublished thesis entitled Singapore Malay Identity: A Study of Dominant Perceptions of Islam in Post-Independence Singapore written by Noraslinda M Zuber who concluded that in addressing the idea of a moderate identity within the Malay/Muslim community, ‘these articulations are often vague and lack substantive and genuine ideas that can be used as a basis for the development of a progressive identity, one that is relevant not only to the context of Singapore but the larger modern world in which the community is a part of’.62

Therefore, in an attempt to systemise and provide a framework for the various academic research works surrounding the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, Syed Khairuddin Aljunied conceived a ‘sketch map’ that underlined three major approaches: socio- anthropological approach, historical-political approach, and exploratory approach.63

The socio-anthropological approach refers to studies undertaken to provide detailed ethnographical descriptions of various Malay sub-groupings at a given time, drawing mainly from theories and methods of sociology and anthropology.64 Through fieldwork and living with a particular ethnic group, the researchers produced in-depth descriptions of their customs and ways of life. Much of the focus of the socio-anthropological approach is on the diverse ethnicities or sub-groupings of Muslims in Singapore, comprising of the Malays, Arabs, Indians, and more recently the Chinese. When we refer to the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, we understand it as a diverse community, ‘comprising Malays, Javanese, Bugis, Indian Muslims, Minangkabau, and Arabs among others, and any person who is generally accepted as a member of the Malay community by the community’.65

The socio-anthropological approach aims to understand how the different sub-groups live within and contribute to the Malay/Muslim community. Pioneering work using this approach was conducted by Judith Djamour in 1965 entitled Malay Kinship and Marriage in Singapore.66

62 Noraslinda Muhammad Zuber, “Singapore Malay Identity: A Study of Dominant Perceptions of Islam in Post- Independence Singapore” (Ph.D., National University of Singapore, 2010), 215. 63 Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, “Making Sense of an Evolving Identity: A Survey of Studies on Identity and Identity Formation among Malay-Muslims in Singapore,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (2006): 371–82. 64 Aljunied, “Making Sense of an Evolving Identity: A Survey of Studies on Identity and Identity Formation among Malay-Muslims in Singapore”, 371-82. 65 Diane K. Mauzy and R. S. Milne, Singapore Politics under the People’s Action Party. (New York: Routledge, 2002), 99. 66 Refer to Judith Djamour, Malay Kinship and Marriage in Singapore, (London: Athlone Press, 1965).

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Her work looked at how three different groups from within the Muslim community in Singapore in 1949-1950 projected their own ethnicity. The three groups studied were the Malays who had migrated to Singapore from around the Malay Peninsula, the migrants from Indonesia, and the Chinese who were adopted by the Malays. She identified intermarriages, adopting Islam, Malay names, language and culture among the characteristics of being a Malay.67

Jacob Vredenbergt’s book, entitled De Baweanners in hun Moederland en in Singapore; een bijdrage tot de kulturele antropologie van zuidoost-Azie (The Baweans in their Motherland and in Singapore; Contributions to the Cultural Anthropology of Southeast Asia)68 went further and analysed a particular sub-grouping within the Malays in Singapore, that is the Bawean. He employed a participatory-observation method in understanding how the Baweans maintained their own identity within the bigger Malay/Muslim identity in Singapore in the 1960s. In a postscript published in the 1980s, Vredenbergt examined the estrangement and decline of the Bawean identity, and how most Baweans had readily identified themselves as Malays.

More recent, unpublished research by Mariam Mohd. Ali entitled ‘Orang Baru’ and ‘Orang Lama’: Ways of Being Malay on Singapore’s North-Coast69, and Nurliza Yusof entitled Being Malay in Singapore: Perceptions and Articulations of Identity70 adopted Djamour’s approach, while Vredenbergt’s approach of studying particular sub-groupings within the Malay/Muslim community was utilised in several other unpublished scholarly researches. The Arab community was the focus of quite a few studies, including Lim Lu Sia’s The Arabs of Singapore: A Sociographic Study of their Place in the Muslim and Malay World of Singapore,71 Harasha Khalid Bafana in The Singapore Hadrami Arab Identity,72 and Nargis Mohamad Talib in Arab Women in Singapore: Ethnic Consciousness and Boundary Maintenance,73 whereas

67 Djamour, Malay Kinship and Marriage in Singapore, 1. 68 Refer to Jacob Vredenbergt, Bawean Dan Islam (Bawean and Islam), trans. A. B. Lapian (Jakarta: INIS, 1990). 69 Refer to Mariam Mohd. Ali, “‘Orang Baru’ and ‘Orang Lama’: Ways of Being Malay on Singapore’s North- Coast” (unpublished B.Soc.Sc. (Hons.) dissertation, National University of Singapore, 1985). 70 Refer to Nurliza Yusof, “Being Malay in Singapore: Perceptions and Articulations of Identity” (Academic exercise, National University of Singapore, 1986). 71 Refer to Lim Lu Sia, “The Arabs of Singapore: A Sociographic Study of Their Place in the Muslim and Malay World of Singapore” (Academic exercise, National University of Singapore, 1987). 72 Refer to Harasha Khalid Bafana, “The Singapore Hadrami Arab Identity” (Academic exercise, National University of Singapore, 1997). 73 Refer to Nargis Mohamad Talib, “Arab Women in Singapore: Ethnic Consciousness and Boundary Maintenance” (Academic exercise, National University of Singapore, 2000).

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Tan Hui Sen’s Chinese Muslims in Singapore: The Negotiation of Identity74 studied the Chinese Muslims in Singapore.

After the emphasis on the community’s ethnographic, Aljunied’s second approach outlined the historical-political method in studying the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. This historical-political approach draws upon issues, methods of analysis and sources within the disciplines of history and political science.75 Researchers using this approach applied political theories within the context of the people living within a specific period and conditions. William Roft’s The Origins of Malay Nationalism set the example of a historical-political approach when he traced the slow growth of communal, ethnic, and national feelings amongst peninsular Malays during the first four decades of the twentieth century.76 In The Singapore Dilemma, Lily Zubaidah Rahim was particularly interested in examining the factors which have brought about the socio-economic marginalisation of Malays in Singapore.77 Her emphasis that Singapore’s education system marginalised the Malays received attention from the Government, with facts and figures shared to challenge her assertion.78

Hussin Mutalib, a community leader in the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore and a political scientist at the National University of Singapore, also adopted the historical-political approach in his book, Singapore Muslims: The Quest for Identity in a Modern City-State. He concluded that: The Singapore case study seems to suggest that the modernization process does not lead to a dilution of ethno-religious pulls within multi-ethnic societies as posited by ‘modernization theory’. Today, against the backdrop of globalization, particularistic autonomous ethno-religious tendencies continue to persist in many states, however developed they may be. It is no exaggeration to say that managing such tendencies is

74 Refer to Tan Hui Sen, “Chinese Muslims in Singapore: The Negotiation of Identity” (Academic exercise, National University of Singapore, 1989). 75 Refer to Aljunied, “Making Sense of an Evolving Identity.” 76 Refer to William Roff, The Origins of Malay Nationalism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967). 77 Refer to Lily Zubaidah Rahim, The Singapore Dilemma: The Political and Educational Marginality of the Malay Community (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998). 78 Goh Chok Tong, “Speech by Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong at The Malay/Muslim Organisations’ Tribute to Prime Minister’s 10 Years of Leadership, on Sunday, 21 January 2001, at 4.00 Pm at The Ritz-Carlton Millenia,” Singapore Government Media Release, accessed April 8, 2014, http://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/speeches/view-html?filename=2001012102.htm.

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not easy and there is no single template to solve these ethnic and religious nationalisms.79

Finally, Aljunied described the third category of academic research dealing with the issues of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore as ‘exploratory’ in nature. He pointed out that: What is meant here by “exploratory” is a type of work that does not engage into the employment of qualitative or quantitative methodologies nor the garnering of theories. Rather, such works provide broad overviews of debates and, most importantly, personal reflections on the issue of Malay identity in Singapore.80

Tham Seong Chee’s Defining “Malay” is an example of the exploratory approach used to research the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. He argued that the Malay identity has been subjected to various forms of definition, none of which has asserted its dominance over the others.81 Another example is the work of a renowned Malay intellectual in Singapore, Syed Hussein Alatas. In his seminal work The New Malay: His Role and Future, he characterised that the traits of the Malays included a ‘rationality combined with a built-in system of universality’82. He also pointed out to the close relation between being a Malay and being a Muslim: The Malays are Muslims and being Muslims, they participate in certain universality by belonging to a world of religion having a universal system of values.83

Based on these three different approaches, this research adopts the exploratory approach to explore the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah as contextualised by the Malay/Muslim community leaders in Singapore today. Using the exploratory approach, this research converges upon the fields of Islamic studies, minority studies, and Malay studies to examine the relevance of the contextualist approach to understanding the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore.

79 Hussin Mutalib, “Singapore Muslims: The Quest for Identity in a Modern City-State,” Journal of Minority Muslim Affairs 25, no. i (April 2005): 67. 80 Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, “Making Sense of an Evolving Identity: A Survey of Studies on Identity and Identity Formation among Malay-Muslims in Singapore.,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26, no. 3 (December 2006): 377. 81 Refer to Tham Seong Chee, “Defining ‘Malay’” (Singapore: Department of Malay Studies Working Papers, 1993). 82 Syed Hussein Alatas, “The New Malay: His Role and Future” (Singapore: Association of Muslim Professionals, 1996), 6-7. 83 Alatas, “The New Malay: His Role and Future,” 6-7.

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1.7 Research methodology This research used a multi-pronged qualitative research approach based on a mixed method of library research and field work.84 The library research used a wide range of literature that dealt with the issue of wasaṭiyyah. Classical to contemporary Islamic texts were referred to for analysis and reference. They included major tafsīr works in Arabic and Malay, as well as classical Malay Jawi works written from the 15th century onwards such as the Sejarah Melayu, Tuhfat al-Nafis, Hikayat Abdullah, Syair Perahu and letters of Temenggong Abdul Rahman. These classical works helped to connect the past to the present research. Reference was also made to pre- and post-independence (before and after 1965) legal constitutions and government policies in Malaysia and Singapore which have impacted the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Archives of hundreds of khuṭbah (Friday sermon) from 2014 to 2017 were consulted and analysed to understand the pervasiveness of the message of wasaṭiyyah preached to the masses today.

Various media outlets were also visited to obtain valuable information from them, these included local newspapers and magazines such as Berita Harian, Straits Times, Today, Inabah Magazine, Risalah Muis, and others. Online sources such as official websites of Islamic organisations in Singapore also provided insightful information on their role in contributing to the development of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. This information provided a means for the researcher to understand whether the concept of wasaṭiyyah was present in their deliberations.

Furthermore, in order to determine the pervasiveness of the notion of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community, other sources of information such as the curricula in Muslim educational institutions in Singapore, weekend programs for Muslim children, widely available religious literature for public consumption and other sources of information were also collated and analysed.

The field work involved interviews, direct participation, observations, and analysis. The method used in the field work was unstructured interviews based on purposive sampling with

84 Koen Van Turnhout et al., “Design Patterns for Mixed-Method Research in HCI,” in Proceedings of the 8th Nordic Conference on Human-Computer Interaction: Fun, Fast, Foundational (NordiCHI ’14, Helsinki, Finland, 2014), 361-370.

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relevant religious figures, including prominent ‘ulamā’ and asātidhah, political leaders including ministers and organisational leaders, as well as community leaders and journalists in Singapore. As many as 28 people were interviewed. The researcher also discussed with several Malay/Muslim university students from the Nanyang Technological University and National Institute of Education to get a sense of their understanding of the research area.

In order to gather more up-to-date data, the researcher participated in the East Asia Summit Symposium on Religious Rehabilitation and Social Reintegration in Singapore in 2015. The Symposium brought together experts including government officials, security agencies, academicians, religious scholars, and community leaders from across the globe to discuss best practices in countering the threat of radicalism and extremism. Azyumardi Azra, Professor of History and Director of Graduate School, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta, Indonesia in his presentation suggested: For reintegration, religious leaders should abandon defensive attitudes that condone violence, speak out against any kind of violence and intolerance, provide comprehensive explanation on key terms used by the extremists such as jihād, khilāfah, dawlah Islāmiyyah and others. They should also safeguard religious institutions such as mosques, muṣallas (prayer halls) and Muslim organisations from radical infiltration and strengthen the Islamic version of raḥmatan lil ‘ālamīn (mercy to the world) and wasaṭiyyah (moderation).85

Through the up-to-date data obtained from the Symposium, the researcher was able to comprehend the gap in the discussion on wasaṭiyyah as an antidote to the current threat of radicalism and extremism posed by wayward interpretation of Islamic ideology perpetrated by groups such as Al Qaeda and ISIS today.

In 2017, this researcher was also fortunate to be able to attend the Muktamar Ulama Pergas (Ulama Convention organised by Pergas). This provided a great opportunity to gather more relevant Singapore-centric data. The Convention reviewed Pergas’s progress in promoting the wasaṭiyyah agenda since its first convention in 2003 which gave birth to its published book

85 International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, “East Asia Summit Symposium on Religious Rehabilitation and Social Reintegration | RSIS” (Singapore: International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, April 16, 2015), 43, http://www.rsis.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/EAS-REPORT-2015.pdf.

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entitled Moderation in Islam. Discussions were also held on the impact of Pergas’s wasaṭiyyah agenda, emphasis on its continued relevance, and detailed deliberations on the possible ways to move forward and continue promoting the concept of wasaṭiyyah.86

The Muktamar provided the researcher with the ‘emic’ knowledge of the current development of the wasaṭiyyah agenda from within the ‘ulamā’ and asātidhah community in Singapore today. By ‘emic’, we mean the analytical attempt ‘to rely on indigenous conceptions rather than on analysts’ theory-imposed conceptions’.87 As the Singaporean ‘ulamā’ and asātidhah community is an important focus of this research, the participation at the Muktamar provided an exclusive insight into the reality of how the concept of wasaṭiyyah is currently perceived by an important leadership component of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the time of this research.

However, data collected was not confined to just the context of Singapore. In order to understand the diversity of the Malay/Muslim world and to obtain an insider’s view of the Nusantara (Malay Archipelago) scholarship on the subject of wasaṭiyyah in the Malay world, informal interviews were also conducted with academicians, community leaders, and religious figures from neighbouring countries Malaysia and Indonesia. The researcher also participated in seminars, visited scholars, pesantren (religious boarding schools), and religious circles in both countries.

Fieldwork in Malaysia and Indonesia was an eye opener, providing an insight into the different perspectives of how the Malay/Muslims in both Muslim majority nations understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah. The different dynamics between the Malay/Muslim majority living in Indonesia and Malaysia, and those living as a minority community in the context of Singapore is obvious. One stark difference lies in the political activism of the two different Malay/Muslim communities. In the majority Malay/Muslim countries, Islamic political parties actively participate in the democratic process, while no religious-based political parties participate in the context of multi-religious, multi-racial Singapore.

86 Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh, “Masagos Calls on Islamic Teachers to Strengthen Moderation, Work with Other Groups in Society,” Straits Times, August 12, 2017. 87 Klaus Krippendorff, Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology, 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage, 2004), 21.

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However, this research limits its focus to how the current leaders of the minority Malay/Muslim community in Singapore understand and apply the concept of wasaṭiyyah in the context of living in a secular and modern Singapore. This limitation does not imply that a thorough data collection effort should not be executed. The research methods illustrated above and the subsequent chapters of this thesis hope to encourage further research in the field of Islamic studies, especially in Qur’ānic sciences contextualised from a Muslim minority’s perspective.

1.8 Chapter outline Chapter One – Introduction This research aims to understand how the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah is contextualised by Malay/Muslim leaders in Singapore today. Chapter one provides the background and rationale for undertaking this research. This chapter introduces the ummatan wasaṭan Qur’ānic verse, 2:143, used in this research as its main point of analysis. It defines the term ummatan wasaṭan as the ‘just, middlemost, and balanced community’ based on different English translations of the Qur’ānic verse. This chapter also introduces the relevant research questions, explains the conceptual framework used for the research and reviews the current available literature pertaining to the concept as seen from a minority Muslim perspective. This chapter concludes with an overview of the research methodologies and provides an outline of the following chapters.

Chapter Two - Conceptual Framework: Understanding Wasaṭiyyah from a Contextualist Approach to Reading the Qur’ān Chapter two introduces the linguistic context of the concept of wasaṭiyyah and details its definition and scope. This chapter explores the nature of the intellectual discourse revolving around the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the Islamic scholarship. A detailed analysis of the ‘macro context 1’ – the time of the Prophet, when the concept of ummatan wasaṭan (the just, middlemost, and balanced community) was revealed through exploring classical Tafsir and Islamic intellectual tradition – is presented as well. Works by classical scholars such as al- Ṭabarī (d. 310/923), al-Ghazālī (d. 504/1111), al-Zamakhsharī (d. 537/1143), al-Qurṭubī (d. 671/1273), al-Bayḍāwī (d. 678/1280), and Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373), pertaining to their understanding of wasaṭiyyah are also analysed. There is an analysis of themes related to the concept as discussed within 111 verses accompanying the ummatan wasaṭan (the just, middlemost, and balanced community) verse in the Qur’ān. This provides the basis to understand the context by which the concept was revealed and understood at the time of the

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Prophet. Additionally, this chapter deals with a fragment of ‘macro context 2’ through analysing the works and research done by selected contemporary scholars and thinkers throughout the Muslim world. In summary, the chapter provides a working definition of wasaṭiyyah used throughout this research.

Chapter Three - Contextualising Power and Diplomacy of the Indigenous Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore at the Beginning of British Colonisation in the Early 19th Century Chapter three analyses the ‘connector context’ within the contextualist approach to reading the Qur’ān. Chapter three focuses on the first two aspects, ‘power’ and ‘diplomacy’ as understood by the past Malay/Muslim world. These aspects are explored using classical Malay literary tradition to determine their prominence within the community. Discussions in this chapter illustrate that these aspects, which form part of the ‘connector context’, provide a point of analysis of whether the concept of wasaṭiyyah was prevalent in the indigenous Malay/Muslim community before the arrival of Raffles in 1819 in Singapore.

Chapter Four - Contextualising Language and Religion of the Indigenous Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore at the Beginning of British Colonisation in the Early 19th Century In this chapter, the final two aspects of the ‘connector context’ that define the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles in 1819 are analysed. The third aspect deals with the issue of the Malay language within the past Malay/Muslim Sultanate. The fourth and final aspect deals with Islam as a religion professed by the Malay/Muslim community at the arrival of the British in 1819. As in chapter three, these aspects are explored using classical Malay literary tradition to ascertain their prominence as intrinsic features of the Malay community. It is argued that these four aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion, which form the features of the ‘connector context’ used in this research, provide a framework of how the indigenous Malay/Muslim leadership understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah. Chapter four concludes that the values associated with wasaṭiyyah are found within these four aspects that shaped the past heritage of the Malay/Muslim community.

Chapter Five - The Evolution of Malay/Muslim Political Leadership and their Role in Contextualising Wasaṭiyyah in Singapore Today

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This chapter focuses on the first element of the ‘macro context 2’, which is the current political leadership representing the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. This chapter looks at the progression of the Malay/Muslim political leadership, and the policies and values that have left an impact on the akal-hati-budi (rationality/belief/mannerism) framework of the Malay/Muslims as a minority community in Singapore today. This chapter analyses the Constitution, Acts, and policies relating to the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. It uses data obtained from interviews with several key figures in the journalistic, academic, and political fields, which included the former and current Ministers in-charge of Muslim affairs, the Minister for the Environment and Water Resources, and the President of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS). The chapter summarises the current values that are understood by the current Malay/Muslim political leadership to contextualise wasaṭiyyah in Singapore today.

Chapter Six – Wasaṭiyyah from the Context of the ʻUlamāʼ and Asātidhah in Singapore Today This chapter acts as the second of three chapters that provide the ‘macro context 2’ for analysing the contemporary understanding and application of the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. This chapter examines the religious fraternity in Singapore today and how it has developed. Focus will be on the Islamic religious scholars (ʻulamāʼ) and religious teachers (asātidhah) who are the religious elites in the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. With an understanding of the dynamics of the Malay/Muslim religious scholars (ʻulamāʼ) and religious teachers (asātidhah), an analysis was carried out to show how they understood and contextualised wasaṭiyyah in Singapore. The analysis utilised several written and verbal sources including written works by reputable scholars within the Malay world, and interviews conducted with the Mufti of Singapore, the President of the Islamic Religious Scholars and Teachers Association (PERGAS), and the Chairman of the Asatizah Recognition Board (ARB). The analysis provides a platform to understand how contemporary religious scholars (ʻulamāʼ) and religious teachers (asātidhah) in Singapore understand and apply the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the akal-hati-budi (rationality/belief/mannerism) of the Malay/Muslim community.

Chapter Seven – Framing Wasaṭiyyah within Islamic Religious Education in Singapore Today

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This chapter is the final element for the ‘macro context 2’ of analysing the contemporary understanding and application of the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. This chapter examines how contemporary Islamic religious content and education has helped shape the understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah in Singapore today. The focus is on the four important means of Islamic religious education available in Singapore today. They are the Madrasah (religious schools) education system, the Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS), the Masjid (mosques), and the khuṭbahKhuṭbah (Friday sermon). It is argued that the current Islamic religious education emphasises the importance of wasaṭiyyah within the context of balancing the needs of a faithful practising Muslim who belongs to a minority community in secular, modern Singapore. From these different approaches, it can be seen how Islamic religious education is used to contextualise the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of a minority community in Singapore today.

Chapter Eight – Conclusion and Findings This chapter summarises the findings of how the Malay/Muslim leaders in Singapore have contextualised the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah today. The chapter also lists the limitations of the research. It concludes with several suggestions for further areas of research, relevant within the scope of this study.

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Chapter Two - Conceptual Framework: Understanding Wasaṭiyyah from a Contextualist Approach to Reading the Qur’ān

2.1 Introduction This chapter examines the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of a contextualist approach to reading the Qur’ān. Abdullah Saeed (b. 1960), a contemporary scholar of Islamic studies who is also a proponent of a contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān, explained that a contextual approach attempts to read the message of the revealed text at the time of revelation to the Prophet, understand its evolving interpretation throughout Islamic scholarship and studies, and apply the revealed text within the present focus and current context.1

Thus, contextualisation of the Qur’ān helps one to read, understand, and apply the revealed text in our contemporary context. According to Saeed, A contextualist approach emphasises the organic and symbiotic relationship between the original commandments, instructions, and advice and their context in the seventh century. If this approach is adopted, these texts could be appropriately contextualised by examining the radical difference and continuities between the original context and that of today. This process would then allow for a useful new set of meanings to emerge that remain true to the original teachings of the Qur’ān.2

In line with Saeed’s contextual approach, Malay/Muslim scholars of contemporary Islamic studies such as Jawiah Dakir (n.d.) and Faisal Ahmad Shah (n.d.) have understood contextualisation as a methodology of analysing Islamic religious texts such as the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth from the point of its relevance (‘alāqah), connection (qarīnah), and context of words (siyāq al-kalām). Contextualisation is also tied down to the dimensions of time (al-bu‘d al- zamānī) and place (al-bu‘d al-makānī).3

1 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 59. 2 Saeed, Reading the Qurʾān in the Twenty-First Century, 7. 3 Jawiah Dakir and Faisal Ahmad Shah, “A Contextual Approach in Understanding The Prophet’s Hadith: An Analysis,” Journal of Applied Sciences Research 8, no. 7 (2012): 3177.

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Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān also proposed analysing the linguistic, macro and connector contexts.4 This chapter will analyse the linguistic context from two angles. Firstly, the chapter explores how the word wasaṭ is defined linguistically. Secondly, the chapter examines how several exegetes of the Qur’ān explain the term ummatan wasaṭan based on their commentaries of the Qur’ānic verse 2:143.

The second important feature of the contextualist approach deals with the macro contexts of the text, which Saeed referred to as ‘macro context 1’ and ‘macro context 2’. Macro context 1 explores the time and place of revelation of a given text, the people it was addressing, as well as the social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual context of the text. According to Saeed, macro context 1 ‘refers to the social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual settings of the Qur’ānic text under consideration’.5 This includes ‘the place in which the revelation occurred and the people to whom it was addressed’, and ‘includes the ideas, assumptions, values, beliefs, religious customs, and cultural norms that existed at the time’.6

In order to understand ‘macro context 1’, this chapter explores the historical description of the circumstances in the city of Medina at the time of the Prophet, and the revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse 2:143 based on the themes found in 111 verses of the Qur’ān from 2:142 to 2:252. These 111 verses were revealed in Medina where the Prophet migrated. It addressed the social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual issues directly to the Medinan community, which was the target community of the ummatan wasaṭan verse. The Medinan community was the first to uphold wasaṭiyyah in shaping their lives and community. These 111 verses are relevant to how the Medinan community understood and applied wasaṭiyyah and shed light on macro context 1.

Saeed’s ‘macro context 2’ refers to ‘the context in which the act of interpretation is occurring today’, in ‘the period in which the interpreter is living’.7 In this chapter, the discussion of ‘macro context 2’ briefly covers current intellectual and political discourses on the concept of wasaṭiyyah by contemporary religious scholars living in Muslim majority nations. This chapter also explores how Islamic political parties today in Muslim majority nations use wasaṭiyyah to

4 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 7. 5 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5. 6 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5. 7 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5.

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justify their political aims and agenda. However, since the main focus of this research is on the Malay/Muslims in Singapore, there will be more intensive discussions of ‘macro context 2’ within the context of being a minority Muslim community, in chapters 5 to 7.

The final aspect of Saeed’s contextualist approach, the connector context, looks at the development of the idea being investigated between the time of revelation (macro context 1) and the current period of interpreting the verse (macro context 2). This chapter limits its reference to the connector context to how different exegetes of the Qur’ān throughout classical and into modern periods have understood the verse. The findings here will provide the context to understand how the concept of wasaṭiyyah has evolved from within the tafsīr tradition.

The conclusion of this chapter will provide a working definition of the concept of wasaṭiyyah as understood and applied in this research.

2.2 Linguistic context of the term wasaṭ .)ط( and ṭa )س( sīn ,)و( Wasaṭ is an Arabic word. It is derived from the root letters of waw ) َو َس َط and it appears as a Form I verb8 ,)وسط( These three letters form the root word wa-sa-ṭa which means to place, put, or set ,) َو َّس َط يُو ِس ُط تَ ْو ِسي ًطا( (and Form II verb (fa‘‘ala يَ ِس ُط َو ْس ٌط/ َو َس ٌط( It also functions as a .(أَ ْو َسا ٌط ) is awsāṭ ) َو َس ٌط( in the middle (s.th.).9 The plural form of wasaṭ which means ‘to stand in the middle, keep to the , )تَ َو َّس َط يَتَ َو َّسط تَ َو ُّس ًطا( (Form V verb (tafa‘‘ala middle, hold the middle between two extremes, steer a middle course; to mediate, act as mediator or go between’.10 Interestingly, in French wasaṭ is translated as just, excellent, rich, or opulent.11

`Alī Muhạmmad Ṣallābī (b. 1963), a contemporary Lebanese author, explained that the word wasaṭ appears in two forms in the Arabic language.12 Firstly, the word wasaṭ appears with a diacritic sign (sukūn) on the letter sīn which marks the absence of a vowel and is read as wasṭ Wasṭ is an adverb (ẓarf) which means ‘between, amongst, amidst’.13 An example of its .( ﻭ ْس ط)

8 Edward William Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon. (New York: Ungar Pub. Co., 1955), 2940-2941. 9 Hans Wehr and J. Milton Cowan, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: (Arabic - English), 4. ed., Spoken Language Series (Urbana, IL: Spoken Language Services, 1994), 106. 10 Wehr and Cowan, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, 106. 11 Albert de Biberstein-Kazimirski and Ibed Gallab, Kitāb Al-Lughatayn Al-ʻArabīyah Wa-Al-Farānsāwīyah = Dictionnaire Arabe-Français: Contenant Toutes Les Racines de La Langue Arabe Leurs Dérivés, Tant Dans l’idiome Vulgaire Que Dans l’idiome Littéral, Ainsi Que Les Dialectes d’Alger et de Maroc / Par A. de Biberstein- Kazimirski; Revu et Corrigé Par Ibed Gallab., vol. 4 (Cairo: Imprimerie V.R. Egyptienne, 1875), 1533. 12 `Alī Muhạmmad Ṣallābī, Al-Wasaṭiyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm (ʻAmmān: Dār al-Nafā’is, 1999), 15-16. 13 Wehr and Cowan, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, 106.

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usage as an adverb is shown in the sentence jalastu wasṭ al-qawmi which means ‘I sat between the people’. 14

Secondly, the word wasaṭ appears with a vowel a (fatḥah) on the letter sīn and is read wasaṭ Wasaṭ is a noun (ism) which means in between two ends of something. An example of 15 .) ﻭ س ط( its use is in the Arabic sentence qabaḍtu wasaṭ al-ḥabli, which means ‘I cut in between the rope’. 16 It also appears as an adjective (ṣifah), meaning the best (khiyār) or the most beneficial (afḍal) and finest (ajwad).

The Arabic usage of the term wasaṭ as an adjective signifies the best between two ends (khayrun min tarfayh). The middle of something is its most preferred and its best (awsaṭu al- shay’ afḍaluhu wa khiyāruhu). When a necklace is termed wāsiṭah al-qilādah, it means the middle of it is its finest (ajwad). A good man is known as rajulun wasaṭun or rajulun wasīṭun. A referee in a sporting event is known as a wasīṭ.17 Ṣallābī quoted examples of terms such as ﻭسيطا ,(al-mutawassiṭ al-mu’tadil) (المتوسط المعتدﻝ) wusūṭan which means a just centre ﻭسوﻁا al-wasīṭ which الوسيط ,(ḥasīban syarīfan) (حسيبا شريفا) wasīṭan which means an esteemed judge -al-mutawassiṭ bayn al) (المتوسط بين المتخاصمين) means a mediator between two warring parties mutakhāṣimīn), and others which project that being in the middle is to be the best. 18

Ibn Manẓūr (d. 710/1311), a lexicographer of the Arabic language, in his dictionary Lisān al- ‘Arab explains wasaṭ as ‘the best, the middle between two extremes and the most just given characteristic’.19 He further elaborated that wasaṭ is an adjective (ṣifah), even though it originated as a noun (ism) from the example that the middlemost of a thing is its most beneficial (afḍal) and its best (khiyār). Wasaṭ portrays an attribute of being the most beneficial, and most just. Furthermore, according to Ibn Manẓūr, ummatan wasaṭan means a just community, and ‘this is the explanation and reality of its meaning’.20

Based on these sources, it is clear that the literal meaning of the term wasaṭ refers to the middle position between two ends, which is regarded as the best in the Arabic linguistic context.

14 Ṣallābī, Al-Wasaṭiyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm, 15-16. 15 Ṣallābī, Al-Wasaṭiyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm, 15-16. 16 Ṣallābī, Al-Wasaṭiyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm, 15-16. 17 Ṣallābī, Al-Wasaṭīyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm, 15-16. 18 Ṣallābī, Al-Wasaṭiyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm, 18. 19 Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān al-`Arab, 15 vols. (Beirut, 1955), 4832. 20 Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān al-`Arab, 4832.

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2.2.1 Linguistic context of the term ummatan wasaṭan in the Qurʾān according to classical exegetes (mufassirūn) In exploring the linguistic context of the Qurʾānic verse 2:143 where the term ummatan wasaṭan is used, exegetes (mufassirūn) of the Qurʾān have provided several insights into the meaning of the term. Verse 2:143 describes a feature of Prophet Muhammad’s ummah (community) which is described as wasaṭ.

“We have made you [believers] into a just community (lit. a middle nation) so that you may bear witness [to the truth] before others and so that the Messenger may bear witness [to it] before you. We only made the direction the one you used to face [Prophet] in order to distinguish those who follow the Messenger from those who turn on their heels: that test was hard, except for those God has guided. God would never let your faith go to waste [believers], for God is most compassionate and most merciful towards people.”21

Muhammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923), a classical exegete and an early Muslim historian, explained that the term ummah means an association amongst humankind and it is a categorisation where some are included in the association, while others are excluded. According to him, wasaṭ means a middle position between two ends. What al-Ṭabarī is trying to say is that the community of Muhammad is the people of the middle and of moderation (ahl tawassuṭ wa i‘tidāl) between the extremists (ahl ghuluww) and those who are negligent (ahl taqṣīr). According to al-Ṭabarī, God is pleased with the ‘middle’ in all affairs.22

Al-Ṭabarī further explained that the Prophet’s community was made ummatan wasaṭan (the best middle community) in relation to past communities. According to him, God has willed for (ja‘alnā) the wasaṭ community to be the best (khiyār). Being ‘the best’ means being ‘just’

21 M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, The Qurʾān: A New Translation (Great Clarendon Street, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), translation of Q. 2:143. 22 Muḥammad ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, Jāmi‘ Al-Bayān Fī Tafsīr Al-Qurʾān, vol. 2 (Beirut: Dār al-Ma‘rifah, 1978), available at altafsir.com. Tafsir of Q. 2:143.

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(‘adl). He further pointed out that the Muslim community (ummah) has been graced with goodness with the presence of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him), the message that he brought from God, facing the direction of prayer of Abraham and adhering to his way, and making the community the just and middle community (ummah wasaṭ).23

In line with al-Ṭabarī, al-Zamakhsharī (d. 537/1143), in his tafsīr al-Kashshāf, asserted that the ummatan wasaṭan is the best (khiyār) community of the middle way that upholds justice (‘adl) between two extremes.24 He also stressed that wasaṭ projects ‘goodness’ and embodies ‘being just between opposites’.25

In line with al-Zamakhsharī’s definition of wasaṭiyyah as a moral value, the renowned Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 504/1111) discussed the concept of wasaṭ within an ethical moral system.26 According to al-Ghazālī, based on Aristotelian ethics which emphasises “the golden mean” in behaviours, the idea of balance and moderation (i‘tidāl) is found in the ability of a human being to nurture good character traits. As highlighted by Frank Griffel in his description of al-Ghazālī’s ethics: The human soul's temperament, for instance, becomes imbalanced through the influence of other people and needs to undergo constant disciplining (riyāḍa) and training (tarbiya) in order to keep these character traits at equilibrium.27

According to al-Ghazālī, the notion of wasaṭ acts as the equilibrium or the golden mean that sets the different character traits in place.28 Virtuous character traits are nurtured when the soul’s temperament is in equilibrium (wasaṭ). This is attained when one moderates moral values as acknowledged by the Law (al-shar‘) and the Intellect (al-‘aql).29 The established condition of the soul will motivate one to perform beautiful and praiseworthy deeds, which in

23 Ṭabarī, Jāmi‘ Al-Bayān Fī Tafsīr Al-Qurʾān, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. 24 Mahmūd bin ‘Umar al-Zamakhshārī, Al-Kashshāf an ‘Aqā’iq Al-Tanzīl Wa Uyun Al-Aqāwīl Fī Wujūh Al- Ta’wīl, vol. 1 (Tehran: Ittisharat aftab, n.d.), available at altafsir.com. Tafsir of Q. 2:143. 25 Zamakhshārī, Al-Kashshāf, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. 26 Mohamed Feisal bin Mohamed Hassan, Relevance of Al-Ghazali’s Doctrine of Al-Wasaṭ (the Desired Balance Middle Way) in Countering the Ideologies of Extremists with Special Reference to Jemaah Islamiyyah in Singapore (Masters thesis, Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC) International Islamic University Malaysia, 2008), 31-42. 27 Frank Griffel, "Al-Ghazali", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2016 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), accessed January 17, 2017, https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2016/entries/al-ghazali/ 28 Mohamed Hassan, Relevance of Al-Ghazali’s Doctrine of Al-Wasaṭ, 33. 29 Mohamed Hassan, Relevance of Al-Ghazali’s Doctrine of Al-Wasaṭ, 34.

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turn will produce exemplary character and values.30 The contribution of al-Ghazālī to the ummatan wasaṭan discourse was in framing the Qurʾānic concept of wasaṭ within an Aristotelian philosophy of balance and moderation (i‘tidāl).31

Al-Bayḍāwī (d. 678/1280), a Shāfi‘ī jurist and exegete, interpreted al-wasaṭ as the positive characteristic that stands between two extremes. He provided a distinctive example of generosity between extravagance and miserliness, and courage between cowardice and extreme violence as positive characteristics that embody the meaning of al-wasaṭ.32

Al-Qurṭubī (d. 671/1273), a famous exegete, scholar of ḥadīth (Prophetic tradition) and fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) of Mālikī school, explained that as God has made Ka‘bah in Mecca the centre of the earth, the community has thus been made the middlemost community (ummatan wasaṭan) above all other communities. He quoted a ḥadīth of the Prophet that explained the meaning of wasaṭ as being just (‘adl): The Prophet peace and blessings be upon him said with regard to the verse ‘We have made you ummah wasaṭ’, the Prophet said: [It means] being just.33

Al-Qurṭubī also subscribed to the notion of wasaṭ as the middle position between two opposite values. For him, wasaṭ is the middle between the extreme (al-ghuluww) and the negligent (al- taqṣīr). He quoted the saying of a companion of the Prophet, ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib (d.40/661):

ا ا ا ا ا ا ا ا ا َعلَْي ُكْم ِبلنََّمط اْْلَْو َسط، فَإلَْيه ي َْنازُل الَْعااِل، َوإلَْيه ي َْرتَف ُع النَّازُل

Be in the middle path, as to it the high falls; and to it, the low rises.34

30 Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī, “Iḥyā’ `Ulūm Al-Dīn,” in On Disciplining the Soul and Breaking the Two Desires, ed. and trans. T.J. Winter, vol. 22 & 23 (Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 1995), 19. 31 Refer to Mohamed Feisal bin Mohamed Hassan, Relevance of Al-Ghazali’s Doctrine of Al-Wasaṭ (the Desired Balance Middle Way) in Countering the Ideologies of Extremists with Special Reference to Jemaah Islamiyyah in Singapore (Masters thesis, Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC) International Islamic University Malaysia, 2008). 32 ‘Abdullāh ibn ‘Umar Al-Bayḍāwī, Anwār al-Tanzīl Wa Asrār al-Ta’wīl , (S.I., s.n., 1925), available at altafsir.com, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. 33 al-Baydāwī, Anwār al-Tanzīl, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. . 34 Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad Qurṭubī et al., Al-Jāmi‘ Li-Aḥkām al-Qurʼān Wa al-Mubayyin Li Mā Taḍammanahu Min al-Sunnah Wa Āy al-Furqān (Bayrūt: Muʼassasat al-Risālah lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2006), available at altafsir.com, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143.

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According to another classical tafsīr scholar Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373), the ummatan wasaṭan verse places the Muhammadan community as the ‘best community’, as God has made their direction of prayer (qiblah) the qiblah of Abraham.35 They are the best community as they have a future role of becoming witnesses (shuhadā’) on the Day of Judgement. Being wasaṭ is to be the best (khiyār), more splendid (ajwad), nobler (ashraf), and superior (afḍal).36 Due to being an ummatan wasaṭan, the community of Muhammad has been given the complete law (akmal al-sharī‘ah), the strongest way (aqwam al-manāhij) and the purest path (awḍaḥ al-mazāhib).37

In summary, the linguistic context of the term ummatan wasaṭan in the Qurʾān according to classical exegetes (mufassirūn) as shown in the discussion above suggests that the meaning of ummatan wasaṭan can be understood as an association of people or a community under the leadership of Prophet Muhammad, who seeks the ‘middlemost’ position between two extremes, and upholds ‘justice’ as its core moral value. Due to this ethical, moral vision of a just and middlemost Muslim community, the ummatan wasaṭan attains the position of being the ‘best community’.

2.3 ‘Macro context 1’ of ummatan wasaṭan in the Qurʾān This section examines ‘macro context 1’ which explores the ‘social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual settings of the Qurʾānic text under consideration’; ‘the place in which revelation occurred and the people to whom it was addressed’, and also ‘includes the ideas, assumptions, values, beliefs, religious customs, and cultural norms that existed at the time.’38

Exploration of ‘macro context 1’ of the concept of wasaṭiyyah in the Qurʾān in this research will focus on two aspects. The first aspect looks at the Medinan context. The Medinan context refers to the historical description of the circumstances in the city of Medina at the time of the Prophet. Here, reference will be made to works by both classical and modern scholars such as ‘Abd al-Raḥmān ibn Abī Bakr al-Suyūṭī (d. 1505), Abuʾl-A‘lā Mawdūdī (d. 1979), and Yetkin Yildirim (n.d.).

The second aspect is based on the organic unity (munāsabah) of the themes found in chapter two of the Qurʾān surrounding the verses in Sūrah al-Baqarah (chapter 2 of the Qurʾān) which

35 Ismā‘il bin ‘Umar ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-Karīm, vol. 1 (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1970), available at altafsir.com, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. 36 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-Karīm, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. 37 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾān al-Karīm, Tafsīr of Q. 2:143. 38 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5.

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relates to the ummatan wasaṭan verse. This aspect briefly explores 111 verses from Qurʾān 2:142 to 2:252. While the first part of Sūrah al-Baqarah tackles general issues of faith, humanity, and past communities, these later verses (verses 142 – 252) deal directly with the Medinan community. These verses provide a historical sense of the ‘social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual settings’ surrounding the Medinan community at the time of the revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse.

Based on these 111 verses, this chapter subscribes to the textual explanation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse based on the Qurʾān itself. In uṣūl al-tafsīr (principles of tafsīr), this approach is known as tafsīr al-Qurʾān bi al-Qurʾān (explaining the Qurʾān by the Qurʾān) or al-Qurʾān yufassiru ba‘ḍuhu ba‘ḍan (parts of the Qurʾān explaining each other).39 As will be seen later, modern Qurʾānic scholars have attempted to analyse these verses to explain the organic unity (munāsabah) of the text in Sūrah al-Baqarah.

2.3.1 The Medinan community at the time of revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse Within the ‘sciences’ of the Qurʾān (‘ulūm al-Qurʾān), determining the place of revelation of a particular verse of the Qurʾān allows for a contextual analysis of ‘the occasions, reasons or causes of revelation’ (asbāb al-nuzūl). 40 Primarily, revelation of the Qurʾān occurred either in Mecca or Medina. The Meccan verses occurred generally during the first 13 years of Muhammad’s prophethood in Mecca. The Medinan verses were from the last 10 years of revelation after the Prophet’s migration to Medina. This distinction allows for a contextual analysis of the variant themes of the revelation associated with the different conditions of the Meccan and Medinan periods.41 The Meccan and Medinan verses explore different sets of issues and situations, due to the different conditions faced by the Prophet in these two cities.

‘Abd al-Raḥmān ibn Abī Bakr al-Suyūṭī (d. 1505) provided a distinction between the Meccan and Medinan verses: The sūrahs of the Qurʾān can be divided into four categories: Meccan; Medinan; partially Meccan and partially Medinan; neither Meccan nor Medinan. The scholars have put forward three views concerning the Meccan and Medinan sūrahs. The best

39 Salwa M El-Awa, “Textual Relations in the Qurʾān: Relevance, Coherence and Structure,” (London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2006), 41. 40 ‘Alī ibn Ahmad al-Wāḥidī, Asbāb Al-Nuzūl, trans. Mokrane Guezzou (Amman, Jordan: Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought, 2008), iii. 41 Suyūṭī et al., The Perfect Guide to the Sciences of the Qur’ān. = Al-Itqān Fī ʻUlūm Al-Qurʼān., Great Books of Islamic Civilization (Reading: Garnet, c2011), 1-24.

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known view is that a sūrah counts as Meccan if it was revealed before the Hijrah and Medinan if it was revealed after the Hijrah. This is irrespective of whether it was actually revealed in Mecca or Medina, in the Year of the Conquest, the Year of the Farewell Pilgrimage, or in the course of travel.42

Prior to the migration of the Prophet into Yathrib (later called al-Madīnah al-Munawwarah and referred to as Medina, which means ‘city’ in Arabic), Yathrib was home to almost 10,000 inhabitants comprising of Jews and Arabs divided into 22 different tribes and clans.43

The ummatan wasaṭan verse was revealed in Medina after the Prophet’s migration (hijrah) from Mecca. The Medinan verses addressed the social change affecting the Medinan community with the arrival of the Prophet. Medina became ‘a haven of refuge’, according to Abuʾl-Aʿlā Mawdūdī (d. 1979), when the inhabitants of Mecca chased the Prophet away from his homeland.44 It is from this ‘haven of refuge’ that the Medinan community changed drastically: The Muslim community succeeded in establishing a full-fledged state; its creation was followed by prolonged armed conflict with the representatives of the ancient Ignorance of Arabia. The community also encountered followers of the former Prophets, i.e. Jews and Christians. An additional problem was that hypocrites began to join the fold of the Muslim community; their machinations needed to be resisted. After a severe struggle, lasting ten years, the Islamic movement reached a high point of achievement when the entire Arabian Peninsula came under its sway and the door was open to world-wide preaching and reform.45

In the new city of Medina, the concept of wasaṭiyyah as presented in this Sūrah charters the progress of the community (ummah) in Medina. Ummah means ‘the followers of the prophet’ as a collective body, ‘a singular word with a plural meaning’.46 Edward William Lane (d. 1876),

42 Suyūṭī et al., The Perfect Guide to the Sciences of the Qur’ān, 2. 43 Yetkin Yildirim, “Peace and Conflict Resolution in the Medina Charter,” Peace Review 18, no. 1 (January 2006), 110. 44 Syed Abuʾl-Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Four Key Concepts of the Qur’an., ed. and trans. Tarik Jan (Leicester: The Islamic Foundation, 2013), 12. 45 Mawdūdī, Four Key Concepts of the Qur’an, 12. 46 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 90.

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the famous British Arabic lexicographer, quoted an Arab poem to emphasise the religious connotation of the term ummah: وهل يستوي ذو أمة وكفور

And are one who has religion and one who is an infidel equal?47

Montgomery Watt (d. 2006), the reputed Scottish historian, pointed to three possible connotations of kinship, religion, and locality that surround the meaning of ummah.48 The leadership role that the Prophet played surrounded these three connotations. He was accepted by the different tribes due to his ability to fill the void in capable leadership felt within the city. The Prophet’s reputation as an able mediator, his ability to use religious sanctions to exert influence, and his willingness to consult the different leaders of each tribe were key factors, according to Yildirim, that propelled him to the leadership of Medina.49 Most importantly, the role of the Prophet as ‘an interpreter par excellence’50 of the Qurʾān in both its theory and practice was reaching its critical moment in his life with his migration to Medina, resulting in the founding of the City of Light (Madīnah al-Munawwarah) with its just and middle community (ummatan wasaṭan). As highlighted by Afaki in his article: The Word-act correspondence or the revelation-life correspondence took the form of a theory-praxis combination to be manifested at the highest level in the life of the Prophet.51

In this new city, the Prophet strengthened his leadership with the Medina Charter for peace and conflict resolution with all inhabitants of Medina, Muslims and non-Muslims alike.52 This charter forged an agreement for the foundation of peace in the new city. This embodies the esprit de corps,53 as Blumer would term it,54 of the ummatan wasaṭan.

47 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 90. 48 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 241. 49 Yildirim, “Peace and Conflict Resolution in the Medina Charter,” 111. 50 Abdul Rahim Afaki, “Multi-Subjectivism and Quasi-Objectivism in Tabari’s Qur’anic Hermeneutics,” Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies 2, no. 3 (July 2009): 286. 51 Afaki, “Multi-Subjectivism and Quasi-Objectivism in Tabari’s Qur’anic Hermeneutics," 286. 52 Yildirim, “Peace and Conflict Resolution in the Medina Charter,” 112. 53 Greg Martin, Understanding Social Movements. (Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2015), 16. 54 Blumer refers to the notion of esprit de corps as ‘the development of a collective feeling of belonging and an important means of creating a sense of solidarity among members.’ See Martin, Understanding Social Movements, 16.

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The revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse in Medina appears to define the central attribute of the nascent community in Medina. As Farrin explains, Thematically, the sura differentiates Islam from the two revealed religions, Judaism and Christianity, and identifies the Muslims as a new median community (ja‘alnākum ummatan wasaṭan, verse 143). It furthermore readies the Muslims for the upcoming clash with the Meccan polytheists. And throughout, it highlights the sine qua non of the new religion, of utmost pertinence now in the face of Jewish and Christian rejection in Medina and fierce pagan antagonism abroad: faith.55

Through this divine attribution of wasaṭiyyah to the Medina community, the Prophet’s vision was forged for Medina and its community. As a historical fact, he helped transform Medina and its community by building new infrastructures (mosques, houses, acquisition of wells, irrigation of lands) from 622 CE (Common Era), harnessing greater solidarity (mu’akhah) between Muhājirūn (the migrants from Mecca) and Anṣār (the dwellers of Medina) in 622 CE,56 and establishing a new direction of prayer (qiblah) in 623 CE.57 Through the Prophet’s transformative actions as shown above, Medina became the city that nurtured the pioneer ummatan wasaṭan (just and middle community).

Under these circumstances, the revelation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse shaped the central attribute of the community that the Prophet had been ordained to build and mould in Medina. Thus, it is obvious that the central characteristic of the Medinan community under the leadership of Prophet Muhammad was to be in the wasaṭi (middlemost) position between two extremes of ignorance and disbelief, upholding justice at its core, and aiming to be the best community – the wasaṭi community.

2.3.2 Themes from Qurʾān 2:142 – 252 in relation to the ummatan wasaṭan verse Scholars have employed a thematic approach to analyse the part of Sūrah al-Baqarah where the ummatan wasaṭan verse is found. As highlighted by David E. Smith in The Structure of Surat al-Baqarah, most Qur’ānic scholars including Maulānā Muḥammad ‘Alī (d. 1951), Mahmoud M. Ayoub (b. 1935), and Mawdūdī (d. 1979) agreed that these verses surrounding

55 Raymond K. Farrin, “Surat Al-Baqara: A Structural Analysis.,” Muslim World 100, no. 1 (January 2010): 19. 56 Edward Sell, The Historical Development of Quran. (England: Taylor & Francis, 2013), 58. 57 Ṭabarī, W. Montgomery Watt, and M. V. McDonald, The Foundation of the Community, SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies, v. 7 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 24.

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the ummatan wasaṭan verse were revealed in ‘the early years of Muhammad's rule in Medina when the community was in need of organization and legislation’.58

Contemporary Qur’ānic scholars have analysed Sūrah al-Baqarah based on the notion of organic unity (munāsabah) found throughout the themes in the chapter. Neal Robinson (b. 1948) suggested that these verses carry a central theme of the Abrahamic faith and the legislation of a new nation.59 A. H. Mathias Zahniser (b. 1938) proposed the theme of unity and communal guidance under law and legislation, while David E. Smith (n.d.) formulated that there is a thematic cycle found in Sūrah al-Baqarah revolving around the Prophet’s authority vis-à-vis God and the Qur’ān.60 Raymond K. Farrin (n.d.) used a ‘ring structure’ to analyse the thematic correspondence and connection between the different themes in the chapter.61 He argued that the chapter exhibits organic unity (munāsabah) not only in its diverse themes, but also in its arrangement and structure. Farrin said: Indeed this sura exhibits marvellous justness of design. It is precisely and tightly arranged, as we have seen, according to the principles of ring composition; even the section lengths fit perfectly in the overall scheme. Moreover, the precise structure serves as a guide, pointing to key themes in the sura. These occur, according to the logic of the pattern, at the centers of individual rings and, particularly, at the center of the whole sura. At the center of the sura, again, one finds instructions to face Mecca — this being a test of faith; identification of the Muslims as a new, middle community; and the message that all people, regardless of their qibla or spiritual orientation, should race to do good and God will bring them together.62

2.3.2.1 Change as a central feature of wasaṭiyyah One of the key themes identified by the above scholars in their analysis of the chapter is the impact of change besetting the new community in Medina. The centrality of change as an integral component of the ummatan wasaṭan revolves around socio-religious realities, changes

58 David E. Smith, “The Structure of Al-Baqarah,” Muslim World 91, no. i–ii (2001): 122. 59 Neal Robinson, Discovering the Qurʼan: A Contemporary Approach to a Veiled Text. (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2003), 201. 60 Smith, “The Structure of Al-Baqarah,” 121. 61 A ‘ring structure’ is an analytical tool used by contemporary analysts of the Qur’ān to show that the text of the Qur’ān is a carefully composed text filled with deep structural parallels. For a thorough understanding and application of the tool, refer to Raymond K. Farrin, “Surat Al-Baqara: A Structural Analysis.,” Muslim World 100, no. 1 (January 2010): 17-32. 62 Farrin, “Surat Al-Baqara: A Structural Analysis,”30.

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and challenges faced by the new Medinan community. This group of Qur’ānic verses 2:142- 252 address the realities and challenges that occurred in the life of the Prophet and his nascent community in Medina in managing the change, through providing divine guidance and guidelines.

To highlight further the aspects of change that had happened in the Medinan context, we will take two examples that are addressed in these verses of the Qurʾān. The beginning of this group of verses emphasised the importance of adapting to the change in qiblah. The first major change that impacted the Medinan community was the change in prayer direction (qiblah) from Jerusalem to Mecca. As prayer is a central feature of faith, the change in prayer direction (qiblah) is of paramount importance to the community. Previously, the Prophet had faced Jerusalem for several months in prayer.63 This practice was followed by the Muslims and had pleased the Jewish community in Medina.

The verse that precedes the ummatan wasaṭan verse, Qurʾān 2:142 begins by forewarning the Prophet of the cynicism he will face from the sufahā’ – ‘unwise, witless, or destitute of wisdom or understanding, light witted’64 in relation to the changes that were to take effect in the city of Medina that he had migrated to. Lane defined the term sufahā’ as possessing a ‘lack of maturity of intellect, and rectitude of actions, and good management of affairs.’65 This deficiency was attributed to those who had opposed the Prophet and his message at that time, the people who doubted, intimidated and challenged the Prophet. In this particular instance the challenge was on the issue of the change of the direction of prayer (qiblah) from al-Masjid al-Aqṣā (al-Aqsa Mosque) in Jerusalem to Mecca.

Example 1 – Change in the direction of prayer (qiblah) dealt with in Qurʾān 2:142-150

Change Direction of prayer from Jerusalem to Mecca Challenge Cynicism and disagreement among some quarters in Medina including the Hypocrites and the Jews66 Rationale Re-attaching to the pioneering place of the Abrahamic faith and the Prophet’s own preference

63 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr Al-Qurʾān Al-Karīm, Tafsīr of Q. 2:142. 64 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 1376. 65 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 1376. 66 Ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, Jāmi‘ Al-Bayān Fi Tafsīr Al-Qurʾān, Tafsīr of Q. 2:142.

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Value Patience and gratitude

The initial direction of prayer that Prophet Muhammad faced was Jerusalem. Throughout his prophethood in Mecca, this was the accepted norm.67 As prayer is the fundamental act of worship, the direction of prayer is an important symbol of devotion. In a matter of months after reaching Medina on 11th of February, 624,68 the Prophet was commanded by God to change the qiblah to al-Masjid al-Ḥarām (al-Ḥarām Mosque) in Mecca. The opponents of the Prophet reacted negatively towards this change.69 The Prophet and his companions had to endure the cynicism of their opponents among some of the Jews and Arabs, with a sense of gratitude to God for this change of qiblah facing the Ka‘bah in Mecca.70

Example 2 – Change in pre-Islamic avoidance of going between the hills of Ṣafā and Marwah in Mecca in Qurʾān 2:158 as part of the performance of pilgrimage

Change Going between al-Ṣafā and al-Marwah for Ḥajj and ‘Umrah Challenge The dislike of the Helpers (Anṣār) of going between the hills as there were shrines of Quraysh in the pre-Islamic period71 Rationale The two hills are signs from God and act as a part of the ritual of major pilgrimage (Ḥajj) and minor pilgrimage (‘Umrah) Value Obedience and voluntary submission

Another instance of change occurred as part of the performance of Ḥajj (major pilgrimage) and ‘Umrah (minor pilgrimage). The believers among the Medinan Muslims (Anṣār) had a dislike of going between the two hills as shrines were erected on the hills in the pre-Islamic period. The Prophet was commanded in the Qur’ān 2:158 to pass through the two hills of al-Ṣafa and al-Marwah as an act of obedience. This innovation introduced by the Prophet acted as a sign of respecting and honouring the waymarks of God as represented by the two hills. The Medinan Muslims, Anṣār, were introduced to change and to disregard their dislike as a show of their obedience and submission to the way of the Prophet and the message of Islam.

67 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman, A Galaxy Book, 409 (London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 112-113. 68 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman, 112-113. 69 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman, 112-113. 70 al-Ṭabarī, Jāmi‘ Al-Bayān Fī Tafsīr Al-Qurʾān, Tafsīr of Q. 2:142. 71 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman. 11.

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These instances of change were not limited to these two examples. Throughout the 111 verses of the Qur’ān from verses 2:142 to 2:152 surrounding the concept of ummatan wasaṭan, many different aspects of the nascent wasaṭi community’s life in the new city of Medina were addressed. Within this atmosphere of change as a critical feature of the wasaṭi community in Medina, verse 2:148 following the ummatan wasaṭan verse revealed a mission for the community. The community was commanded in this verse to persevere in all the different aspects of life in seeking goodness (fastabiqū al-khayrāt).72 The mission of the ummatan wasaṭan in adopting to the changing environment in Medina was to persevere in khayrāt, which means ‘all good, beneficial, and continuous acts performed by one in this worldly life to attain happiness in the eternal life’.73 The subsections below provide an overview of the different aspects of khayrāt as revealed throughout the 111 verses of the Qur’ān from verses 2:142 to 2:152. These diverse aspects provide the framework for the Prophet to nurture an ummatan wasaṭan in Medina.

2.3.2.2 Devotional aspect As shown in the example of the change in the qiblah, several other verses (2:144, 149 – 150, 153, 158, 183-187, and 196-200) addressed specific devotional issues affecting the Medinan community. These verses addressed the issues of mosque and prayer (ṣalāh), major pilgrimage (ḥajj) and lesser pilgrimage (‘umrah), and fasting (ṣawm).

2.3.2.3 Spiritual aspect

Verses 151-152, and 186 addressed spiritual issues pertaining to remembrance of God (dhikr), self-purification (tazkiyyah) and calling upon God (du‘ā’) as well as the need to cultivate patience in facing challenges such as fear (khawf), hunger (al-jū‘), and deficiency (naqṣ).

2.3.2.4 Dietary aspect

Verses 168, 173, and 219 addressed the issues of food and drinks, the permissible (ḥalāl) and impermissible (ḥarām).

2.3.2.5 Educational aspect

72 Qurʾān, 2:148. 73 Moh Quraish Shihab, ed., Ensiklopedia Al-Qurʾān: Kajian Kosakata, Cet. 1 (Jakarta: Diterbitkan atas kerja sama Lentera Hati, Pusat Studi al-Qurʾān, [dan] Paguyuban Yayasan Ikhlas, 2007), 449.

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Verses 145, 147, and 151 addressed the aspect of reading of the Qurʾān (tilāwah), seeking knowledge (ta‘allum), and truth (ḥaqq).

2.3.2.6 Faith and unbelief

Verses 161, 174-175, and 177 addressed the characteristics, attributes and consequences of unbelief (kufr), and the tenets of faith (īmān) that included belief in the oneness of God, in His angels, the prophets, and His books.

2.3.2.7. Peace, Security and Penal Law

Verses 154, 178-182, 190-193, 216, 218, and 243-251 addressed the aspects of retribution (qiṣaṣ), punishment (ḥudūd), bequest (waṣiyyah), fighting (qitāl), migration (hijrah), and strife (jihād).

2.3.2.8 Family

Verses 220 to 242 addressed issues surrounding women (al-nisā’), of orphans (al-yatāmā), marriage (nikāḥ), divorce (ṭalāq), reconciliation (rujū‘), and issues relating to childbearing (raḍā‘ah).

2.3.2.9 Social matters

Verses 204 to 208 addressed how human beings differed based on their beliefs, characteristics, acts and ends, and how Islam pursued submission and peace.

2.3.2.10 Environmental matters

Verses 164, 189, 194, and 217 addressed the issues of creation of the heavens and the earth, the alternation of day and night, and the significance of days and months.

2.3.2.11 Wealth management

Verses 188, 195, and 215 addressed the issue of the disbursement of wealth (infāq), and wealth management (māl).

2.3.2.12 Ethics

Throughout the 111 verses including verses 142-143, 152-153, 157-158, 160, 165, and others, virtues and values such as guidance (hudā), gratitude (shukr), patience (ṣabr), mercy (raḥmah),

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volunteering (taṭawwu‘), repentance (tawbah), reform (iṣlāḥ), and love (ḥubb), were projected as an indication of values surrounding a wasaṭi community.

The aim of nurturing the Prophet’s wasaṭi community based on these diverse aspects of communal life in Medina is laid out in verses 2:200-202 as the attainment of excellence (ḥasanah) both in this world and the eternal life.74 With such a mission and aim, the wasaṭi community embraced a vision of a new ‘way of life’ (al-dīn); 75 one of ‘submission, obedience and peace’ (al-silm)76 brought and led by the Prophet. This is the complete way (kāffah)77 as envisioned through the 111 verses of Qurʾān surrounding the ummatan wasaṭan verse.

The Qur’ān 2:252 concludes the description of the Prophet’s wasaṭi community as discussed above as the signs of God (āyāt Allāh). ا ا ا ا ا ا ا تْل َك آََي ُت ا هّلل ن َْت لُوَها َعلَْي َك ِب ْحلَهق َوإنَّ َك لَم َن الُْمْرَسل َني ‘These are the revelations of God which We recite to you [Muhammad] with the truth, and you truly are one of the messengers.’78

While Farrin found the structural centrality of the ummatan wasaṭan verse in the Sūrah using the ring structure method,79 ‘macro context 1’ of the contextual approach shows that the different themes and aspects covered throughout the 111 verses of the Qurʾān surrounding the ummatan wasaṭan verse provide an overview of the concept of wasaṭiyyah as understood and applied by the Medinan community during the time of the Prophet. Throughout these 111 Medinan verses revealed within the final ten years of the Prophet’s life, the diverse aspects of the ummatan wasatan (the just, middlemost, and balanced community) shown above, encompass areas of physicality, rationality, spirituality, and morality that affected the community. Within the context of building a wasaṭi community, wasaṭiyyah converges upon these aspects of the nascent Prophet’s community in its mission of goodness (khayrāt) through change to embrace a vision of a complete (kāffah) ‘way of life’ (al-dīn), one of ‘submission, obedience and peace’ (al-silm) brought and led by the Prophet. The Prophet in the city of

74 Qurʾān, 2:200-202. 75 Qurʾān, 2:193. 76 Qurʾān, 2:208. 77 Qurʾān, 2:208. 78 M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, The Qurʾān: A New Translation, translation of Q 2:252. 79 Farrin, “Surat Al-Baqara: A Structural Analysis.,” 24.

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Medina guided by these divine revelations provided the leadership that nurtured a wasaṭi community in Medina.80

As a summary, by analysing ‘macro context 1’ of the contextualist approach based on 111 verses of Sūrah al-Baqarah surrounding the ummatan wasaṭan verse, , the scope of the ummatan wasaṭan (the just, middlemost, and balanced community) in Medina at the time of the Prophet and his community, can be drawn. Firstly, the nascent ummatan wasaṭan in Medina adapted to change albeit criticisms and cynicisms. Secondly, these Medinan verses provided a divine vision, mission and aim for the nascent ummatan wasaṭan in Medina. Thirdly, under the leadership of the Prophet who was guided by divine revelation, diverse aspects revolving around the physicality, rationality, spirituality, and morality of the Medinan community were addressed. Lastly, these diverse aspects gave birth to a different set of principles, rules, and guidelines (al-shar‘), to deal with the changes in nurturing aa wasaṭi community in Medina.

These observations projected a gradual and organic development of the nascent ummatan wasaṭan in Medina throughout the 13 years of the Prophet’s life there, in dealing with the different changes affecting them. This gradual and organic development of the Medinan community became the foundation and model of the concept of wasaṭiyyah (just, middlemost, and balanced) for Muslim communities thereafter. Thus, the concept of wasaṭiyyah is an organic convergence of the values of justice, middlemost, and balanced as outlined by the Qurʾān and the Prophetic example in moulding the physical, rational, spiritual, and moral aspects of the Prophet’s community.

2.4 Contemporary discourse on wasaṭiyyah In this section, this research touches on an aspect of ‘macro context 2’. Saeed’s ‘macro context 2’ refers to ‘the context in which the act of interpretation is occurring today’, in ‘the period in which the interpreter is living’.81 This section here deals with the contemporary global discourse on the concept of wasaṭiyyah.82 Contemporary global discourse on wasaṭiyyah is rather subjective based on the diverse background and contexts faced by different scholars and writers. This subjective nature of contemporary wasaṭiyyah discourse can be divided into two categories: Firstly, the intellectual discourse; and secondly, the political discourse.

80 Qur’an 2:151. 81 Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century, 5. 82 Chapters five to seven will focus on ‘macro context 2’ from the perspective of the case study of this research, which is the minority Malay/Muslim leaders in Singapore. This current section provides an overview of how the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood from the perspective of scholars in majority Muslim nations today.

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2.4.1 Intellectual discourse on wasaṭiyyah Intellectual discourse on wasaṭiyyah and its contemporary conceptualisation refers to the works of reputable contemporary Muslim scholars such as Yusuf al-Qaraḍāwī (b. 1926), Wahbah al- Zuhaylī (d. 2015), ‘Alī Gomaa (b. 1952), Muḥammad Sayyid Ṭanṭāwī (d. 2010), ‘Iṣām Aḥmed al-Bashīr (b. 1956), and Mohammad Hashim Kamali (b. 1944) who have written on and addressed the concept of wasaṭiyyah and its relevance today. Most of their writings on wasaṭiyyah deal with the definition of the concept as found in the Qur’ānic verse 2:143. Collectively, these scholars agree on the meaning of wasaṭiyyah as ‘being in the middle’ and that it portrays the value of ‘just’ and ‘being the best’. These scholars explained the concept of wasaṭiyyah from a juristic point of view by providing principles and characteristics which relate to the concept. In this section, an overview will be provided of how some of these contemporary scholars understood the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

Among the scholars, Yusuf al-Qaraḍāwī (b. 1926), an influential Egyptian Islamic theologian based in Doha, Qatar, and chairman of the International Union of Muslim Scholars, wrote: Islam is a middle way (manhaj wasaṭ) in every aspect: in concept (al-taṣawwur) and in principle (al-i‘tiqād), in worship (al-ta‘abbud) and in devotion (al-tanassuk), in ethics (al-akhlāq) and in behaviour (al-sulūk), and in dealings (al-mu‘āmalah) and in legislation (al-tashrī‘).83

This middle way (manhaj wasaṭ), according to al-Qaraḍāwī, is the straight path (al-ṣirāṭ al- mustaqīm) of the just (al-‘adl) and moderate (al-i‘tidāl) community against the wayward religious beliefs and philosophies and also against those excessive and extreme ways.84 Al- Qaraḍāwī defined the mission of a Muslim wasaṭi jurist (al-islāmīyy al-uṣūlīyy al-wasaṭīyy):

through the adorning of his understanding of Islam and his understanding of life and God’s order in it; through perfecting his understanding of the concerns of the Arab world and the larger Muslim world, and to deepen his perspective of them; to embellish his deeds in Islam, and to perfect his propagation of Islam based on its comprehensiveness, its balance, and its broad horizons; his striving to exert the

83 Yusuf al-Qaraḍāwī, Al-Ṣahwah Al-Islāmiyyah Bayn Al-Juḥūd Wa Al-Taṭarruf (Qatar: Riāsah al-Maḥākim al- Shar‘iyyah wa al-Shu’ūn, 1982), 24. 84 Al-Qaraḍāwī, Al-Ṣahwah Al-Islāmiyyah, 24.

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establishment of Islamic legislation and its tenets on earth; and in changing the current distortion of Islam and its adversary into the truth of rightful Islam.85

Wahbah al-Zuhaylī (d. 2015), a Syrian professor and Muslim scholar who specialises in Islamic law and legal philosophy, understood wasaṭ to mean ‘being in the middle’ (al-tawsīṭ), ‘the noun for that which is between two ends’ which is ‘upright’ (al-mu‘tadil), and it is ‘that which is between good and bad’.86 He focused on what he termed as the horizons (āfāq) or the facets (maẓāhir) of wasaṭiyyah which occur in the life of mankind, adorning life with the attributes of truth (al-ḥaqq), goodness (al-khayr), and moderation (al-i‘tidāl).87 He identified these horizons of wasaṭiyyah as balance and composure in dealing with the problems of life.88 Through analysing Qur’ānic verses and the Prophet’s sayings, he identified the horizons of wasaṭiyyah based on the ability to comply with the conditions of the human instinct; the recognition of human propensities and inclinations; the need to build the foundation of faith or belief; legislation of worship; stability of the family system; integrity of the civil and criminal justice system; accountability to the effect of motives and intentions; strengthening the areas of international relations; tightening the economic system; setting up of good governance; following the best educational system; continuation of propagation and guidance; and compatibility between contemporary needs and current jurisprudence.89

The former Mufti of Egypt, Sheikh ‘Alī Gomaa (b. 1952) in a post addressing the meaning of wasaṭiyyah on his Facebook page, defined the meaning of wasaṭ as the position of one who is standing on top of a mountain. The person is able to determine from his mountain view that the distance where he is at is in the middle between the valleys by the sides of the mountain. The position that he is standing on in comparison to the sides of the mountain is the utmost middle position. This is the meaning of wasaṭ as he understood.90 To him, wasaṭ means the very best (al-khiyār) and the highest or exalted (al-a‘lā). He quoted several sayings of the Prophet to support this:

85 Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī, Mustaqbal Al-Usūliyyah Al-Islāmiyyah (Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islami, 1998), 93. 86 Wahbah Zuḥaylī, Wasaṭiyyah Al-Islām Wa Samāḥatuh (Riyadh: Wizārah al-Awqāf al-Su‘ūdiyyah, 2010), 4. 87 Wahbah Zuḥaylī, Wasaṭiyyah Al-Islām Wa Samāḥatuh, 8. 88 Wahbah Zuḥaylī, Wasaṭiyyah Al-Islām Wa Samāḥatuh, 8. 89 Wahbah Zuḥaylī, Wasaṭiyyah Al-Islām Wa Samāḥatuh, 8–35. -Dr. Ali Gomaa's Facebook page, March 24, 2013, https://ar ”,الوسطية ماﺫا تعني ؟“ ,Ali Gomaa 90 ar.facebook.com/DrAliGomaa/posts/10152655557520144.

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Al-Firdaws (the name of paradise) is the highest or exalted (a‘lā) of paradise and its center (awsaṭuha) (narrated by Tirmidhi). 91

When you seek from God, seek al-Firdaws as it is in the center of paradise and the highest or exalted of paradise (narrated by Ahmad).92

Gomaa asserted that the state of the ummatan wasaṭan denotes a state of exaltedness (tashrīf) upon the community and a sense of obligation (taklīf) on the community. This sense of exaltedness is seen from the use of the term wasaṭ, while the sense of obligation is characterised by several features as commanded in the Qur’ān, which include pursuance of knowledge (al- ‘ilm), performance of deeds (al-‘amal), unity (al-ittihād), and getting to know one another (al- ta‘āruf bayn al-khalq).93

In another instance, Gomaa explained wasaṭiyyah as the union of strong traditional Islamic scholarship with the application of modernity so as to produce practical guidelines and vision for our time. 94 His insistence on dialogue rather than confrontation in dealing with both intra and inter-religious issues engulfing the world today is an example of how wasaṭiyyah needs to be understood and applied in today’s context.95

Muhammad Sayyid Ṭanṭāwī (d. 2010), the former Rector of the Azhar University in Cairo, in his commentary on the Qur’ān al-Wasīṭ explained that the term ummatan wasaṭan is God’s description of the Muslim community as the finest, just and purified. This is in line with the establishment of the centrality of the Sacred House, the Ka’bah (bayt al- ḥarām) as the qiblah and the place of peace therein. According to him, this ummatan wasaṭan is the ‘middle community’ due to its excellence and value of justice, as witnesses and providers of good counsel to the other communities.96

.”الوسطية ماﺫا تعني ؟“ ,Ali Gomaa 91 .”الوسطية ماﺫا تعني ؟“ ,Ali Gomaa 92 .”الوسطية ماﺫا تعني ؟“ ,Ali Gomaa 93 94 G. Willow Wilson, “The Show-Me Sheikh,” Atlantic Monthly (10727825) 296, no. 1 (August 7, 2005): 40–44. 95 Refer to Ali Gomaa, “The Radical Middle: Building Bridges between the Muslim and Western Worlds,” UN Chronicle, 2012. 96 Muḥammad Sayyid Ṭanṭāwī, Al-Tafsīr Al-Wasīṭ Lil-Qurʼān Al-Karīm / Muḥammad Sayyid Ṭanṭāwī. (al- Qāhirah, J.M.ʻA.: Dār al-Maʻārif, 1992), available at altafsir.com. Tafsīr of Q. 2:143.

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‘Iṣām Aḥmed al-Bashīr (b. 1956), the former Minister of Religious Affairs in the Republic of the Sudan and the head of Sudan’s Islamic Fiqh Academy (IFA), outlined several themes based on the message of wasaṭiyyah in the Qur’ān which promotes the idea of ‘being just and balanced’ in every aspect of human life. He explained that the Qurʾānic usage of the term wasaṭ is associated with seven different conditions of ‘being just and balanced’ that relate to location (wasaṭiyyah al-makān), time period (wasaṭiyyah al-zamān), devotional acts (al-wasaṭiyyah fī al- ‘ibādah), almsgiving (al-wasaṭiyyah fī al-infāq), treading the path of God (al-wasaṭiyyah fī al-sulūk), interaction (al-wasaṭiyyah fī al-mu‘āmalah), and peace (al-wasaṭiyyah fī al-sulh).97

At the 24th Iran International Book Festival held in Tehran on February 7, 2017, The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam: The Qur’ānic Principle of Wasaṭiyyah was named the ‘Best Book of the Year for 2016’.98 The book was written by Mohammad Hashim Kamali (b. 1944), founding CEO of the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) in Malaysia. In it, Kamali explains the concept of wasaṭiyyah which he translated as ‘moderation’. He elaborated: “Moderation” is primarily a moral virtue of relevance not only to personal conduct of individuals but also to the integrity and self-image of communities and nations. Moderation is an aspect, in its Qur’ānic projections, of the self-identity and worldview of the Muslim community, or ummah, and also features prominently in almost all major world religions and civilizations. The Graeco-Judaic and Christian creeds refer to it as the “golden mean,” while the Confucians and Muslims refer to it as Chung Yung and wasaṭiyyah, respectively. Moderation is a virtue that helps to develop social harmony and equilibrium in personal affairs, within the family and society and the much wider spectrum of human relations.99

Kamali divided his analysis of wasaṭiyyah into two parts. The first was the conceptual analysis of wasaṭiyyah by understanding its definition and scope, and highlighting Qur’ānic verses and sayings of the Prophet which relate to the concept. He also provided several principles of

97 ’Isam Ahmad al-Basyir, “Al-Wasaṭiyyah Min Khashāis Al-Ummah Al-Islāmiyyah” (al-Mamlakah al- Maghribiyyah Wazarah al-Awqaf wa al-Su’un al-Islamiyyah, n.d.), 25. 98 Mohammad Hashim Kamali, “International Best Book of the Year Award,” accessed February 17, 2017, http://hashimkamali.com/index.php/component/k2/item/183-international-best-book-of-the-year-award. 99 Mohammad Hashim Kamali and Tariq Ramadan, The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam: The Qur’anic Principle of Wasatiyyah, Religion and Global Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.), 1.

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wasaṭiyyah to achieve the desired purposes of equilibrium and moderation. He characterised these principles of wasatiyyah, which included: 1. wasaṭiyyah has helped to keep Islam centred on its own essentials and has not allowed parochialist and rigidifying tendencies to dominate the religion; 2. wasaṭiyyah tends to bind the various dimensions of Islam together; 3. wasaṭiyyah strikes a balance between the concerns of continuity and change; 4. wasatiyyah allows for the adaptation of the immutable ends of the Sharī‘ah to its mutable means; 5. wasaṭiyyah advocates gradualism (tadarruj) in social reform, propagation of the faith, and legislation in almost all areas; 6. wasaṭiyyah strikes a balance between perceived benefits and unavoidable harms; 7. wasaṭiyyah advocates engagement and dialogue; 8. wasaṭiyyah is inclined to be pluralistic and consultative; and 9. wasaṭiyyah nurtures a peace-like environment.100

Secondly, Kamali addressed several contemporary themes associated with the application of wasaṭiyyah today. The themes he discussed included areas of justice, religiosity, the role of reasoned disagreement (ikhtilāf), spirituality and legalism, the moderating role of Sufism, environmental imbalance, financial imbalance, extravagance and waste, jihād, lifestyle, character and consumerism, women’s rights, and globalisation.101

Kamali understood the applicability of wasaṭiyyah when he deduced that: Wasaṭiyyah is about real-life situations, which more often than not present one with a mixture of diverse elements and conflicting interests, and the challenge of wasaṭiyyah becomes one of practical wisdom that is also informed by the guidelines of custom, cumulative knowledge, and experience of one’s own and other civilizations. Islam’s vision of wasaṭiyyah makes practical wisdom an integral part of its messages and the way of life it has envisaged for its followers.102

100 Kamali and Ramadan, The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam: The Qur’anic Principle of Wasatiyyah, 49 - 58. 101 Kamali and Ramadan, The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam: The Qur’anic Principle of Wasatiyyah, 49- 58. 102 Kamali and Ramadan, The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam: The Qur’anic Principle of Wasatiyyah, 58.

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Other than the studies by these contemporary religious scholars, there is a range of other works in Arabic that focus on the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah. 103 These works explore the concept of wasaṭiyyah as an internal fundamental concept in Islam and focus on how the concept impacts the message of the Qur’ān and the lives of Muslims.104

In summary, the current intellectual discourse presented above shows that the concept of wasaṭiyyah has attracted scholarly attention among contemporary religious elites in the Muslim world. However, in comparison to classical scholars such as al-Zamakhsharī and al-Ghazālī who focused on an ethical moral conception of wasaṭiyyah, contemporary scholars such as al- Qaraḍāwī and Wahbah al-Zuhaylī have approached the conception of wasaṭiyyah from a more legalistic uṣūlīy (juristic) perspective. How much these two different perspectives affect the understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah is beyond the scope of this research. However, one thing is clear; the understanding of wasaṭiyyah is subjected to the framework employed by these generations of scholars within their specific contexts of time and place. This subjective nature of the concept will be kept within the interest of this research in our later discussion on the Malay/Muslim community’s conception of wasaṭiyyah within the context of living in Singapore.

In the current global context, Muslim communities worldwide are facing different worldviews including Western-dominated values. Globalisation today pushes the Muslim communities to reorient their religious values in their interaction with the diverse religious and racial communities worldwide. In some cases, these interactions have resulted in tensions, clashes and violence.Terms such as islamophobia, identity crisis and extremism have entered into the Muslim’s consciousness. The wasaṭiyyah discourse with its emphasis on justice, middlemost and balanced provides a valuable guide for the communities. The wasaṭiyyah discourse helps to provide a just, middlemost and balanced outlook for Muslim communities to converge their real-life situations as Muslims and citizens of their respective nations. As explained by the scholars above, wasaṭiyyah is the Qur’ānic formula which guides and legitimises how this current reorientation should be pursued. However, due to the subjective nature of the concept,

103 Sạllābī, Al-Wasatiyah Fī Al-Qur’ān Al-Karīm. 104 Refer to Ṣalāḥ Ṣāwī, Al-Wasaṭīyah: Al-ʻaqīdah, Al-ʻilm, Al-ʻibādāt, Al-Muʻāsharāt, Al-Muʻāmalāt, Al-Akhlāq / Ṣalāḥ Al-Ṣāwī, (al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Kitāb al-Ḥadīth, 2010); Nāṣir ibn Sulaymān ʻUmar, Al-Wasaṭīyah Fī Ḍawʾ Al-Qurʾān Al-Karīm / Nāṣir Ibn Sulaymān Al-ʻUmar (al-Riyāḍ: Dār al-Waṭan, 1992); Muḥammad ʻAbd al-Laṭīf Ṣāliḥ Farfūr, Al-Wasaṭīyah Fī Al-Islām / Muḥammad ʻAbd Al-Laṭīf Al-Farfūr (Bayrūt: Dār al-Nafāʾis, 1993); and Thāʼir Ibrāhīm Khuḍayr Shammarī, Al-Wasaṭīyah Fī Al-ʻaqīdah Al-Islāmīyah / Taʼlīf Thāʼir Ibrāhīm Khuḍayr Al- Shammarī, (Bayrūt: Manshūrāt Muḥammad ʻAlī Bayḍūn: Dār al-Kutub al-ʻIlmīyah, 2005).

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different groups and political parties have used it for their own specific cause. The next section will look at the concept of wasaṭiyyah from within Muslim political discourse.

2.4.2 Political discourse on wasaṭiyyah In politics, the wasaṭiyyah discourse has gained considerable attention in many Muslim nations both in the Middle East such as Jordan, Morocco, and Algeria, and other Muslim majority countries such as Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Within this political discourse, wasaṭiyyah is understood as ‘moderation’. The wasaṭiyyah discourse focuses on how Islamist political parties subject moderation into their political agenda.

‘Moderation’ within the political discourse refers to the process through which political groups eschew radical platforms in favour of more moderate policies and prefer electoral, compromising and non-confrontational strategies over non-electoral, exclusive, and confrontational strategies.105 Some Islamist political parties seek for greater recognition of the role of religion within the political sphere, while some parties ‘strive for the implementation of Islamic law (sharia) in all aspects of political, economic, social, and cultural life’.106

Jillian Schwedler, a professor of political science, defined ‘moderation’ within the political discourse as: a process rather than a category — entails change that might be described as movement along a continuum from radical to moderate. Moderation is implicitly (and sometimes explicitly) tied to liberal notions of individual rights and democratic notions of tolerance, pluralism, and cooperation. To become more moderate, the scholarship implies that actors must become more open to the possibility that other perspectives are valid, even if not equally so.107

In understanding the change of a radical political party in embracing moderation, Schwedler summarises three critical factors of change that have caused these Islamist political parties to adopt a more moderate stance. The factors according to Schwedler are based on: a. the behavioural moderation of groups

105 Dirk Tomsa, “Moderating Islamism in Indonesia: Tracing Patterns of Party Change in the Prosperous Justice Party,” Political Research Quarterly 65, no. 3 (September 2012): 486–98. 106 Dirk Tomsa, “Moderating Islamism in Indonesia", 487. 107 Jillian Schwedler, “Can Islamists Become Moderates? Rethinking the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis,” World Politics 63, no. 2 (April 2011): 347–376.

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i. Change occurs in groups due to political opportunities which provide incentives for radical groups to enter the system, abandon more radical tactics, and ‘play by the rules’. b. the ideological moderation of groups i. Change happens as a process of de-radicalization by a charismatic leader to re-orient the strategy and survival of the group. c. the ideological moderation of individuals i. Political beliefs change in individuals due to severe crises, frustrations and dramatic changes in environment.108

Political scientists Karakaya and Yildrim in their article ‘Islamist Moderation in Perspective: Comparative Analysis of the Moderation of Islamist and Western Communist Parties’ observed that wasaṭiyyah has gained attention within Islamist parties in Muslim majority nations. They remarked: In popular discourse, virtually every Islamist group either has a claim on moderation, or is being cast as an example of moderation. Examples include the Party for Justice and Development in Morocco (PJD), the Islamic Action Front in Jordan, the Yemeni Islah Party, the Algerian Islah Party, the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Nahda in Tunisia, the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, and Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. When groups as diverse as the Turkish AKP and Hamas are branded as ‘moderate’, the term is likely to lose much of its distinctiveness.109

In analysing ‘moderation’ within the political sphere, Karakaya and Yildrim seem to agree with Schwedler’s observation that factors such as behaviour and ideology are the impetus for change. However, they categorised the change as tactical moderation, while ideological moderation is in relation to moderation within the political parties.

According to Karakaya and Yildrim, ‘tactical moderation’ refers to moderation which occurs when radical or anti-system parties ‘strategically decide to embrace electoral democracy to realise their ideological goal of a different political, economic and social system while

108 Schwedler, “Can Islamists Become Moderates? Rethinking the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis,” 347-376. 109 Suveyda Karakaya and A. Kadir Yildirim, “Islamist Moderation in Perspective: Comparative Analysis of the Moderation of Islamist and Western Communist Parties,” Democratization 20, no. 7 (December 2013): 1322–49.

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renouncing the use of extreme/radical tactics’.110 On the other hand, ideological moderation refers to shifts in a platform from a radical niche to more moderate lines to respond to societal changes to gain greater popular support. It involves ‘a major transformation of the central tenets of party ideology’.111

Gül Kurtoğlu-Eskişar, a Turkish political researcher, in looking at Islamist political parties in Algeria, Turkey, and Egypt, observed that the political change is not in their ideology, but rather ‘moderation’ occurs because of their ‘rent seeking behaviour’.112 According to her, in rent seeking behaviour, moderation occurs because of the need to survive in the political system. In their hope of survival in the current political system, adopting moderation is the tool to gain access to greater resources through participation in the political process.113

Much of the emphasis in the political discourse is based on the factors that have caused such political parties to adopt ‘moderation’. From the examples above, the political discourse on wasaṭiyyah has extended to research conducted on the adoption of ‘moderation’ by Islamist political parties in Muslim majority nations such as Turkey,114 Iran,115 Morocco,116 Algeria,117 Egypt,118 and the Middle East.119

Nevertheless, the political discourse on wasaṭiyyah has also affected Muslim majority nations in Southeast Asia. In Indonesia, post-September 11 and in the post-Suharto era, the Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Sunni Islamic movement established in 1926 and currently with an estimated membership of 40 million, defined the ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama’ah or the Sunnis

110 Karakaya and Yildirim, “Islamist Moderation in Perspective,” 1322. 111 Karakaya and Yildirim, “Islamist Moderation in Perspective,” 1340. 112 Gül Kurtoğlu-Eskişar, “Accounting for the ‘Moderation’ of Political Islam in the Middle East: Domestic vs. External Factors Examined,” Conference Papers -- International Studies Association, Annual Meeting 2008, 1– 39. 113 Kurtoğlu-Eskişar, “Accounting for the ‘Moderation’ of Political Islam in the Middle East,” 2. 114 Refer to Güneş Murat Tezcür, Muslim Reformers in Iran and Turkey: The Paradox of Moderation / Güneş Murat Tezcür, Modern Middle East Series: No. 25 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010). 115 Refer to Tezcür, Muslim Reformers in Iran and Turkey. 116 Refer to S.L. Catalano, “Islamists and the Regime: Applying a New Framework for Analysis to the Case of Family Code Reforms in Morocco,” Party Politics 19, no. 3 (May 2013): 408–31. 117 Refer to MD Driessen, “Public Religion, Democracy, and Islam: Examining the Moderation Thesis in Algeria,” Comparative Politics 44, no. 2 (January 2012): 171. 118 Refer to Shana Marshall, “Framing Contests and Moderation of Islamist Groups: The Case of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Wasat in Egypt,” Conference Papers -- International Studies Association, August 24, 2005, 1–33. 119 Refer to Kurtoğlu-Eskişar, “Accounting for the ‘Moderation’ of Political Islam in the Middle East.”

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as a wasaṭi community between the fundamentalists and the liberals.120 In a speech as a representative of the Head of NU’s Syariah Committee, KH. Tholhah Hasan (b. 1936) emphasised that in the history of the dominant schools of thought in Islam, the Sunnis represented the wasaṭi community, while the Khawārij (Kharijites) represented the ‘fundamentalist’ and the Mu‘tazilah (Mu‘tazilites) represented the ‘liberal’.121

Ahmad Najib Burhani (b. 1977), a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and writer of several works on contemporary Indonesian society, emphasised that the idea of ‘moderate Islam’ within NU in Indonesia is embedded in its Sunni intellectual tradition. This Sunni tradition is based on a trivium of learning tauhīd (theology), fiqh (jurisprudence) and taṣawwuf (sufism) as core subjects in Islamic education. Thus, when ‘the idea of moderate Islam was reintroduced and promoted by the US government after 9/11, what was in the mind of people in the NU initially was the traditional conception of this word. This is why they eagerly, enthusiastically and proudly accepted and disseminated this notion’.122

In another instance, Dirk Tomsa (n.d.), a senior lecturer at La Trobe University, believes that Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera - PKS) has joined the ‘moderate’ bandwagon through its participation in democratic procedures. He also examined how this moderation process has affected the party’s electoral performance and the overall quality of democracy in Indonesia. PKS’s ‘moderation’ included endorsing Indonesia’s Pancasila, acceptance of women in leadership positions, cooperation, and inclusion of non- Muslims within its executive positions, and a more accommodative foreign policy.123 Tomsa also argued that PKS’s moderate stance has contributed to greater electoral success. However, such change has posed serious challenges to the party’s internal coherence between factions for and against PKS’s moderate stance.124

In Malaysia, the moderation discourse has gained attention as it is being used by the Barisan National government led by the former Prime Minister Mohammad Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul

120 NU Online, “NU Selalu Berada Di Jalan Tengah,” Pergulatan Global, accessed April 26, 2016, http://www.nu.or.id/post/read/4366/nu-selalu-berada-di-jalan-tengah. 121 NU Online, “NU Selalu Berada Di Jalan Tengah”. 122 Ahmad Najib Burhani, “Al-Tawassuṭ Wa-l I‘tidāl: The NU and Moderatism in Indonesian Islam,” Asian Journal of Social Science 40, no. 5–6 (January 1, 2012): 577. 123 Tomsa, “Moderating Islamism in Indonesia,” 488. 124 Tomsa, “Moderating Islamism in Indonesia,” 490.

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Razak (b. 1953) to steer his vision.125 The establishment of the Institute of Wasaṭiyyah in 2012 signals the government’s use of the concept of wasaṭiyyah as a central feature of its political vision. In his opening speech at the Wasaṭiyyah Convention held in 2011, the Prime Minister defined ummatan wasaṭan: As a group of people who live in moderation, who are just and well balanced in the affairs of this life and the hereafter. Based on this concept, we have to respond to the urge to balance the spiritual and physical demands, as well as the priorities that have been assigned to us in this life and the next, as balance and moderation are both vital in creating unity and harmony; and subsequently determining the success of a person, his family, community and nation.126

Najib’s use of the term ‘moderation’ as a key feature of wasaṭiyyah projects a departure from the usual English translation of the term as shown previously. Interestingly, most research papers that focused on Najib’s conception of wasaṭiyyah followed suit in agreeing to the use of ‘moderation’ as a direct literal translation of the term wasaṭiyyah. Such published academic papers written on Najib’s wasaṭiyyah include Mohd Shukri Hanapi’s The Wasaṭiyah (Moderation) Concept in Islamic Epistemology: A Case Study of Its Implementation in Malaysia127, Wan Kamal Mujani, Ermy Azziaty Rozali, and Nor Jamaniah Zakaria on The Wasaṭiyyah (Moderation) Concept: Its Implementation in Malaysia128 and Md Asham Ahmad’s Moderation in Islam: A Conceptual Analysis of Wasaṭiyyah. 129

Najib’s implementation of wasaṭiyyah has been applied as part of his ‘1Malaysia’ concept which aims to foster unity among the different races, to uphold the principle of nationhood and social justice. The essential characteristics of his wasaṭiyyah policy hinge upon religious

125 Mazlan Ibrahim et al., “Wasaṭiyyah Discourse According to Muslim Scholars in Malaysia,” Advances in Natural & Applied Sciences 7, no. 1 (January 2013): 6–14. 126 Najib Tun Razak, The Wasatiyyah approach and its implementation in Malaysia, 1st ed. (Putrajaya: Institut Wasatiyyah Malaysia, 2013), 5–6. 127 Refer to Mohd Shukri Hanapi, “The Wasaṭiyah (Moderation) Concept in Islamic Epistemology: A Case Study of Its Implementation in Malaysia,” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, no. 9 (1) (July 2014): 51-62. 128 Refer to Wan Kamal Mujani, Ermy Azziaty Rozali, and Nor Jamaniah Zakaria, “The Wasaṭiyyah (Moderation) Concept: Its Implementation in Malaysia,” Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, vol. 6, no. 4, S2 (July 1, 2015): 66-72. 129 Refer to Md Asham Ahmad, “Moderation in Islam: A Conceptual Analysis of Wasaṭiyyah,” IKIM Journal of Islam and the Contemporary World 4 (2011): 29–46.

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freedom, wealth distribution, just distribution of political power, usage of a single national language, and quality education.130

Other parties such as the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) have also embraced the wasaṭiyyah agenda.131 Due to the need to extend its state and national power, PAS has taken several wasaṭi steps which include: reorientating the party platform to emphasize universal issues; enabling women’s participation; and encouraging greater diversity in membership and leadership. 132

Among the significant changes that have occurred to the party is the inclusion of non-‘ulamā’ within its highest body, Majlis Syura Ulamak PAS (PAS Ulama Syura Council),133 and its alliance with non-Muslim political parties.134

However, the current global Muslim discourse on the concept of wasaṭiyyah centres on the Muslim majority nations, and there is a dire lack of studies on Muslim minority nations. As shown above, much of the literature on the concept of wasaṭiyyah has been based on Muslim majority nations and how it is viewed, especially in an Arabic speaking context. There is an urgent need, therefore, of studies which focus on Muslim minority communities. This research hopes to fill the gap in contextualising wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of a minority community within a modern nation.

2.5 Conclusion - defining wasaṭiyyah The concept of wasaṭiyyah has its roots from the ummatan wasaṭan verse in the Qurʾān 2:143. As shown in this chapter, linguistically, linguists, lexicographers, and exegetes have provided several general meanings of the term ummatan wasaṭan. They defined wasaṭ as an adjective that describes being in the ‘middle’, ‘middlemost’, ‘balanced’, or to ‘act in a just manner’, and to ‘be in equilibrium’. Wasaṭiyyah is a positive value, and projects ‘goodness and excellence’.

130 Hanapi, “The Wasaṭiyah (Moderation) Concept in Islamic Epistemology: A Case Study of Its Implementation in Malaysia,” 56. 131 Julie Chernov Hwang, “When Parties Swing: Islamist Parties and Institutional Moderation in Malaysia and Indonesia,” South East Asia Research 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 635–74. 132 Hwang, “When Parties Swing: Islamist Parties and Institutional Moderation in Malaysia and Indonesia,” 656. 133 PAS Pusat, “Senarai Majlis Syura Ulamak Sesi 2015-2020,” Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS), accessed May 11, 2017, https://pas.org.my/senarai-majlis-syura-ulamak-sesi-2015-2020/#more-6988. 134 PAS Pusat, “Budaya Politik Matang Dan Sejahtera (BPMS),” Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS), accessed May 11, 2017, https://pas.org.my/bpms/.

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Simply understood, to be a wasaṭi community is to be the ‘middle community’, and to be the ‘middle community’ is to be ‘just’. Being ‘just’ projects excellence. Ummatan wasaṭan is translated in this research as the just, middlemost, and balanced community.

This chapter then analyses the concept of wasaṭiyyah from the Medinan context, as well as themes prevalent in the Qurʾānic verses 2:142 to 152 which followed the ummatan wasaṭan verse. This ‘macro context 1’ level of analysis from Saeed’s contextual approach defines the characteristics of the ummatan wasaṭan as understood in the period of the revelation of the concept in the time of the Prophet. Based on this level of analysis, ummatan wasaṭan was a characteristic of the nascent Muslim community in Medina, encompassing communal living which assimilated devotional practices, spirituality, education, faith, peace, security and penal law, family, society, environment, economics, and ethics. The Qur’ānic verses surrounding the ummatan wasaṭan verse outlined the dynamics and complexity of the utopian ummatan wasatan in Medina in the Prophet’s time.

Finally, this chapter provides an overview of contemporary intellectual and political discourses on the concept. These discourses on wasaṭiyyah have attracted the attention of both religious scholars and political parties. This attention has subjected the wasaṭiyyah discourse to a diverse range of interpretations based on the religious, social, and political contexts of the Muslim community in majority Muslim nations across the globe. Religious scholars have provided various definitions of the concept of wasaṭiyyah. They have provided principles and guidelines based on the concept for Muslims to apply in their lives today. Political parties too have adopted wasaṭiyyah aligning it to the idea of moderation, so as to participate in modern day democracy and secure electoral votes. This adoption of wasaṭiyyah in the light of boosting political gains has somewhat clouded the meaning of the concept.135 This, in part, has brought about the need to provide a clearer definition of wasaṭiyyah for the specific purpose of this research.

In conclusion, based on both the linguistic and ‘macro context 1’ levels of analysis, the Qurʾānic concept of wasaṭiyyah revealed in Qurʾān 2:143 is an organic convergence of the values of justice, middlemost, and balanced as outlined by the Qurʾān and the Prophetic example in moulding the physical, rational, spiritual, and moral aspects of the Prophet’s community. By ‘organic’, we mean the gradual and harmonious development of the ummatan

135 Interview with Muhammad Saiful Alam Shah Bin Sudiman on the 9th of February, 2014.

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wasaṭan to continuously change for goodness (khayrāt) based on a life of ‘submission, obedience and peace’ (Islām).

The insistence on change as a central feature during the Prophet’s lifetime sets up a life of ‘submission, obedience and peace’ anchored in Qurʾānic guidance and Prophetic leadership. This guidance and leadership provides a set of principles, rules, and guidelines (al-shar‘) to deal with any laxity and excessiveness (ifrāṭ and tafrīṭ) faced by the community in balancing the needs of both worldly and eternal lives. Therefore, wasaṭiyyah is defined in this research as the organic process of living Islam based on the values of justice, middlemost, and balanced through understanding the revealed texts and contextualising the texts within the perspectives of any Muslim community’s physical, intellectual, spiritual, and moral needs, based on the conditions of its time and place, to ensure the community’s worldly and eternal success.

The next chapter will explore the ‘connector context’ level of analysis within the contextual approach of understanding the Qur’ān from the perspective of the past Malay/Muslim world.

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Chapter Three - Contextualising Power and Diplomacy of the Indigenous Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore at the Beginning of British Colonisation in the Early 19th Century

3.1 Introduction Since the focus of this research is on the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, chapters Three and Four will deal specifically with the ‘connector context’ within the contextualist approach of reading the Qur’ān as proposed by Abdullah Saeed. The notion of ‘connector context’, according to Saeed, deals with the intervening historical period that ‘demonstrates how successive generations of Muslims have applied the Qur’ānic text and its norms to their lives…the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice are always there to help the interpreter to connect with the context of the Qur’ān at the time of revelation.’1

To determine this ‘accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’, this chapter examines the shared characteristics and features of the indigenous Malay/Muslim community at the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles in Singapore (d. 1826) in 1819. Raffles’s arrival signalled the beginning of British colonisation in Singapore, which is regarded by Mary Turnbull (d. 2008) as the founding of modern Singapore, as reflected in the title of her book, A History of Modern Singapore, 1819-2005.2 Singapore’s indigenous community at the beginning of British colonisation was represented by Temenggong Abdul Rahman (d. 1825),3 the Orang Laut,4 and Tengku Hussein Mohamed Shah (d. 1835),5 who were among the earliest to have direct contact with Raffles.6 They played an equally important role in delivering Raffles’s colonial intent for the island of Singapore.

These early members of Singapore’s indigenous community shared several features. Firstly, they were all natives of the Malay world living under the power of kesultanan Riau-Lingga-

1 Abdullah Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century: A Contextualist Approach (London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014), 5. 2 Refer to C. M. Turnbull, A History of Modern Singapore, 1819-2005 (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009). 3 Traditionally in the Malay Sultanate, the Temenggong was one of the highest office bearers, whose duties included being the Master of the port, Mayor of the city, and Chief of Police. 4 The Malay term for the indigenous Malays in Singapore who were known to be seafarers or nomads. Orang laut literally means people of the sea. 5 He was only known as Tengku Long and was one of the sons of Sultan Mahmud Syah III of the the Johor-Riau- Lingga Sultanate. 6 Tawarikh Mĕlayu: An Anthology of Malay History, Kĕsusastĕraan Mĕlayu Rampai-Rampai: 1 (London: Longmans, 1958), 21.

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Johor (the Riau-Lingga-Johor sultanate).7 Secondly, they resorted to peaceful diplomacy in welcoming Raffles’s intent to colonise and modernise Singapore without resorting to any sort of violence or aggression.8 Thirdly, all of them conversed in Bahasa Melayu (Malay language), which was the lingua franca in the Tanah Melayu (Malay Peninsula) at the time,9 and used the Jawi script as part of the literary heritage that they had inherited since the 14th century.10 Finally, they professed their faith in Islam, which had spread throughout the Tanah Melayu (Malay Peninsula) by the time of the last sovereign king of Singapore, Parameswara (d.1414), who came to be known as Raja Iskandar Shah in the year 1392.11

Based on these historical facts found in various sources, including manuscripts of letters exchanged between these historical figures,12 this research limits its ‘connector context’ to these four shared aspects, namely power, peaceful diplomacy, language, and religion. These four aspects provide the basis for this research to understand the indigenous Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the time of Raffles’s arrival in 1819.

What will be attempted in chapters Three and Four is an analysis of these four aspects as part of ‘the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore around 1819. Understanding the scope of these four aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion will help to determine the presence or relevance of wasaṭiyyah within the past Malay/Muslim community.

7 Aswandi Syahri and Raja Murad, Cogan: Regalia Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-Dan Pahang (Provinsi Kepulaun Riau: Dinas Pariwisata Seni dan Budaya Provinsi Kepulauan Riau, 2006), 8. 8 Kwa Chong Guan, “Why Did Tengku Hussein Sign the 1819 Treaty with Stamford Raffles?,” in Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819-1965. Ed. Khoo Kay Kim, Elinah Abdullah, Wan Meng Hao (Subang Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk, 2006), 1. 9 Syed Naguib al-Attas, Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu. (Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972), 36. 10 Ahmad Faisal bin Abdul Hamid and Faizuri bin Abdul Latif, “Sejarah Perkembangan Tulisan Jawi: Analisis Mengenai Teori Kang Kyoung Seok (Malay),” Historical Development of Jawi Script: Analysis to Theory of Kang Kyoung Seok (English) 9, no. 2 (July 2014): 1. 11 Haji Buyong bin Adil, Sejarah Singapura Rujukan Khas Mengenai Peristiwa2 Sebelum Tahun 1824, Siri Sejarah Nusantara (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1972), 46. 12 Refer to Ahmat Adam, Letters of Sincerity: The Raffles Collection of Malay Letters, 1780-1824: A Descriptive Account with Notes and Translation., MBRAS Monograph: 43 (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 2009).

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3.2 The disputed Cogan13 as a symbol of the end of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate’s conception of wasaṭiyyah The Malay/Muslim ummah (community) in Singapore was in a state of turmoil at the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles (d. 1826) in the island in 1819. The values of justice, middlemost, and balanced as the basis of wasaṭiyyah were put to the test as a result of internal and external turmoils surrounding the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate. The Riau-Lingga-Johor Malay/Muslim Sultanate was challenged by two contesting extremes. On the one hand, the Sultanate was challenged by an internal dispute with regard to leadership succession. On the other hand, external colonial forces were at work to colonise the region. Collectively, if any semblance of wasaṭiyyah of the Sultanate was present, it was dismantled, leaving the individuals involved in the power struggle to mediate their own judgement in response to these challenges.

Such a tumultuous local context began on the 12th of January 181214, when the ruler, Yang Dipertuan Besar Sultan Kerajaan Melayu Riau-Lingga-Johor dan Pahang beserta daerah- daerah takluknya Sultan Mahmud Riayat Syah, known as Sultan Mahmud Syah III,15 who had been ruling since he was 2 years old, died without installing a rightful heir. His 51-year reign (1761-1812) was characterised by safeguarding his power against the contestations of the Dutch, Bugis and others.16 Earlier in 1784, Sultan Mahmud made a treaty with the Dutch and in it, among other things, ascribed the issue of the Sultanate’s succession to Dutch approval, which escalated the gravity of any future succession to an international level.17 The local Malay/Muslim context at that time which resulted in the founding of modern Singapore in 1819 was, therefore, centred around the succession dispute of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate.

In line with al-Ghazālī’s (d. 504/1111) understanding of wasaṭ based on the equilibrium of human ethical moral conduct to nurture a balanced character traits,18 the central figures of the

13 Cogan is the Royal Regalia of the Johor-Lingga Empire, held by Sultan Mahmud’s royal wife, Engku Putri Hamidah in 1812 after his demise. The position of the regalia was fundamental to the installation of the sultan; it was a symbol of power, legitimacy and sovereignty of the state. Possession of the regalia was equivalent to the possession of the Johor-Riau Empire. Both Tengku Hussein and Tengku Abdul Rahman contested for it through the agency of the Dutch and British respectively. 14 Tunggal Tauladan, “Kesultanan Riau - Lingga,” Dunia Melayu Se-Dunia (blog), accessed April 20, 2016, http://melayuonline.com/ind/history/dig/355. 15 Abdul Kadir Ibrahim, “Sultan Mahmud, Bapak Tamadun Melayu (1),” cabik lunik, accessed April 20, 2016, http://cabiklunik.blogspot.com.au/2013/04/sultan-mahmud-bapak-tamadun-melayu-1.html. 16 Abdul Kadir Ibrahim, “Sultan Mahmud, Bapak Tamadun Melayu (1)”. 17 C. Mary Turnbull, A History of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei. (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1989), 80. 18 See chapter 2. For an extensive discussion on al-Ghazālī’s concept of wasaṭiyyah, refer to Mohamed Feisal bin Mohamed Hassan, Relevance of Al-Ghazali’s Doctrine of Al-Wasaṭ (the Desired Balance Middle Way) in

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Riau-Lingga-Sultanate such as Engku Puteri Raja Hamidah binti Raja Haji Fisabilillah (d. 1844), and the sons of her husband Sultan Mahmud Syah III (d. 1811), Tengku Hussein (d. 1835) and Tengku Abdul Rahman (d.1832), were all challenged both internally and externally to maintain this equilibrium. This collision between these individuals for leadership succession coupled with the influence of external powers resulted in the split of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate. This split resulted in the failure within the Riau-Lingga-Sultanate as a representation of the Malay/Muslim power to uphold the values of justice, middlemost, and balanced (wasaṭiyyah) collectively as a community (ummah).19

Engku Putri Raja Hamidah binti Raja Haji Fisabilillah (d. 1844) 20 who was Sultan Mahmud’s royal wife did not have any child of her own to be crowned the heir to the Sultanate. Therefore, having the Cogan (regalia), symbols of installation of the Sultan in her hands, ‘the formidable daughter of the warrior Raja Haji’,21 Engku Putri Hamidah had the most pressing responsibility to pass over the reign to either of her stepsons. Engku Putri Hamidah known as ‘the quintessential matriarch, wise, supportive, and beloved by her family’22 thus had the most difficult circumstances to confront against both internal and external forces vying to fill the leadership vacuum in the Sultanate.23

In the internal affairs of the ruling family, the choice of Tengku Abdul Rahman by the viceroy of the Sultanate Yang Dipertuan Muda Jaafar (d. 1832), who was also the matriarch’s brother, over the more favoured and elder Tengku Hussein angered Engku Putri Hamidah; ‘Who,’ she is reported to have said, ‘elected Abdul Rahman as sovereign of Johor? Was it my brother Raja Jaafar, or by what law of succession has it happened? It is owing to this act of injustice that the ancient empire of Johor is fast falling to decay.’24

Countering the Ideologies of Extremists with Special Reference to Jemaah Islamiyyah in Singapore (Masters thesis, Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC), International Islamic University Malaysia, 2008). 19 Syahri and Murad, Cogan: Regalia Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-Dan Pahang, 9. 20 During the course of this research, I had the opportunity to visit Pulau Penyengat in Indonesia where Engku Hamidah lived and was buried. Due to the significant role she played in the history of the Malay Sultanate including in guarding the Cogan, she is still revered among the residents of the island, and her tomb has become a place of visitation and respect. 21 Turnbull, A History of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei, 97. 22 Barbara Watson Andaya, “Gender, Islam and the Bugis Diaspora in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Riau,” Sari 21 (2003): 87. 23 Syahri and Murad, Cogan: Regalia Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-Dan Pahang, 14. 24 Andaya, “Gender, Islam and the Bugis Diaspora in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Riau,” 88.

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Engku Hamidah’s cry against this ‘act of injustice’ on the part of her brother provided a glimpse of the crucial role of justice within the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate. In the absence of justice as a central value of wasaṭiyyah, internal disunity rocked the Istana.25 Injustice as the antithesis of wasaṭiyyah was prevalent within the akal-hati-budi (rationality/belief/mannerism) of the Istana at the time. The disrespect shown by Raja Jaafar towards the adat (customs), hak (rights) and maruah (dignity) of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate was proof of this injustice. This sense of injustice was felt by other royal elites when Raja Jaafar approached them for support in electing Tengku Abdul Rahman.26 Engku Putri’s determination to preserve the adat (customs), hak (rights) and maruah (dignity) was shown in her courage to hold onto the Cogan. Both the colonial powers at the time, the Dutch allying with Tengku Abdul Rahman and the British with Tengku Hussein, understood the importance of such royal symbolism, and plotted to obtain the Cogan from the matriarch. After Tengku Hussein’s failure to persuade her, the British offered Engku Putri a sum of almost fifty thousand Spanish dollars.27 She refused. However, on 13th October 1822 the Cogan was taken from her by force by the Dutch, making possible the formal installation of Sultan Abdul Rahman as ruler of the Riau-Lingga Empire in 1823.28 Thus was the break-up of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate caused by internal disunity and foreign interventions. This historical break-up provides a window to understand the state of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the beginning of British colonisation. This history provides the context to understand how the present Malay/Muslim community in Singapore became a minority after 1819. 3.2.1 Charting a new beginning for the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles in 1819 While Sultan Abdul Rahman was installed as the Sultan in Riau, his older brother, Tengku Hussein was left disconsolate at home. Similar to Engku Hamidah, Tengku Hussein’s just, middlemost, and balanced (wasaṭi) judgement was also put to the test. His absence during his royal father’s demise had caused his loss of the reign as the Yang Dipertuan Besar Sultan Kerajaan Melayu Riau-Lingga-Johor dan Pahang beserta daerah-daerah takluknya, and there was distrust of him in certain quarters of the royal household. These issues together with his

25 Royal palace. 26 Syahri and Murad, Cogan: Regalia Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-Dan Pahang, 11–12. 27 Rida K Liamsi, “Engku Puteri Perempuan yang Melawan dengan Seribu Kata” (Seminar Bersempena Peringatan 200 Tahun Raja Ali Haji, Pulau Penyengat, Tanjungpinang< Provinsi Kepulauan Riau: Dunia Melayu Dunia Islam (DMDI) dan Pemprov Kepulauan Riau, 2008), accessed April 20, 2016, http://sufiroad.blogspot.com.au/2011/09/engku-puteri-perempuan-yang-melawan.html. 28 Andaya, “Gender, Islam and the Bugis Diaspora in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Riau,” 88.

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failure to persuade Engku Putri Hamidah for the Cogan had left Tengku Hussein in despair. To salvage his future, Tengku Hussein forged a friendship with Colonel William Farquhar (d. 1839), the British resident of Melaka.29

While the uncertainty in leadership was engulfing the locals, the global leaders of the time were forging a different sovereignty direction in terms of their expansion in Southeast Asia. The British and the Dutch had sealed an understanding at the Anglo-Dutch Convention in 1814, whereby ‘Britain agreed to restore all Dutch colonies, with the exception of Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope’.30 By 1818, as depicted by Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munsji (d. 1854), the author of the classical Hikayat Abdullah, the Dutch had arrived in Melaka, just two days after Farquhar left in search of a new land: Inggeris hendak pergi mentjari tempat, hendak dibuatnja negeri.31 Meaning: The English wants to go find a place, to make a country.

Bound by the agreement of the Anglo-Dutch Convention, Farquhar in partnership with Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, the former governor of Java from 1811 to 1816 who was ‘the most ardent advocate of exploiting wartime occupation to extend and consolidate permanent British commercial and naval strength in Southeast Asia’,32 had given Tengku Hussein some financial assistance, and they had discussed the future of the island of Singapura (Singapore).33

Upon his initial arrival in Singapore, Farquhar’s intention was made clear to the Temenggong Abdul Rahman, who was the royal official administering the island under the patronage of the Riau-Lingga Empire. Farquhar said: [D]jikalau kiranja disini djadi diperbuat Inggeris akan negeri, maka terlalu senang kepada segala orang Melaju hendak berniaga. Dan lagi nanti datang kemari segala saudagar orang putih, boleh berniaga.34 Meaning:

29 Farquhar was the British Resident of Melaka from 1803 to 1818. Turnbull , A History of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei. 95. 30 Turnbull, A History of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei. 95. 31 Munshi Abdullah, R. Roolvink, and R. A. Datuk Besar, Hikayat Abdullah. (Djakarta: Djambatan, 1953), 165. 32 Turnbull, A History of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei, 94. 33 Abdullah, Roolvink, and Besar, Hikayat Abdullah, 170. 34 Abdullah, Roolvink, and Besar, Hikayat Abdullah, 172.

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If it is here that the English will make a country, thus it will be of utmost ease for all Malays to venture into business. And when all English businessmen arrive here, (we) can do business.

This clear expression of Britain’s commercial intent laid the foundation for their vision of transforming colonial-modern Singapore into a business hub. The birth of colonial-modern Singapore happened on 29 January 181935 with the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles. After being made aware by the locals that the Dutch had not anchored in Singapore and that the Temenggong Abdul Rahman36 (d. 1825) was the ruler in charge of Singapore, Raffles disembarked from his Indiana, and was treated hospitably by the Temenggong in his house with fruits, as is the customary Malay/Muslim practice of treating guests. This customary hospitability of the Temenggong welcomed the advent of the British colonisation of Singapore.

Change inevitably happened within days, with the arrival of Tengku Hussein, the heir in despair at losing the Sultanate. On 6 February 1819, eight days after the Indiana’s anchoring in the Singapore River, the Singapore treaty was signed between Raffles and Tengku Hussein, who had just been recognised as Sultan by Raffles. As observed by contemporary Southeast Asian historians such as Elinah Abdullah and Khoo Kay Kim: On their own, neither Raffles nor Tengku Hussein could have created the beginnings of modern Singapore.37

Such was the background that sets the context of how modern Singapore was founded in 1819 in the context of the local, regional, and international struggle for power, legitimacy, and sovereignty. The indigenous Malay/Muslim community therefore had to reorient their lifestyle in mitigating the internal disputes and external colonial pressures so as to survive within the context of living in a new, colonial Singapore. This reorientation provides a window to view if the concept of wasaṭiyyah was found, understood and applied in the context of their survival as a minority community under British rule. However, let us first look at how the past

35 A day before at 4.00pm, his Indiana anchored at St John’s Island and some locals met Raffles on board. See http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_131_2005-01-03.html; and George P. Landow, “Singapore from Colonialization to Independence,” The Literature, Culture, and Society of Singapore (blog), accessed April 2, 2016, http://www.postcolonialweb.org/singapore/history/chron2.html. 36 Temenggong is a title given to a chief in the Malay kingdom whose duty is to maintain peace and security. 37 Elinah Abdullah, Khoo Kay Kim, and Wan Meng Hao, Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819-1965. Ed. Khoo Kay Kim, Elinah Abdullah, Wan Meng Hao (Subang Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk, 2006), 30.

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Malay/Muslim Sultanate defined their conception of power in the hope to find any semblance of wasaṭiyyah within the past Malay/Muslim Sultanate.

3.3 The realm of power within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate Singapore’s indigenous community at the onset of British rule was represented by Temenggong Abdul Rahman, the Orang Laut, and Sultan Hussein Mohamed Shah under the kesultanan of Johor-Riau-Lingga (the Johor-Riau-Lingga Sultanate).38 The Sultanate was the form of power that had been exercised within the Malay/Muslim Empire for many centuries. The seeds of the rule of the Johor-Riau-Lingga Malay Sultanate were planted towards the end of the reign of the last Raja of Singapura, Raja Permaisura, also known as Parameswara. He was believed to have embraced Islam and came to be known as Raja Iskandar Shah (d. 1414).39

The first Raja of Singapura, Sang Nila Utama (d. 1347), upon his arrival from Pulau Bentan in 1300 changed the island’s name from Temasek to Singapura. He sealed his immortal posterity in Singapore’s history as the first Raja Melayu Singapura (Malay King of Singapore) known as Seri Teri Buana. It was during this 14th century when the five Raja Melayu Singapura40 ruled that the legends of Badang41, Hang Nadim42 and Sang Rajuna Tapa43 originated, which are still read in Singapore’s literary legacy today.44

After successive attacks on Singapura by the Jawa-Majapahit Empire, the Siam Empire ended Raja Iskandar Shah’s rule in Singapura. He fled Singapura in 1392 and established the Malay/Muslim empire in Malacca in 1394.45 While Malacca was being established as a Malay/Muslim empire in the early 15th century, Singapura was left under the patronage of the

38 There were about 150 Malays, 30 Chinese, and 30 Orang Laut living within the compound of the Temenggong’s village (kampung) near the Singapore River. Refer to Syahri and Murad, Cogan: Regalia Kerajaan Johor-Riau- Lingga-Dan Pahang, 16. 39 Daniel G. E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 4th ed., Macmillan Asian Histories Series (London: Macmillan, 1981), 225. 40 “The Straits Times, "The Kings of Singapore,” The Straits Times, February 26, 1948, accessed February 14, 2017, eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19480226-1.2.30. 41 Badang was the Malay name for the legendary figure of a man with extraordinary mystical strength and power. 42 Hang Nadim was known as the intelligent child who helped with his suggestion to defend Singapore from the swarms of sword-fish attacking its beaches by erecting banana trunks. 43 Sang Rajuna Tapa was the Bendahari (State Treasurer) for Raja Permaisura, but he betrayed the King to avenge his daughter who was sentence to death by the king, and collaborated with Majapahit to end the Raja Melayu Singapura’s rule. 44 Buyong bin Adil, Sejarah Singapura Rujukan Khas Mengenai Peristiwa2 Sebelum Tahun 1824, 24-46. 45 Buyong bin Adil, Sejarah Singapura Rujukan Khas Mengenai Peristiwa2 Sebelum Tahun 1824, 46.

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Orang Laut. The Orang Laut lived in their perahus (wooden boats) and scavenged the deep seas and canals for livelihood.

The Orang Laut were always the closest ally of the Malays since the early period of the Raja of Singapura. The seas of ‘the numerous islands in the Riau-Lingga archipelagos and the southern portion of the South China Sea’46 were their ply. Not only were they plying their trades ‘in search of moving prey, such as the sea turtle, and of edible seaweed, tripang (sea cucumber), and pearl oyster beds’,47 they also played a greater role in assisting the Malay polity. They were brave soldiers defending the security of the land through the seas, ambassadors persuading foreign shipping adventures into the region, trade partners sharing the economic beneficence attained through promoting international barter trading and exchanges, and loyal family members and friends participating in the peace and upheavals of the Malay royalty. 48

For these reasons, the Orang Laut were accepted into the Malay empire through intermarriages and adornment of status and stature, gifts and medals. The legendary Hang Tuah, the Malay warrior who lived in Malacca in the 15th Century, is said to be an example of the hybrid nature of the Orang Laut and the Malays, possessing strength, power, loyalty, and significance in the classical Malay kingdom.49

The Portuguese attack on Malacca in 1511 caused the collapse of the Malay/Muslim Empire in Malacca. Singapore once more came into historical prominence when the Orang Laut led by its Batin50 attacked the Portuguese who were in Singapore waters. The significance of this period is the establishment of the Johor-Riau Malay Empire under the reign of Paduka Sri Sultan 'Ala ud-din Ri'ayat Shah II Zilu'llah fil'Alam Khalifat ul-Mukminin, after Sultan Mahmud Shah was defeated by the Portuguese in Malacca.51

The partnership between the Sultan and the Batin signified the reconciliation of the people of Singapore as a community. Such reconciliation re-established the might of the Johor-Riau

46 Leonard Y Andaya, “6. The Orang Laut and the Malayu,” in Leaves of the Same Tree : Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2008), 177. 47 Andaya, “6. The Orang Laut and the Malayu,” 180. 48 Andaya, “6. The Orang Laut and the Malayu,” 173-201. 49 Andaya, “6. The Orang Laut and the Malayu,” 173-201. 50 Batin was the name accorded to the head of the Orang Laut. 51 Royal Ark, “Malacca-Johor Royal Genealogy,” Royal Ark, accessed July 10, 2016, http://www.royalark.net/Malaysia/malacca4.htm.

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Malay Empire commanding the allegiance of the rakyat (citizens), who as Peter Borschberg of the National University of Singapore proclaimed, were people ‘who lived across an impressive geographical scope spanning the southern portions of the Malay Peninsula, the Riau Archipelago (including Singapore), the Anambas, Tambelan, and Natuna groups, a region around the Sambas River on south-western Borneo, and Siak in central-eastern Sumatra’.52

As shown above, the commanding role of the Sultan, his partnership with the Batin who represented the Sultan’s defence force and the allegiance of the rakyat were among the factors that characterised the dynamics of power of the Malay Sultanate. These factors were critical in determining the success or failure of the SultanateAn exploration of the dynamics of power as part of a feature of this research’s ‘connector context’ provide the context to understand power structure of the past Malay Sultanate that was ruling Singapore.

3.3.1 The Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals) The dynamics of power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate are captured in the Sejarah Melayu (The Malay Annals). The Sejarah Melayu is recognised by many including R.O. Winstedt (d. 1966), the acclaimed English Orientalist and author, as ‘the most important local chronicle’53 and was ‘written originally in Malacca and Johor before 1536’.54 The Sejarah Melayu is recommended for inclusion in the Memory of the World Register under the preservation of UNESCO in 2001 as ‘the only available account of the history of the Malay Sultanate in the fifteenth and early sixteenth century ... of what may be termed as historical literature conveying a historical narration on the origins, evolution and demise of a great Malay maritime empire, with its unique system of government, administration and politics’.55

The author of the manuscript remains anonymous. The manuscript is named Sulālah al-Salāṭīn in Arabic or Salsilah Peraturan Segala Raja-Raja in Malay. As pointed out by the author, the idea of writing the manuscript was conceived at a meeting with the learned and noble on the

52 Ooi Keat Gin and Hoang Anh Tuan, Early Modern Southeast Asia, 1350-1800: Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia (Florence: Taylor and Francis, 2015), 136. 53 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature: A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views, 91. 54 R. O. Winstedt, “A History of Malay Literature,” Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1940, 58. 55 Refer to http://www.unesco.org/new/en/communication-and-information/memory-of-the-world/register/full- list-of-registered-heritage/registered-heritage-page-8/sejarah-melayu-the-malay-annals/#c183728

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morning of the 12th of Rabiul Awwal 1021 Hijrah.56 After the meeting, the author related the arrival of a royal decree to summon the writer ‘to compose a history of all the Malayu rajas, with an account of their institutions, for the information of posterity, who shall come after us’57. This thus pushed him to compose the manuscript after meditating on the subject matter, and requesting ‘divine assistance, in respect of illumination of the understanding, style, and facility of composition’.58

The Sejarah is written through a myriad of fables, stories, and tales of the past to highlight the history of the Malay monarchy. Alan Chong, Associate Professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, contended that: The myth historical world portrayed by the Sejarah is one that is self-consciously a venture in hierarchical organization, cultural glorification, and moral narrative.59

The Sejarah traces the beginning of the Malay monarchy back to the King of Rome of the Macedonian race, Raja Secander,60 and his conquest of India resulting in his marriage to the beautiful daughter of a defeated king of India. The daughter, Princess Shaher-ul Beriah conceived a child named Raja Arashton Shah, and through him the successive generations of kings ruled, until the period of a Raja Suran who conquered Gangga Nagara in Perak (part of the Malay world in present day Malaysia). 61

Raja Suran married Putri Gangga, the sister of the defeated ruler of the people of Perak. Raja Suran then advanced towards the country of Glang Kiu, ‘which in former times was a great country, possessing a fort of black stone up the river Johor’, whose king was Raja Chulan.62 After multiple attacks from both sides with elephants and horses, Raja Chulan was killed. Upon

56The 12th of Rabiul Awwal is auspicious in the Muslim calendar as it is believed to be the birthday of Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. The mention of the date of the meeting as the starting point of the birth of the idea to write the manuscript lends to the assumption of the auspicious nature of such a pursuit. 57 John Leyden, Malay Annals Transl. from the Malay Language, by John Leyden. With an Introduction by Thomas Stamford Raffles (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, 1821), 3. 58 Leyden, Malay Annals, 3. 59 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide,” 99. 60 It is claimed that this was Alexander the Great. 61 Leyden, Malay Annals, 10. 62 Leyden, Malay Annals, 10.

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his death, Raja Suran married the deceased’s daughter, Putri Onang-kiu, and brought her to Tamsak or Temasek.63 This was how the Malay monarch arrived in Singapore.

The course of history presented in the Sejarah includes how Temasek changed into Singapura through the adventure of Sang Nila Utama, the legend of Badang,64 the story of Hang Nadim65, the fall of Singapura to Majapahit, the founding of Melaka, the legend of Puteri Gunung Ledang66, and many more. Interestingly, these stories formed a narrative that showcased the social and political rule of the Malay Rajas locally, regionally, and internationally. The Malay empire’s international relations extended to the kings and emperors in China and India.

In summarising the content of the Sejarah Melayu, Timothy J. Moy in a 1975 article assessing the traditions of power and political structure found in the Sejarah Melayu asserted that the Sejarah Melayu ‘presents the reader with a pre-1612 concept of monarchic, status society in which the ruler has absolute pre-eminence as focus of all social and political activity and loyalty’.67 Within the monarchy of the ruler or Sultan, there existed ‘a hierarchy of functionaries and title-holders’.68 The Sejarah Melayu provided ‘the pact of political relations between ruler and ruled’.69

The dynamics of power within the Malay royal courts revolved around the ‘absolute pre- eminence’ of the Sultan, as Moy asserted. This pre-eminence had moulded the lifestyle of the Malays and how the Sultan’s central presence affected the livelihood of the community. The system of governance of the Malay Sultan with its ‘hierarchy of functionaries and title-holders such as the Bendahara (the chief minister, second only to the Sultan in rank, power, and authority),70 the Temenggong (an official who was responsible for maintaining law and order

63 This could be a reference to Temasek, the name for Singapore before the founding of Singapura by Sang Nila Utama. 64 A man of unusual power. 65 The boy who saved Singapura from the attack by an avalanche of swordfish. 66 The story of a legendary fairy princess living in a Mount in Johor. 67 Timothy J. Moy, “The ‘Sejarah Melayu,’ Tradition of Power and Political Structure: An Assessment of Relevant Sections of the "Tuhfat Al-Nafis,” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 48, no. 2 (December 1975), 64. 68 Moy, “The ‘Sejarah Melayu,’ 64. 69 Moy, “The ‘Sejarah Melayu,’ 64. 70 Encyclopædia Britannica,s.v. "Bendahara,” Encyclopædia Britannica inc., accessed July 20, 2017, https://www.britannica.com/topic/bendahara.

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and for commanding the police and army),71 and the Hulubalang (commander) shaped the political and social landscape of the community. If any semblance of wasaṭiyyah was present within this past Malay Sultanate, this ‘absolute pre-eminence’ of the Sultan, his ministers and officials is the source of locating its presence and relevance to the past Malay community.

3.3.2 The dynamics of power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate based on the Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals) According to Alan Chong, the Sejarah Melayu projects both intra- and inter-societal features of the sovereignty and power exercised by the Malay Sultans. In projecting sovereignty and power, Chong stated, the Sejarah Melayu alludes to three different relations of ‘noble prowess’, ‘knowledge’, and ‘justice’ within the Malay Empire: The thematic dissection of the Sejarah suggests that relations of noble prowess, of knowledge quests, and of justice, operate on both intra- and intersocietal levels.72

Firstly, the Sejarah highlights that ‘noble prowess’ within the Malay monarch was ‘sustained through trials of merit’.73 The features of noble prowess within the Malay monarch included the importance of honour, profound levels of reciprocity, and demonstration of prowess. 74 Chong provided an interesting insight into the psyche of the Malay monarch when he observed: To live well and govern well, is to treat one’s relations, whether from the Malay world or outside it, with equanimity of respect and enlightenment toward living the truth of one’s innate good character and strength. An enemy conquered in war can be imbued with proper Islamic piety. Heroism in war, exploration, and bravado accumulate their reservoir of positive reputation. Taken together, these constitute a righteous royal line with near supernatural powers.75

Secondly, the Sejarah’s assertion on power aims to relate conquest to the quest for knowledge. According to Chong: Kingdoms cannot be founded, or subsist, on greatness of prestige if they did not contribute in some substantive way to the furthering of knowledge about the world.76

71 Encyclopædia Britannica, s.v. “Temenggong,” Encyclopædia Britannica inc., accessed July 20, 2017, https://www.britannica.com/topic/temenggong. 72 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide to International Relations between Peoples,” 99. 73 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide,” 91. 74 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide,” 92. 75 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide,” 95. 76 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide,” 99.

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Malacca became the centre of Malay/Muslim civilisation. As presented in the Sejarah, Malacca’s ascent to power was found in its hybrid nature of defining civilisation through the manifestation of power with knowledge. Chong elaborated: The implication of the storage and transmission of knowledge is to unite the majesty of power to that of knowledge.77

The Malay empire’s contribution to knowledge included the Malay/Muslim literary tradition which flourished ‘after the conversion of the Malays to Islam between the late thirteenth and the early sixteenth century’78. Vladimir I. Braginskiĭ acknowledged that the most valuable cultural heritage of the Malays was not found in their architectural or sculptural monuments, but it ‘was precisely literature that formed the heart of their cultural tradition’.79 Further proof of this power-knowledge nexus that bound the Malay/Muslim Empire was the availability of 8,000-10,000 manuscripts in Jawi which included the oldest known Malay manuscript which was written in the 16th century and is the translation of an Arabic text called ‘Aqā’id Al- Nasafī.80

Additional evidence of the emphasis upon this power-knowledge nexus was in the practice of presenting foreign dignitaries with royal gifts in the form of manuscripts and the Malay/Muslims’ rich written heritage. Peter G. Riddell claimed that the ‘earliest surviving copy of the whole Qur’ān from the Malay world’ today was ‘presented as a gift to the Dutch Admiral Matelieff de Jonge by the ‘bishop’ of the Sultan of Johor on July 20th, 1606, whilst the Dutch and their Johor ally were engaged in the unsuccessful three-month siege of Portuguese Malacca’.81

Finally, the Sejarah alludes to the notion of justice as part of the tripartite relations of power and knowledge. As Chong observed:

77 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide to International Relations between Peoples,” 96. 78 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature:, 2. 79 Braginskiĭ,The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature:, 1. 80 Refer to Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas Syed, The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript : A 16th Century Malay Translation of the ʾAqāʾid of Al-Nasafī / by Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas. (Kuala Lumpur: Dept. of Publications, University of Malaya, 1988). 81 Peter G. Riddell and Ḥamzah Fanṣūrī, “Breaking the Hamzah Fansuri Barrier: Other Literary Windows into Sumatran Islam in the Late Sixteenth Century CE,” Indonesia and the Malay World 32, no. 93 (2004): 128.

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Justice in the Sejarah emerges as a complex social construct of noble prowess and knowledge accumulation.82

Here, we argue that the relation of the Sejarah Melayu’s description of the dynamics of power within the Malay Sultanate to any semblance of wasaṭiyyah lies in these three notions of the dynamics of power which are ‘noble prowess’, ‘knowledge’, and ‘justice’. The Malay/Muslim Sultanate had a religious moral system in place based on these three notions. A direct semblance of the meaning of wasaṭiyyah can be found in how the Sultanate’s concept of ‘justice’ lies in the centre of its dynamics of power.

The next section explores the convergence of these three notions of the dynamics of power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate with the concept of wasaṭiyyah in order to view if, and to understand how, the Sultanate understood and applied wasaṭiyyah during its time, place, and condition.

3.3.3 Convergence of wasaṭiyyah and the power of the Malay/Muslim sultanate In the previous chapter, the Qurʾānic concept of wasaṭiyyah has been defined in this research as an organic religious moral system for the ummah which is founded on the values of a just, middle, and balanced community that identifies its laxity (ifrāṭ) and excessiveness (tafrīṭ). The organic nature of this religious moral system known as wasaṭiyyah contextualised the community’s physicality, rationality, spirituality, and morality based on place, time, and conditions. Based on these, the wasaṭi community places importance tot the values of justice, middlemost and balanced.83

As stated above, it can be argued that the Sejarah Melayu’s description of the dynamics of power within the Malay Sultanate provides a window to understand whether the meaning associated with wasaṭiyyah was prevalent within the Sultanate. While there is clearly no direct usage of the term ummatan wasaṭan or wasaṭiyyah in the Sejarah, from the stories told in the Sejarah of Badang (the legendary Malay strongman), and the relations between the kings of China and Melaka, the values of justice and equality stood as central features to define the Malay’s conception of power. Justice and equality are the fruits of acquiring and defending one’s honour. In cases when one’s honour is being challenged, wisdom is required to overcome

82 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide,” 99. 83 Refer to Chapter Two.

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such challenges. Once success is achieved, the values of justice and equality are upheld, against the extremes of arrogance and dishonesty. This emphasis on justice and equality as a central feature of the Malay/Muslim Sultanate’s conception of power is a proof of the convergence of wasaṭiyyah. As highlighted by Chong, the visualisation of the message of Islam is understood subtly within the Sejarah: It is even inclusive of Islam, but this is never declared in a neat aphorism. This nebulous notion of justice makes a disturbing allowance for controlled violence on the basis of "an eye for an eye" in some instances, but in others, it illuminates errors through references to good breeding and pre-existing norms of noble behaviour.84

Upholding justice as a core feature of the power of the Sultanate that binds noble prowess and knowledge accumulation points to the values of wasaṭiyyah within the Sultanate as observed by Chong: Prowess and prestige dictated justice transnationally, or in intersocietal fashion, under the overarching canopy of a Malay high culture. Its arbiter was a transcendental Sultan at Melaka.85

The pre-eminence of the role of the Sultan is based on the notion of Raja Adil (the just King). The famous Gurindam Dua Belas (a literary poem made up of twelve parts) written by Raja Ali Haji (n.d.),86 a religious scholar who lived through the turmoil of the Riau-Lingga-Johor Sultanate around the 19th century and had a close relationship to the Sultanate, highlighted the religious connotations of a just King: Raja muafakat dengan Menteri, Seperti kebun berpagarkan duri. Betul hati kepada raja, Tanda jadi sebarang kerja. Hukum adil atas rakyat, Tanda raja beroleh inayat.87

84 Chong, “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide to International Relations between Peoples,” 99. 85 Chong. “Premodern Southeast Asia as a Guide to International Relations between Peoples,” 99. 86 Raja Ali al-Haji Riau et al., Di Dalam Berkekalan Persahabatan: Letters from Raja Ali Haji. In Everlasting Friendship Introd. & Annotated Jvan Der Putten & Al Azhar (Leiden: Dept. of Languages and Cultures of South- East Asia and Oceania, University of Leiden, 1995), 25. 87 Raja Ali Haji, “Gurindam Dua Belas,” Center for Research and Development of Malay Culture, accessed March 7, 2018, http://www.rajaalihaji.com/en/works.php?a=OS9nL3c%3D=.

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Meaning: A King in unison with the Minister, Like a garden protected with thorns. A pure heart towards the King, A sign that all can be accomplished. Providing justice for the people, A sign of a King gaining divine providence.

The central feature of the Raja Adil is justice. As has been discussed, one of the central feature of wasaṭiyyah revolves around the value of justice. The convergence of the concept of wasaṭiyyah with the dynamics of power within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate is in the Sultan’s ‘just rule’ of his rakyat (citizens). This ‘just rule’ was mediated between the adat (custom) of daulat (transcendental sanction to rule), and derhaka (disloyalty).88 The meaning of daulat projects the transcendental preeminence of the Sultan which called for respect and obedience. Part of the mythical stories found in the Sejarah as shown above projected this eminence, while the meaning of derhaka projects the wrath of disloyalty to the rule of the Sultan.

One of the key determinants of the wasati leadership of the Sultan is based on how the degree of loyalty to the Sultan’s daulat and the ability to avoid derhaka were established between the Sultans and their subjects. Daulat breeds absolute loyalty to the Sultan, while derhaka incurs wrath through disloyalty. The Sejarah Melayu detailed this wasati outlook as such: And that is why it has been granted by Almighty God to Malay rulers that they shall never put their subjects to shame, and that those subjects however gravely they offend shall never be bound or hanged or disgraced with evil words. If any ruler puts a single one of his subjects to shame, that shall be a sign that his kingdom will be destroyed by Almighty God. Similarly it has been granted by Almighty God to Malay subjects that they shall never be disloyal or treacherous to their rulers, even if their rulers behave evilly or inflict injustice upon them.89

88 J. H. Walker, “Autonomy, Diversity, and Dissent: Conceptions of Power and Sources of Action in the Sejarah Melayu (Raffles MS 18),” Theory and Society, no. 2 (2004), 214. 89 C. C. Brown, Sĕjarah Mĕlayu or, Malay Annals; an Annotated Translation by C.C. Brown, with a New Introd. by R. Roolvink., Oxford in Asia Historical Reprints (Kuala Lumpur, New York, Oxford University Press, 1970), 27.

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Considering that daulat is an obvious aspect and assumed to be ‘already there’,90 as a part of the Sultanate, many stories of derhaka can be found within the Sejarah Melayu. Moy stated: derhaka proves to be the most forceful ideological aspect of legitimation, far outweighing the concept of the ruler's daulat and any appeals for loyalty based thereon.91

However, the all-encompassing role of Allah as the Almighty God as the determiner and arbiter of power is central to determining that justice is upheld, as pointed out by Moy: Allah supervises these two sides of the political agreement, providing the only functional link between them: if either side departs from the pact, Allah alone may deal with them. 92

Stories such as the ikan todak (spearfish) attack on Singapura as a result of the king's killing of Tun Zainal al-Khatib, a religious scholar and saint, and the fall of Singapura to the army of Majapahit, which was ascribed to Sultan Iskandar Shah's unjust treatment of one of his gundek (secondary wives) exemplified God’s wrath against the injustice done.

As can be summarised from the above discussions, the power of the Malay/Muslim Sultanate constitutes the first element of the ‘connector context’ within a contextualist approach to understanding how the past Malay/Muslim community understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah. Within the dynamics of power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate, wasaṭiyyah was prevalent in the ability of the Sultan to administer justice among his subjects to live within the adat (custom) of daulat (transcendental sanction to rule) and derhaka (disloyalty). The role of determining whether justice is practised is left to the all-encompassing knowledge of Almighty God.

From the stories of tribulations and forbearance shown in the Sejarah Melayu, wasaṭiyyah (just, middlemost, and balanced) is alluded to, based on the concept of Raja Adil or the ‘Just King’. The criterion of justice for those in power was seen through the Godly signs of wrath and blessings bestowed upon the kings and their citizens. Therefore, wasaṭiyyah within the realm of power of the Malay/Muslim Sultanate is found within the idea of the Raja Adil in mediating

90 Moy, “The ‘Sejarah Melayu,’”, 72. 91 Moy, “The ‘Sejarah Melayu,’” 72. 92 Moy, “The ‘Sejarah Melayu,’” 64.

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justice between daulat (transcendental sanction to rule) and derhaka (disloyalty) among its citizens, resulting in incurring either Godly wrath or blessings. Honour, reciprocity, and justice converged in the need for change, progress, and equality based on the values of justice, middlemost, and balanced that shaped the rationality, spirituality, and deeds of the Malay Sultanate.

3.4 Convergence of wasaṭiyyah and budi diplomacy in international relations within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate Apart from the importance of adil (just) within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate, another factor that may shed light on the values associated with wasaṭiyyah of the Malay/Muslim indigenous community at the onset of Raffles’s arrival in Singapore was the peaceful diplomacy shown by Temenggong Abdul Rahman, the Orang Laut, and Sultan Hussein Mohamed Shah. This peaceful diplomacy was attributed to the budi of the Malays. Lim Kim Hui frames budi of the Malays as an accumulation of ‘mind-emotion-moral-goodness-practicality’.93

In a letter addressed to Raffles, Temenggong Abdul Rahman showcased the importance of budi as a criterion for his appraisal of Raffles’s character: yang amat bangsawan dan setiawan dan artawan (sic) lagi dermawan serta dengan harif (sic) bijaksana pandai melakukan perintah yang amat adil dengan baik budi pekerti serta pandai mengambil hati dengan menolong barang yang akan jadi kesakitan atas sekalian sahabat handai taulan, dan lagi murah kepada segala hamba rakyatnya. Meaning: (Raffles is) the most noble, faithful, wealthy and, above all, benevolent as well as knowledgeable and wise; expert in conducting the rule of justice and of gracious and prudent character and skillful at winning affection by relieving the distress of all friends and companions and also liberal towards slaves and plebeians.94

Temenggong’s appraisal of Raffles here emphasised the importance of Raffles’s characteristics. As evident in the letter above, the values of justice (adil), gracious and prudent character (baik budi pekerti), skilful at winning affection (pandai mengambil hati), and bountiful towards his citizens (murah kepada segala hamba rakyatnya) coincide with Kim

93 Lim, “Budi as the Malay Mind,” 88. 94 Adam, Letters of Sincerity: The Raffles Collection of Malay Letters, 1780-1824: A Descriptive Account with Notes and Translation, 107-109.

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Hui’s assertion that the budi diplomacy in the Malays arose because ‘their purpose of argumentation is to ultimately search for truth, goodness and beauty.’95

Budi exists among the Malays as a product of the influence of different philosophies that have had interactions with the community. As a historical fact, the Malays have lived through periods of animism, Hinduism, and Buddhism before the coming of Islam.96 Kim Hui explained that: “budi” originated from the Sanskrit word, Buddhi which means wisdom, understanding or intellect. It has always been translated into English as courtesy or kindness. This word however is rather ambiguous and represents some kinds of mixture between ethics, feelings and intellect in practice.97

In Monier’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary, buddhi is defined in a variety of ways: a. the power of forming and retaining conceptions and general notions, intelligence, reason, intellect, mind, discernment, judgement; b. perception; c. comprehension, apprehension, understanding; d. knowledge of one’s self, psychology; e. intellect…the intellectual faculty or faculty of mental perception; f. presence of mind, ready wit; g. an opinion, view, notion, idea, conjecture; h. thought about or meditation on…intention, purpose, design; i. impression, belief, notion; j. right opinion, correct or reasonable view; k. a kind of metre; and l. intelligence personified.98

95 Lim, “Budi as the Malay Mind,” 88-89. 96 Naguib al-Attas, Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu : Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu, 12. 97 Lim, “Budi as the Malay Mind,” 37. 98 Monier Monier-Williams Sir, Ernst Leymann, and Carl Cappeller, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary: Etymologically and Philologically Arranged with Special Reference to Cognate Indo-European Languages / Monier Monier-Williams; New Edition Greatly Enlarged and Improved by E. Leumann, C. Cappeller and Other Scholars. (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1999), 733.

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Over time, the complexity of the definition for the word ‘budi’ changes. Kamus Dewan, a leading Malay language dictionary today, defines budi as: 1. akal, kebijaksanaan (mind, wisdom); 2. pekerti perangai, akhlak, tingkah laku, kelakuan, watak (attributes, ethics, action, behaviour, poise); 3. sifat baik, perbuatan baik, kebajikan (good attribute, good act, welfare); and 4. bicara, daya upaya (manner of speech, earnestness).

Budi is the spirit that is in the Malay consciousness as an element that projects the ‘rationality and heart’ of the Malay people. As pointed out by Samian: Budi is not the good, rather the goodness of the goodself, the unconscious of the conscious so to speak.99

Due to its centrality to the Malays, the linguistic usage of the term budi has acquired a variety of meanings based on its context and usage. For example, the word Bahasa, which literally means ‘language’, when added with budi becomes a new word and carries the meaning of ‘courtesy-politeness’. Many other examples can be found in the Malay language such as: 1. courtesy, politeness, polished (budi bahasa), 2. obligation, indebtedness, gratefulness (terhutang budi), 3. discretion (budi bicara), 4. graciousness, generosity (baik budi), 5. common sense (akal budi), 6. personable, cultured (budi pekerti), 7. repay good deeds (balas budi), and many more.100

Kim Hui alerted that the use of peribahasa (proverb) in settling disagreements between the Malays utilises the central notion of budi as a paradigm in navigating the hearts and minds of the Malays through their hati budi (good heart) and akal budi (wise mind):

99 A. L. Samian, “A General Theory Of The Malay Akal Budi,” Agathos: An International Review Of The Humanities & Social Sciences 6, No. 2 (July 2015), 78. 100 Gerbang Maya, s.v. “Budi,” Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, accessed July 20, 2017, prpm.dbp.gov.my/default.aspx.

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Moreover, proverbs have also been used in the Malay tradition to settle disagreements. In the process of settling a disagreement, the Malays theoretically choose to use their hati budi and akal budi which can be found in their peribahasas.101

An example of a Malay proverb identifying budi is the oft-quoted102: Orang berbudi kita berbahasa, orang memberi kita merasa Meaning: A person’s good deed deserves our courtesy, a person’s gifts deserve our appreciation.

The notion of budi is also featured within religious texts found in the Malay world. An example of this can be found in a treatise entitled Tanbih, which addressed the disciples of a Sufi order which has a large number of murid (disciples) in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia even today. The Tariqah Qadiriyyah-Naqsyabandiyyah103, which was written by Kiayi H Ahmad Shohibul Wafa Tajul Arifin, the Murshid (spiritual guide) of the order in 1956, as a will received from his predecessor, Syekh Abdullah Mubarok bin Nur Muhammad (d. 1956), narrated that104: Budi utama, jasmani sempurna Meaning: Dignified in budi, excellent in physique.

In summary, another parallel aspect of wasaṭiyyah can be found in how the Malays place great significance upon budi as a part of their identity. Budi is the Malay/Muslim community’s portrayal of good deeds, ethics and mannerisms in their daily lives. This moral value of the budi of the Malays has played a critical role in forging an adaptive policy and friendly diplomacy in welcoming diverse philosophies, different powers, trade, and influences into the Malay world.

101 Kim Hui. Lim, “Budi as the Malay Mind,” 91. 102 Pusat Rujukan Persuratan Melayu, “Orang Berbudi Kita Berbahasa,” Pusat Rujukan Persuratan Melayu, accessed July 20, 2017, http://prpm.dbp.gov.my/Search.aspx?k=orang+berbudi+kita+berbahasa. 103 Tariqah Qadiriyyah Naqsyabandiyyah (TQN) is among the Sufi schools that are famous in the Malay world until today. It has disciples across the region from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, and has reached Australia. See Sri Mulyati, Peran Edukasi Tarekat Qadiriyyah Naqsyabandiyyah Dengan Referensi Utama Suryalaya. (Jakarta: Kencana, 2010). See also Sri Mulyati, Mengenal & Memahami Tarekat-Tarekat Muktabarah Di Indonesia. (Jakarta: Kencana, 2011). 104 H. A. Shohibulwafa Tajul Arifin, Uquudul Jummaan (Suryalaya, Tasikmalaya: Thoreqat Qodiriyyah Naqsyabandiyyah, 1976), 4.

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3.4.1 International relations as a precondition to the ‘budi diplomacy’ of the Malay/Muslim community The nurturing of the ‘budi diplomacy’ could be traced to the long history of international interactions experienced by the Malays with other nations throughout their history. The Malay world has always received foreign arrivals since early recorded history. Other than the mobility of the Malays themselves in travelling widely within the vast empire stretching from Aceh to Patani, the shores of Southeast Asia where the Malay Empire stood have seen the arrival of foreign dignitaries from various countries and with different intentions. These included Chinese, Arabs, Persians, Turks, the Dutch, the Portuguese, and the British. This early exposure and interaction with the global community was the basis for its ‘budi diplomacy’ in dealing with the arrival of the British, the Chinese, the Arabs, the Indians, and other migrants to Singapore in 1819.

It was during the 10th – 15th centuries that relations between the Malay world and the Chinese reached a hitherto unseen peak. Geoff Wade termed this period as the “age of commerce” for Southeast Asia.105 Schottenhammer alluded to several factors that shaped this transitional period: The appearance of new ports in South-east Asia, the movement of administrative centres nearer to the coast, population growth and the development of both cash cropping and South-east Asian ceramics and textiles industries, new modes of consumption, and new mercantile organizations greatly attributed to the upswing of maritime commerce between the China Seas and South-east Asia.106

Schottenhammer also pointed to the Islamic domination of the China Seas.107 The Arabs or Hui were active in maritime trade. The Ottoman Empire ruling the Islamic world at the time played a significant role by allying with Malay empires in Malacca, Acheh, and other Malay regions, especially in the 16th century with regard to curbing the colonialist expansion policies of the Portuguese.108

105 Geoff Wade, “An Earlier Age of Commerce in South-East Asia: 900–1300 C.E.?,” in Dynamic Rimlands and Open Heartlands: Maritime Asia as a Site of Interactions, ed. Fujiko Kayoko, Makino Naoko, and Matsumoto Mayumi, n.d., 27–81. 106 Angela Schottenhammer, “The ‘China Seas’ in World History: A General Outline of the Role of Chinese and East Asian Maritime Space from Its Origins to c. 1800,” Journal of Marine and Island Cultures 1 (December 1, 2012): 63–86. 107 Schottenhammer, “The ‘China Seas’ in World History," 64. 108 A. C. S. Peacock and Annabel Teh Gallop, From Anatolia to Aceh: Ottomans, Turks, and Southeast Asia., Proceedings of the British Academy: 200 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 47.

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In the 16th century, the Malay/Muslim Sultanate’s sovereignty was challenged by two foreign powers; firstly by the Portuguese, and secondly from within the Malay world in the form of the Aceh kingdom.109 After a peace accord signed by Sultan Alauddin II who ruled Johor from 1529 to 1564, normalcy returned for a short period where the Orang Laut traded their catch with Portuguese ships, and at another time escorted St. Francis Xavier on his transit through Singapore while on his way to China and Japan.110

This exposure to international relations nurtured the budi diplomacy of the Malay/Muslim community. The impact of this exposure resulted in the peaceful diplomacy shown by the indigenous Malay/Muslim community upon the arrival of Raffles in Singapore in 1819. The prevalence of ‘budi diplomacy’ provided an avenue to associate the values of wasaṭiyyah to the past Malay/Muslim community.

3.5 Conclusion This chapter analysed the ‘connector context’ – ‘the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ –of the past Malay/Muslim community in their understanding and application of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah. In this chapter, the analysis of the ‘connector context’ dealt with the dynamics of ‘power’ and ‘diplomacy’ as part of the accumulated tradition, experience and practice of the past Malay/Muslim community before the arrival of the British in 1819.

In summary, there was no clear use of the term wasaṭiyyah with the dynamics of ‘power’ and ‘diplomacy’ in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate. However, power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate is characterised by the features of ‘noble prowess’, ‘knowledge’, and ‘justice’. As shown in this chapter, power of the Malay Sultan was defined by their ‘noble prowess’ founded on the belief of their transcendental ancestral nobility. Through this transcendental power, the central role of the Sultan was to administer ‘justice’. The means by which the Sultan administered ‘justice’ to his subjects were based on mediating and balancing between the adat (custom) of daulat (transcendental sanction to rule) to the Sultan and derhaka (disloyalty) against the Sultan. To determine whether justice was administered, the Malay/Muslim world placed central importance to the all-encompassing ‘knowledge’ and intervention of the Almighty God. Due

109 Ingrid S. Mitrasing, “Negotiating a New Order in the Straits of Malacca (1500-1700),” Kemanusiaan 21, no. 2 (2014): 55–77. 110 Buyong bin Adil, Sejarah Singapura Rujukan Khas Mengenai Peristiwa2 Sebelum Tahun 1824, 46.

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to the importance of Godly intervention and assistance in administering justice, the Sultan’s role was to encourage the flourishing of ‘knowledge’ acquisition within the Sultanate. The close relations between the Sultan and the ʻulamāʼ community became a proof to the importance of ‘knowledge’ within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate.

Based on this dynamic of power in the Malay/Muslim Sultanate, the values associated to wasaṭiyyah were found in the centrality of ‘justice’ in the lives of the Malay community. The concept of ‘Raja Adil’ (the Just King) within Malay literary tradition to symbolise the nobleness of a just king showed the convergence of the values of wasaṭiyyah within the dynamics of power in the past Malay/Muslim world.

Another value associated with wasaṭiyyah found within the past Malay/Muslim world relates to the centrality of budi (mannerism). Budi is the Malay/Muslim community’s portrayal of good deeds, ethics and mannerism in their daily lives. As shown in this chapter, the indigenous Malay/Muslim community’s ‘budi diplomacy’ welcomed Raffles’ colonial project in Singapore in 1819. This aspect of ‘budi diplomacy’ was the result of factors such as the maturity of the Malay world, gained through years of international trade and relations with different nations throughout its history.

‘Budi diplomacy’ is associated to the values of wasaṭiyyah due to its focus on the importance of morality, ethics and mannerism within their identity. The significance of budi in the identity of the Malays is in line with this research’s definition of wasaṭiyyah as a moral system.

The next chapter focuses on two other aspects of the ‘connector context’. These are the aspects of ‘language’ and ‘religion’ of the Malay/Muslim community at the arrival of the British to Singapore in 1819.

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Chapter Four - Contextualising Language and Religion of the Indigenous Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore at the Beginning of British Colonisation in the Early 19th Century

4.1 Introduction This chapter forms the second part of analysing the ‘connector context’ to understand the application of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah based on the Malay/Muslim world’s historical past.1

This chapter focuses on the aspects of ‘language’ and ‘religion’. This chapter will investigate the literary tradition of Bahasa Melayu (Malay language), which was the lingua franca amongst traders at the time of Raffles’s arrival,2 and the Jawi script, as part of the literary heritage that they had inherited since the 14th Century.3 The final aspect that will be analysed in this chapter is the Malay world’s adherence to the Islamic faith, which has spread throughout the Tanah Melayu (Malay Peninsula) since the last sovereign king of Singapore, Parameswara or Raja Iskandar Shah in the 14th Century.4

Methodologically, this chapter employs the same approach as in Chapter Three and outlines the literary texts on these aspects based on scholarly research conducted by contemporary scholars such as Naquib al-Attas5 and Vladimir Braginskiĭ.6 This chapter also refers to classical Malay manuscripts including the Sejarah Melayu (The Malay Annals), Hikayat Abdullah, and Tuhfat al-Nafis.

1 Abdullah Saeed, Reading the Qur’an in the Twenty-First Century: A Contextualist Approach (London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014), 5. 2 Syed Naguib al-Attas, Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu. (Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972), 36. 3 Ahmad Faisal bin Abdul Hamid and Faizuri bin Abdul Latif, “Sejarah Perkembangan Tulisan Jawi: Analisis Mengenai Teori Kang Kyoung Seok (Malay),” Historical Development of Jawi Script: Analysis to Theory of Kang Kyoung Seok. (English) 9, no. 2 (July 2014): 1. 4 Haji Buyong bin Adil, Sejarah Singapura Rujukan Khas Mengenai Peristiwa2 Sebelum Tahun 1824., Siri Sejarah Nusantara (Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1972), 46. 5 Refer to Naguib al-Attas, Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu. 6 Refer to V. I. Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature: A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views., Verhandelingen van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde: D. 214 (Leiden: KITLV Press; Singapore: Institute of South East Asian Studies, 2004).

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This chapter concludes that in the aspects of ‘language’ and ‘religion’ as understood by the past Malay/Muslim community, there was a convergence of values associated with wasaṭiyyah.

4.2 Wasaṭiyyah of the Malay/Muslim community as understood by Raffles The evidence of the convergence of the values associated with wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community could be seen, interestingly, from Raffles’s description of the community. Raffles, who had lived his life within the Malay world and accustomed himself with the Malays throughout his many colonising projects in the Malay/Muslim region, is found describing the characteristics of the Malays in his introduction to Leyden’s translation of the Sejarah Melayu.

Raffles provided a description of the nature of the Malays as follows: Retaining much of that boldness which marks the Tartar stock, from whence they are supposed to have sprung, they have acquired a softness, not less remarkable in their manners, than in their language. Few people attend more to the courtesies of society. Among many of them, traces of a higher state of civilization are obvious, and where opportunities has (sic) been accorded, even in our own times, they have been found capable of receiving a high state of intellectual improvement.7

What is intriguing is that Raffles’s further description of the ‘softness’ of the Malays in his introduction of Leyden’s work described the Malays as possessing a ‘moderate and temperate spirit’, very much in line with today’s all-too-common assertion of relating ‘moderation’ to wasaṭiyyah. 8 He later stressed on the Malays’ adaptability, respectfulness, and nobility against their unsophisticated and indulgent nature.9 This description provides a basis to understand the values associated with the Malay/Muslim community’s wasaṭiyyah as observed from an outsider’s viewpoint. Raffles’s view of the wasaṭi nature of the 19th century Malay/Muslim community can be summarised as their adaptability, respectfulness, and nobility against their laxity (ifrāṭ) of unsophistication and their excessiveness (tafrīṭ) of indulgence.10 He summed up his characterisation of the Malays by highlighting the ability of the Malays to build ‘a better order of society’ based on this wasaṭi nature of the Malays endowed with ‘the spirit of personal

7 Leyden, Malay Annals: Transl. from the Malay Language, by John Leyden. With an Introduction by Thomas Stamford Raffles, xv-xvi. 8 Leyden, Malay Annals: Transl. from the Malay Language, xiii. 9 Leyden, Malay Annals: Transl. from the Malay Language, xiii. 10 Leyden, Malay Annals: Transl. from the Malay Language, xiii.

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independence which distinguishes these people, their high sense of honour, and the habits of reasoning and reflection to which they are accustomed from their infancy’.11

4.3 Understanding the role of the Malay literary heritage in shaping the Malay/Muslim community Raffles’s characterisation of the wasaṭi nature of the Malays was partly based upon his understanding of the Malay language, literature, and the Jawi script. Raffles communicated in Malay and wrote in the Jawi script to express his intent to secure the transfer of control of the island when he arrived in Singapore in 1819. The exchange of letters and treatises between the Temenggong, the Sultan, Farquhar, and Raffles provided a window to understanding ‘the system of values that the authors were guided by’.12

The importance of the usage of a common language is acknowledged by linguists ‘as evolution of a control system for programming our own and other people’s minds’.13 The British usage of the Malay language and the Jawi script helped to break the barriers with the indigenous Malay/Muslim community. Gary Lupyan and Benjamin Bergen observed that ‘language promotes emergence of cultural institutions that depend on cooperation on ever larger scales (from tribe to villages and beyond)’.14

The Malay language and the Jawi script were considered a valuable part of the community’s heritage. The status of Malay literature had reached such a peak in the Malay world since the 15th century that it was regarded as a representation of the living heritage of the Malays. Vladimir Braginskiĭ, the author of The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature said: Literature, or ‘the deed of the reed pen’ (pekerjaan kalam) as its creators sometimes called it, is the most valuable part of the cultural heritage of the Malays who inhabit the Malay Peninsula, East Sumatra, some areas of Kalimantan (Borneo) and other islands of the Malay Archipelago.15

11 Leyden, Malay Annals Transl. from the Malay Language, xiv – xv. 12 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 205. 13 Gary Lupyan and Benjamin Bergen, “How Language Programs the Mind,” Topics in Cognitive Science 8, no. 2 (April 2016), 418. 14 Lupyan and Bergen, “How Language Programs the Mind,” 418. 15 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 1

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R.O. Winstedt, the British Malayist who in 1939 published ‘the first study ever to bear the title of a history of Malay literature’,16 opined that Malay/Muslim literature presented romances of pre-Islamic heroes, stories of the Prophet and saints, and locally concocted tales.17 It was through this literary tradition, mostly in its oral and written manuscripts, that the Malay/Muslim world of the 15th to 19th centuries projected its ‘self-awareness’.18 To analyse this theme of ‘self-awareness’, we first refer to Braginskiĭ’s categorisation of the three different genres in Malay literature.

The Malay literary genre showcases and defines the Malayness of the Malay literary heritage.19 Braginskiĭ’s first category of the Malay literary genre consists of the ‘simple genres’ or ‘genres per se’, which in his words are: the comparatively stable literary models formed historically which are characterised by the unity of their functions (socio-cultural, artistic) and a standard ‘set’ of themes and motifs (sometimes of characters, too) that determines the content of works.20

In other words, this ‘simple genre’ is the original Malay literary genre. Examples of such are found in the genres of hikayat (prose narrative), syair (poem), and hidayat (religious text).

The second category are the ‘composite genres’, which are a combination of simple genres ‘in conformity with certain rules and in a certain sequence’.21 The ‘composite genre’ is influenced by the Arabic qaṣīdah. A qaṣīdah is ‘an elaborately structured ode of 60 to 100 lines, maintaining a single end rhyme that runs through the entire piece; the same rhyme also occurs at the end of the first hemistich (half-line) of the first verse’.22 The famous Qaṣīdah Burdah written by Abū ‘Abd Allāh Muḥammad ibn Sa‘īd al-Būṣīrī al-Shādhilī, popularly known as al- Būṣīrī (d. 693/1294), from the village of Dallas in Egypt, was found translated in the 16th

16 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 8. 17 R. O. Winstedt, “A History of Malay Literature,” Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1940, 61-62. 18 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 8. 19 See Jacques Derrida and Avital Ronell, “The Law of Genre,” Critical Inquiry, 1980. 20 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 17. 21 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 17. 22 Britannica.Com: The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica, s.v. “Qaṣīdah,” accessed January 25, 2018, https://www.britannica.com/art/qasidah.

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century in the Malay world.23 The Burdah is a panegyric ode of ten chapters praising Prophet Muhammad through the stories, history, and miracles of his life. It is recited and used in the Malay world until today as a devotional religious text.

Finally, the third category are the ‘genre forms’ or ‘genre moulds’, where ‘one and the same formal structures can be used for the expression of thematically different contents’,24 such as when a hikayat is subdivided into ‘historical hikayat’ and ‘mystical hikayat’. 25 Such a genre is found in the Hikayat Hang Tuah, and others. These different categorisations of the genre structure showed the diversity of the Malay/Muslim literary works.

Within the analysis of the genre structure in the Malay literary tradition, Braginskiĭ highlighted evidence of a collectiveness of the general ideas (ayan sabitah) prevalent within the community. The Malay literary tradition used phonetic words (lafaz, bunyi) found in the different genres to produce particular meanings (makna, arti, isi). Braginskiĭ termed this collectiveness of the general ideas formed in the different genres in the Malay literary tradition as the ‘self-awareness’ of Malay literature. 26 To him, the ‘self-awareness’ of the Malays found within the Malay literature during this classical period can be divided into three spheres of beauty (indah), usefulness and benefit (manfaat, faedah), and also spiritual perfection (kamal).27 We argue in the next section that the values of wasaṭiyyah, indirectly converged within these three spheres portraying the theme of ‘self-awareness’ found in the Malay/Muslim literary heritage.

4.3.1 Convergence of indah (beauty), manfaat (usefulness), and kamal (spiritual perfection) in Malay literary heritage with the concept of wasaṭiyyah Braginskiĭ asserted that these three spheres of beauty (indah), benefit (manfaat, faedah), and spiritual perfection (kamal) found in the Malay literary tradition are useful features that can be used to understand the Malays. To the Malays, through their literary tradition, these three spheres mould human personality found in a human’s corporeal soul (hati), intellect (akal), and spiritual heart (hati nurani). The understanding associated with the concept of wasaṭiyyah from

23 Sharaf al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Sa`īd Būṣīrī and G. W. J. Drewes, Een 16de Eeuwse Maleise Vertaling van de Burda van Al-Būṣīrī: Arabisch Lofdicht Op Mohammad, Verhandelingen van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal- , Land- En Volkenkunde: D. 18 (’s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1955). 24 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 17. 25 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 17. 26 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 247. 27 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 247.

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within the Malay literary tradition is found in the ability of a human being to maintain the essential balance between these three perceptions.

As shown in Chapter Two, al-Zamakhsharī (d. 537/1143) and al-Ghazālī (d. 504/1111) were among the classical Islamic scholars who defined the understanding of wasaṭiyyah based on acquiring equilibrium through moulding of virtuous character traits and nurturing good moral values. Similarly, the Malays too placed great importance to the cultivation of exemplary moral values. If the conception of wasaṭiyyah is based on the cultivation of good character traits as suggested by al-Zamakhsharī and al-Ghazālī, the Malays too have formulated their own set of exemplary moral values. The moral values that were important to the Malays were based on the centrality of these three spheres of beauty (indah), benefit (manfaat, faedah), and spiritual perfection (kamal) found in their literary tradition.

The sphere of indah (beauty) in the past Malay literary works aimed to harmonise the soul based on three aspects. Firstly, indah relates to the origin of the beautiful, that is God. The notion of indah relates to the concept of the Divine Power (kekayaan Allah) and the manifestation of Divine Greatness (kebesaran Allah).28 Secondly, indah ‘is connected with immanent, inner properties of the beautiful itself’.29 The properties of indah are related to something unusual (heran), wonderful (ajaib), and it is diverse (berbagai-bagai), but also orderly and harmonious. Thirdly, indah ‘is related to the psychology of perception of the beautiful’.30 Indah provokes attention and arouses attraction and love (berahi). 31

Based on the importance of these aspects of the originator of beauty (God), the properties of beauty, and the effect of beauty, the quest for beauty became a central feature of the Malay/Muslim literary tradition. For the Malay/Muslim community, an important part of the quest for beauty is based on the harmonising or balancing of Islamic moral values with the Malay adat (customs). Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad (b. 1978), a contemporary Acehnese scholar described:

28 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 247. 29 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 247. 30 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 249. 31 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 249.

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Although Islam in Southeast Asia may not resemble Islam in the Middle East, Islam in Southeast Asia is indeed already Islamised, its development is a result of the process of compromise between Islam and local cultures.32

An example of the act of ‘harmonising’ or ‘balancing’ within the Malay literary tradition could be found in the use of the Jawi script as the medium of Malay/Muslim literary works. The Jawi script was clear evidence of this balancing between Islam and the local Malay cultures.33 ‘Balance’ as a key value of the concept of wasaṭiyyah converged the Malay’s quest for beauty to wasaṭiyyah. The Malay/Muslim’s quest for beauty was based on the Qur’ānic text, which is in the Arabic script. This quest for beauty based on the Qur’ān resulted in the assimilation of the Arabic script as the medium of the Malay/Muslims’ literary works. This act of assimilating the Arabic script into the Malay Jawi script can be seen as an act of wasaṭiyyah that shaped the Malay/Muslim literary tradition. Kratz asserted the significance of this assimilation seen in the Jawi script, when he wrote: Today, it is no longer the Pallava system which competes with a ‘pure’ Arabic, i.e. the perceived Islamic, way of spelling, but it is the continuing interference of Rumi which keeps the conflict going. What is ignored however in this struggle of the ideologues and purists is the successful compromise, which had been achieved over centuries, and which aimed to give the Malay language and its actual usage its own. Yet this was a compromise which had served communication among all Malays, whatever their dialect and whatever their learning, so well in the past and which had gained them the respect of the Europeans who made contact with them.34

Another feature found in the Malay literary tradition relates to the aspect of manfaat (usefulness) or faedah (benefit). Manfaat in Malay literary tradition relates to ‘hierarchically superior psychological concepts: the intellect…and the spiritual heart’.35 The objective of the three different genres within Malay literary works as described above showed the creativity of the past writers in expressing their ideas and stories for the manfaat (benefit) of the community.

32 Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, “Contemporary Islamic Thought In Indonesian And Malay World: Islam Liberal, Islam Hadhari, and Islam Progresif,” Journal of Indonesian Islam 5, no. 1 (2011): 93. 33 Mohd. Nor bin Ngah, Kitab Jawi: Islamic Thought of the Malay Muslim Scholars, Research Notes and Discussions Paper: No.33 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1983), 2. 34 E. U. Kratz, “Jawi Spelling and Orthography: A Brief Review / E. Ulrich Kratz,” Indonesia and the Malay World 30, no. 86 (2002): 25. 35 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 259.

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These different literary works were read in the Malay royal courts and were orally transmitted to the masses not only as a source of benefit in acquiring knowledge for the intellect (akal), but also as means of interaction and entertainment for the benefit of the spiritual heart (hati nurani).36

For example, the use of quatrains or pantun highlights the creativity and ethics of the writer or presenter in addressing an idea or a situation indirectly to the listeners for their benefit (manfaat). Below is an example of a classical Malay text entitled Laksamana Melayu Tun Tuah, with a message that there should be no fear of anyone who tries to obstruct a just cause. The pantun read: Ambil galah gantikan tiang, Tiang di cacak di tengah jalan; Jika datang orang menggalang, Padalah tempat kita melawan.37 Translation of the quatrain (pantun): Take the bamboo pole to replace the mast, The mast is planted in the middle of the street; If anyone comes to obstruct, Find a place for us to fight.

Through the ethics of subtlety, creativity and indirectness of the pantun as a communicative means, even in cases of engaging in a fight as shown above, the values associated with the concept of wasaṭiyyah were applied, albeit in an indirect manner.

The third aspect of kamal (perfection) addressed within the Malay literary tradition relates to the transformed human personality finding its path to perfection through the Light of the Prophet (Nur Muhammad). Muhammad as the final Prophet and believed by the Malays in their faith of Islam posits a centrality in their lives in the presence of this Light that has the power to transform their selves.38 The centrality of the theme of ‘self-awareness’ in Malay literary tradition rested upon the aim of attaining a perfected human personality (Insan Kamil).

36 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 259. 37 Noriah Taslim, ed., Pantun Perawi ([Glugor], Pulau Pinang: Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, 2015), n.p. 38 Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 265.

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Uthman el-Muhammady (d. 2013), a Malay religious scholar steeped in promoting traditional Islam as understood in the Malay world, described the characteristics of Insan Kamil extensively. They comprise of faith (keimanan), belief (ketaqwaan), ethics (keadaban), knowledge (keilmuan), skills (kemahiran), order (ketertiban), determination in goodness and truth (kegigihan dalam kebaikan dan kebenaran), brotherhood (persaudaraan), spirit of togetherness in life (persepakatan dalam hidup), and unity within the ummah (perpaduan dalam ummah).39According to el-Muhammady, these are the values that will guarantee that a human being will attain perfection and goodness in this life and the hereafter.40 In line with Braginskiĭ’s sphere of kamal found within Malay/Muslim literary tradition, el-Muhammady’s characteristics of Insan Kamil act as a central feature of religious moral value within the Malay/Muslim literary heritage.

In summary, the convergence of the values of wasaṭiyyah in the Malay/Muslim literary theme of ‘self-awareness’ can be found in the spheres of beauty (indah), benefit (manfaat), and perfection (kamal) that impacted the Malay/Muslim community of the past. As outlined by Braginskiĭ, these spheres of indah, manfaat, and kamal are found in the Malay community’s understanding of the Light of Muhammad (Nur Muhammad), which is the model of perfection - Insan Kamil (The Perfect Human Being).41 The values associated with wasaṭiyyah were understood and applied in an indirect manner based on the quest to attain perfection in their moral conduct modelled on the idea of Insan Kamil. The harmonisation or balancing of the Jawi script, the subtlety of the creative pantun (quatrain), and the encompassing moral characteristics of the Insan Kamil (Perfect Human Being) were examples evidencing the existence of values associated with wasaṭiyyah within the past Malay/Muslim community.

39 Ustaz Muhammad Uthman el-Muhammady, “Ke Arah Membina Peribadi Insan Kamil,” Traditional Islam, accessed March 12, 2018, http://traditionalislam.freeservers.com/KearahMembina_PeribadiInsanKamil.htm. 40 Ustaz Muhammad Uthman el-Muhammady, “Ke Arah Membina Peribadi Insan Kamil.” 41 Syeikh Abdul Karim Ibnu Ibrahim al-Jaili, Insan kamil: ikthiar memahami kesejatian manusia dengan sang Khaliq hingga akhir zaman (Surabaya: Pustaka Hikmah Perdana, 2006). The ideas of Light of Muhammad (Nur Muhammad) and The Perfect Human Being (Insan Kamil) are based on the influence of the works of Abd al- Karīm al-Jīlī (d. 1424), a close follower of the eminent Sufi master, Ibn ‘Arabĭ (d.1240). See also Shameema Adibzadeh, “The Journey Of Beauty Towards Perfection: Zaynab Bint ‘Alī Ibn Abī Ṭālib And The Model Of Human Changes Towards Developing Attributes Of Walīyat Allāh And Al-Insān Al-Kāmil,” 25.

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4.3.2 From an era of self-awareness to a period of self-analysis As shown above, Braginsky pointed out the centrality of the theme of ‘self-awareness’ in Malay/Muslim classical literary heritage.42 To him, the theme of ‘self-awareness’ was central in the Malay literature during its classical period from the second half of the sixteenth century to the first half of the nineteenth century. In addressing this theme, the Malay/Muslim literary heritage emphasized and embodied three different spheres—spheres of beauty (indah), benefit (manfaat, faedah), and spiritual perfection (kamal). These spheres shaped the Malay/Muslim literary heritage.

Hadijah Rahmat (b. 1958),43 a contemporary Singaporean Malay scholar, agreed with the prevalence of this notion of self in Malay literary works.44 After looking at the Malay literary tradition in the 20th Century, she argued that the notion of self can be found in the Malay literary tradition’s focus on the ‘period of self-analysis’ against the backdrop of colonialism and backwardness. Rahmat said: This period of literary development coincides with the growth of Malay nationalism, which may be described as a period of self-analysis for the Malays. The Malay intelligentsia urged their people to examine themselves, to understand their own perceived backwardness and standing compared to the achievements of the non- Malays. This ‘collective self-analysis’ is a significant social, political and psychological feature of Malays of this historical period. Malay authors contributed to this process of ‘collective self-analysis’ and attempted to explain the Malays as a community (collective self-comprehension) by utilising and experimenting with new literary media and expressions. Almost all authors shared in a collective vision and common experience.45

From the spheres of beauty (indah), benefit (manfaat, faedah), and spiritual perfection (kamal) that surrounded the classical Malay/Muslim literary heritage to the ‘period of self-analysis’

42 V. I. Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature: A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views., Verhandelingen van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde: D. 214 (Leiden: KITLV Press; Singapore: Institute of South East Asian Studies, 2004), 17. 43 A leading scholar in the Malay-Indonesian Studies and currently the Head of the Asian Languages and Cultures Academic Group, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. 44 Hadijah bte Rahmat, “The Printing Press and the Changing Concepts of Literature, Authorship and Notions of Self in Malay Literature,” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 270 (1996): 70. 45 Hadijah bte Rahmat, “The Printing Press and the Changing Concepts,” 70.

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against the backdrop of colonialism and backwardness, the notion of self within the Malay/Muslim literary development showcased the change in the state of the community.

The change in the akal-hati-budi of the Malay/Muslim community as a result of its realignment of the notion of ‘self-awareness’ in the classical period to the notion of ‘self-analysis’ in the 20th Century was partly the result of modernisation and secularism that had taken shape since the coming of the British in 1819. The impact of modernisation and secularism affected the Malay/Muslim community.

One of the major changes that occurred to the Malay/Muslim community in that period was the replacement of the Malay jawi script as a medium of its literary work with the rumi (romanised) Malay letters in 1891. Lim Peng Han, a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Malaya, said: Finally, in 1891 a beginning was made to introduce the teaching of Romanised Malay or rumi and books published in rumi coexisting with jawi scripts and books published in jawi. This marked the transition of teaching jawi texts to Romanised Malay texts as well as the co-existence of both scripts used in Malay school books. The Director of Public Instruction wanted the use of jawi to be gradually discontinued. He explained that the Arabic script was associated with the unintelligent study of the Koran. The Roman character will be useful not only to the Malays but to Chinese and others. Furthermore, the English alphabet and the first principles of spelling will be an important step towards the universal study of English.46

In 1891, there were 21 Malay boys schools and 4 Malay girls schools teaching secular subjects. These schools pioneered the usage of rumi educational sources and discarded the use of jawi manuscripts.47 The role that jawi has played in the life of the Malay/Muslim community could be traced by the influence of Islam on the Malays. Before the romanisation of the Malay script, all written texts were written using the jawi script. Since the advent of Islam and the flourishing of the Malay/Muslim Empire in the Malay world throughout the 15th to 18th centuries, the jawi

46 Lim Peng Han, “A Study of Nineteenth Century Malay School Books in the Malay Peninsula: Transitioning from Manuscript to Print Culture, Religious to Secular Texts and Jawi (Arabic Scripts) to Rumi (Romanised Malay),” Southeast Asia Library Group Newsletter 46 (2014): 12. 47 Lim Peng Han, “A Study of Nineteenth Century Malay School Books in the Malay Peninsula,” 10–11.

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script was used as a representation of the Malay written script. It has therefore accumulated thousands of manuscripts, which today can be found in leading libraries all over the world.48

The tradition of Islamic education adopted books written in the jawi script and many kitab jawi (jawi manuscripts) were written to support traditional Islamic education. In short, the jawi script was the medium for dissemination of knowledge, ideas and views, especially of the Islamic tradition throughout the Malay/Muslim world before 1891. 49 As the jawi script is Malay written using the Arabic alphabets, and Arabic was the language of the Qur'ān, jawi became the central bridge that helped to assimilate the Malay world into the Arabic literary tradition. The role of jawi in integrating the Arabic script into the Malay literary form allows for greater access to the art of writing the Arabic script with its delicate curves and forms. Jawi portrays an Islamic presence to the Malay written text.50

The end of the jawi script also signalled the end of the readership of the vast literature of Malay jawi genre that had been accumulated for centuries since the 15th Century. The Malay/Muslim community left its historical literary reference in library archives with the replacement of jawi to rumi. Between the years 1876 and 1920, at least 57 percent of published books in Singapore was jawi amounting to about 459 books. Out of this, 56 percent were in the form of general Malay folklores and Kitab tradition.51 Today, the disappearance of jawi as a literary medium has curtailed the Malay/Muslim community’s access to its own written heritage. 52

As the jawi script has been used for about 500 years within the Malay/Muslim heritage, its disappearance at the turn of the 20th century appears to have affected the akal-hati-budi of the community. As mentioned in this chapter, the Malays have been known to develop a rich literary tradition that represented the richness of their thoughts, belief and culture, and the inability of the current generation to read the jawi script hinders the appreciation of its own heritage and culture. This in turn devoid the Malay community from lessons and values that defined the community. Without identifying to its jawi literary tradition, the community had to

48 Vladimir. I. Braginskiĭ, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature, 1. 49 Faudzinaim Hj. Badaruddin, "Peranan Kitab Jawi Tasawuf Sebagai Medium Transmisi Ilmu Islam Kepada Masyarakat Melayu Nusantara,” International Journal of Islamic Thought, (2012): 25. 50 Faudzinaim Hj. Badaruddin, “Peranan Kitab Jawi Tasawuf,” 25. 51 I Proudfoot, 'A Formative Period in Malay Book Publishing', Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 59, 251 (1986): 101–32. 52 Khazriyati Salehuddin and Heather Winskel, “Experimenting Different Jawi Spelling Conditions to Gauge Their Cognitive Complexity,” GEMA Online Journal of Language Studies 15, 2 (2015): 52.

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re-orient its fundamentals within the context of modernity and secularism that was changing Singapore. Among others, the impact of this reorientation, affected the classical Malay/Muslim literary vision of ‘self-awareness’ resulting in how Hadijah Rahmat as quoted earlier, described the 20th century as a period of the Malay/Muslim community’s ‘self-analysis’.

The notions of indah, manfaat and kamal in the Malay/Muslim literary tradition were lost in this period of ‘self-analysis’ based on the disappearance of a key pedagogical instrument for the learning of the rich Malay/Muslim intellectual heritage – the jawi script and the thousands of jawi literary manuscripts. Due to this loss, in the interest of our research focus, the current Malay/Muslim generation had to reinvent its own understanding and application of the Qur’ān in the context of living as a minority community against the impact of modernisation and secularisation. This reinvention, as we shall discuss in the forthcoming chapters within our analysis of ‘macro context 2’, included how the current Malay/Muslim community reinterpreted the concept of wasaṭiyyah today.

4.4 The role of religion in shaping the Malay/Muslim community Another factor to illustrate the convergence of the values of wasaṭiyyah within the past Malay/Muslim community could be attributed to the peaceful arrival of Islam in the Malay world. Malay scholars such as Hamka and al-Attas have provided an analysis of the coming of Islam in the Malay world. Hamka (d. 1981), an Indonesian scholar, prolific author and religious leader, pointed to the collaborative roles of the Arabs of Mecca and the Malabar Indians in propagating Islam in the Malay world.53 Naquib al-Attas (b. 1931), a prominent contemporary Malaysian thinker and philosopher, asserted that Islam came to the Malay world ‘from the descendants of Bani Alawi of Hadramaut (in Yemen) which is a bloodline of Hussain, the grandchild of Prophet Muhammad’.54

A massive conversion of individuals of the Malay world to Islam occurred largely between the 13th and the 16th centuries. While factors such as trade and economic gains, rivalry between the Portuguese and the Malays and inter-marriages contributed to the mass conversion, the impact

53 Hamka, Sejarah Umat Islam (Selangor: PTS Publishing House Sdn. Bhd., 2016), 8. 54 Azmul Fahimi Kamaruzaman and Aidil Farina Omar, “Al-Attas’ Philosophy of History on the Arrival and Proliferation of Islam in the Malay World,” International Journal of Islamic Thought 10 (2016): 2.

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of Sufism ‘seem to be the most satisfactory explanation for the developments’. 55 Syed Farid Alatas (b. 1961), a contemporary Malaysian sociologist, observed that: The rise of sufi activity in the Muslim world after the defeat of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258 coincides with the beginning of large-scale Islamisation in the Malay Archipelago.56

Due to the role of Sufism in the mass conversion, the understanding and application of the values of wasaṭiyyah converged in the message of the Sufis in promoting a peaceful interpretation of Islam in the Malay world.

4.4.1 The role of Sufism (Taṣawwuf) in moulding a wasaṭi religious identity of the Malay/Muslim community The convergence of the values of wasaṭiyyah within the religious identity of the Malay/Muslim community can be found partly in the creative beauty and ethical message of Sufism (taṣawwuf). Its role in the coming of Islam in the Malay world has affected how Islam was embraced and practised by the Malay/Muslim community. Naquib al-Attas acknowledged this fact when he wrote: The Sufi preaching of the self-same Universal Spirit, that accounted for the identical expressions found in the doctrines of different religions, has made it possible, I strongly believe, for the plural societies that have existed in Malaya to live side by side peaceably and with a spirit of tolerance that is evident even to this day.57

Sufism is seen as a part of the message of Islam since the coming of Islam in the Malay world in the 13th century until today. In a recent royal address by His Royal Highness Sultan Nazrin Muizzudin Shah (b. 1956), the 35th Sultan of Perak in Malaysia, addressed: There is no denying that Sufism belongs to the great Islamic tradition and is widespread among Muslims almost everywhere, not least here in our region. We, as Malaysian Muslims, indeed owe a great debt to the Sufis who originally introduced us to Islam by spreading this religion peacefully in the Nusantara many centuries ago.58

55 Syed Farid Alatas, “Notes on Various Theories Regarding the Islamization of The Malay Archipelago,” The Muslim World 75, 3–4 (1985): 172. 56 Syed Farid Alatas, “Notes on Various Theories Regarding the Islamization of The Malay Archipelago,” 172. 57 Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas, Some Aspects of Ṣūfism as Understood and Practised among the Malays. Edited by Shirle Gordan. (Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute, 1963), 99. 58 His Royal Highness Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah, “Special Address ‘Reclaiming the Middle Way,” Islam and Civilisation Renewal 7, 1 (2015): 136.

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In an interview with the researcher, Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed (b. 1947), a senior religious scholar in Singapore, asserted that Taṣawwuf is still kept alive in the Malay/Muslim regions including Singapore till today, albeit with its challenges, through several means. According to Ustaz Ali, Sufism is kept alive through the proliferation of the theme of tazkiyyah al-nafs (purification of the self) within Islamic religious teachings, and through the presence of ṭarīqah or tarekat in Malay (Sufi order), which continues to attract membership with its orderly and systemic rituals and practices.59 In addition, when interviewed, Pak Hamzah (b. 1943), a Pencak Silat (Malay martial arts) teacher with more than 40 years of experience, asserted that the values of taṣawwuf are preserved within the artistic expressions and ethics (adab) of pencak silat and other forms of Malay martial arts and culture per se.60

While certain factions within the Malay/Muslim community such as the Kaum Muda61 and the Wahhabi movements who are inclined to a more purist interpretation of Islam in the name of reforming Islam have continued to challenge the Sufis as innovators of Islam,62 the pervasiveness of taṣawwuf within the majority of the Malay/Muslim community has remained vibrant until today.

The central teachings of taṣawwuf with its focus on tazkiyyah al-nafs (purification of the self) to produce good moral values converge with the Malay/Muslim’s central quest for beauty as previously outlined. As shown earlier of Braginsky’s categorisation of the Malay/Muslim literary tradition where the themes of beauty (indah), usefulness (manfaat) and spiritual perfection (kamal) were central, taṣawwuf with its focus on purification provides the means for the expression and experience of the aspects of indah, manfaat and kamal to attain perfection (Insan Kamil). The role of the local Malay Sufis, the Sufi saints and the Ghazālīan intellectual tradition, which we will discuss below, facilitated the underlying understanding and application of the values of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim world.

59 Interview with Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed on the 8th of December, 2016. 60 Interview with Pak Hamzah Kassim on the 16th of August, 2016. 61 Mohammad Redzuan Othman and Abu Hanifah Haris, “The Role of Egyptian Influences on the Religious Dynamics and the Idea of Progress of Malaya’s Kaum Muda (Young Faction) before the Second World War,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42, 4 (2015): 465–480. 62 Joseph Chinyong Liow, “Chapter 3: The Challenge of Islamic Reformism,” in Islam, Education & Reform in Southern Thailand: Tradition & Transformation (Singapore: ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, 2009), 78.

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4.4.2 Hamzah Fansuri as a model of a local Malay/Muslim Sufi The practise of Sufism in the Malay world has produced its own Sufis. During the reign of Iskandar Muda (d. 1636) from 1607 to 1636, Aceh ‘achieved its greatest territorial expansion and an international reputation as a centre of trade and of Islamic learning’.63 One Sufi personality, Hamzah Fansuri (d. c. 1590), played a significant role in making Aceh the centre of Islamic learning. While scholars of Malay studies, including al-Attas64, Drewes, Brakel65 and Braginsky,66 have argued about his birth, origin and death, they all agreed on his significant contribution to the Malay/Muslim literary tradition.

To date, 32 poems and 3 prose writings by Hamzah Fansuri have been discovered.67 According to al-Attas, Hamzah Fansuri was the first man to write shi’r or sha’ir (poetry).68 Fansuri entered the Malay/Muslim consciousness through his literary contribution to the process of Islamisation. Al-Attas remarked: At an age when taṣawwuf itself is seen to play a major role, both historically and doctrinally in Islam between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries, and when in the Malay Archipelago the process of Islamisation was undergoing important and far- reaching spiritual and intellectual movements in which taṣawwuf played the paramount role, it would be justifiable to posit the assumption that the introduction of the term shi’r, demonstration of its use, and magic of its influence would flow from the fountains of Sufi literature.69

Remarkably, Hamzah Fansuri also revealed his motive behind writing for the Malay/Muslim community. In the introduction to his poem entitled Sharabul ‘Ashiqin or ‘Drink of Lovers’ he said: Ketahui bahawa faqir da’if Hamzah Fansuri

63 Encyclopædia Britannica inc., s.v. "Iskandar Muda,” Encyclopædia Britannica, accessed February 25, 2011, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Iskandar-Muda. 64 Syed Naguib al-Attas, The Mysticism of Ḥamzah Fanṣūrī. (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970), 2. 65 Ḥamzah Fanṣūrī, Gerardus Willebrordus Joannes Drewes, and L. F. Brakel, The Poems of Hamzah Fansuri/Edited with an Introduction, a Translation and Commentaries, Accompanied by the Javanese Translations of Two of His Prose Works by G.W.J. Drewes and L.F. Brakel., Bibliotheca Indonesica: 26 (Dordrecht, Holland; Cinnaminson, U.S.A.: Foris Publications, 1986), 10. 66 V.I. Braginskiĭ and Ḥamzah Fanṣūrī, “Towards the Biography of Hamzah Fansuri. When Did Hamzah Live? Data from His Poems and Early European Accounts/Vladimir I. Braginsky,” Archipel 57 (1999): 135–75. 67 Fanṣūrī, Drewes, and Brakel, The Poems of Hamzah Fansuri/, 11. 68 Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, The Origins of the Malay Sha’ir (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1968), 44. 69 Attas, The Origins of the Malay Sha’ir, 44.

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hendak menyatakan jalan kepada Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala dan ma’rifat Allah dengan bahasa Jawi dalam kitab ini – insha Allah – supaya segala hamba Allah yang tiada tahu akan Bahasa Arab dan Bahasa Farsi supaya dapat memicharakan dia.

Al-Attas’s translation reads: Know that this insignificant one, this poor one, Hamzah Fansuri, wishes to make known to you the way to God, the Glorious, Most Exalted, and the gnosis of God through the medium of the Malay language in this treatise – God willing – in order that all servants of God who do not understand the Arabic and Persian languages may discourse upon it.70

The effect of Hamzah Fansuri’s contribution to the religiosity of the Malay/Muslim community is illustrated within these lines. Here, he placed himself as a faqir (the insignificant one) and daif (the poor one), which resonate with the moral values of humility and humbleness. The terms ‘faqir’ and ‘daif’ are used until today to showcase humility and humbleness. The underlying impact of such moral expressions within his poems demonstrates the importance of morality in religious life. This focus on morality became the central feature within the religious consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community. This centrality of morality as the basis of faith provided the basis for the values of wasaṭiyyah as a moral framework to be relevant within the Malay/Muslim community with regards to addressing the relations to God and fellow humans.

As discussed previously, within the Malay literary tradition, seeking a path to God was a common theme within the Malay/Muslim community. Hamzah Fansuri’s aim as highlighted above, to make the way to God known (menyatakan jalan kepada Allah), has echoed the Malays’ quest for perfection (kamal). Here, Fansuri is intellectually indebted to Rumi (d.1273) and Ibn ‘Arabī (d.1240). This emphasis on spiritual quest is to cultivate a sense of purpose in their mission to know God (ma‘rifat Allah). The term ‘hamba Allah’ (servant of God) projects

70 Attas, The Origins of the Malay Sha’ir, 45.

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the submissive self in relation to God. This expression of submission is commonly used by the Malays to express their servant hood to God.71

Hamzah Fansuri’s notion of translating, introducing, experiencing and preserving the God- consciousness in the Malay psyche was based on the Arabic and Persian texts. Hadijah Rahmat (b. 1958), a leading scholar of Malay-Indonesian studies, pointed out the central role of Hamzah Fansuri in the Malay world: Saya berpendapat Hamzah telah memperkenalkan suatu dimensi baru untuk memahami kehidupan dan keindahan. Karya-karyanya memacarkan kesatuan estetika, kepaduan, keutuhan dan kesejagatan yang membentuk perubahan dan pembangunan dalam sastera Melayu.72 Sesungguhnya, Hamzah melalui pengalaman peribadi dan dirinya sebagai fokus telah menukar konsep sastera, kepengarangan dan konsep diri. Paling penting beliau telah mengungkapkan perubahan dari segi persepsi kehidupan dunia Melayu.73 Meaning: I am of the opinion that Hamzah had introduced a new dimension to understand life and beauty. His writings gave rise to the harmonisation of aesthetics, coherence, integrity and universality that shaped change and development in the Malay literature. Indeed, through his own experience and his self as the focus, Hamzah had changed the concept of literature, authorship and the concept of self. Most importantly, he had expressed change from the perspective of life in the Malay world.

As discussed in chapter two where the element of change is central to the Prophet’s application of wasaṭiyyah within the Medinan community, the role that Hamzah Fansuri had played in changing the Malays’ perspectives of life, as asserted by Hadijah Rahmat above, showed evidence of wasaṭiyyah in his message. In one of his poems, Hamzah Fansuri explained the framework of ethical religious life, which is often heard within the halls of madrasahs and mosques in the Malay/Muslim world till today. He wrote: Alam nasut jadikan shariatmu

71 Timothy P. Daniels, Living Sharia: Law and Practice in Malaysia, Critical Dialogues in Southeast Asian Studies (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2017), 203. 72 Azman Ismail, “Hamzah Fansuri Tokoh Sastera Moden?,” Utusan Melayu (M) Bhd, accessed February 21, 2017, http://ww1.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2002&dt=0102&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Sastera&pg=sa_02. htm. 73 Azman Ismail, “Hamzah Fansuri Tokoh Sastera Moden?”

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Ibadat malakut ambil akan tariqatmu Ashiq jabarut pertemuan haqiqatmu Fana di dalam lahut akan ma’rifatmu Meaning: Let the sphere of man be your phase of the Law Take the cult of the sphere of Command for your Path Strive after the sphere of Omnipotence in quest of the Reality To vanish into the Divine Sphere will be your ultimate goal74

Hamzah Fansuri’s classification of the shariat-tariqat-haqiqat-ma’rifat framework has made an impact on how Islam is understood and applied in the Malay World. Until today, this framework remains a point of reference. Ustaz Haji Ali (b. 1947), a prominent religious scholar in Singapore today, stated: Syariah itu merupakan peraturan. Tariqah itu merupakan perlaksanaan. Haqiqah itu merupakan keadaan dan Makrifah itu adalah tujuan yang terakhir iaitu mengenal Allah swt. 75 Meaning: Syariah is the law. Tariqah is the action. Haqiqah is the condition and Makrifah is the end goal which is to know Allah the Glorious Most Exalted.

Ustaz Haji Ali’s explanation maintains the essence of Hamzah Fansuri’s rendition of this framework. The alam (sphere) of syariah (law) equals the peraturan (law in Malay). The ibadat (acts of worship) of tariqah (Sufi path) equates to the perlaksanaan (action). The ashiq (yearning) of haqiqah (reality) explains the keadaan (condition). And the fana (annihilation) of makrifah (knowledge) is in the tujuan yang terakhir (end goal). This fusion and continuity in the thinking of two religious figures from the 16th and 21st centuries shows the presence of an accepted religious structure centred on the shariat-tariqat-haqiqat-ma’rifat framework within the Malay/Muslim ethical religious practise.

74 Fanṣūrī, Drewes, and Brakel, The Poems of Hamzah Fansuri, 63. 75 Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed, “Pengamalan Tariqah Qadiriyah Naqsyabandiyah Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya,” in Tariqah & Pengamalannya (Singapore: Masjid Khadijah, 2002), 6.

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The former Head of the Ulama Council of Indonesia (Majlis Ulama Indonesia), KH Ali Yafie (b. 1926) reiterated the importance of this framework: Sasaran akhir dari pembinaan pribadi dalam pola hidup bertasawuf adalah hidup bersih, bersahaja, tekun beribadah kepada Allah, membimbing masyarakat ke arah yang diridlai Allah, dengan jalan pengamalan syari'ah dan penghayatan haqiqah dalam sistem/metode thariqah untuk mencapai ma'rifah.76 Meaning: The final aim in the development of the self within the framework of tasawwuf is to live purely, unpretentious, diligent in worshipping God, to guide the community towards God’s pleasure, through the application of syari’ah (law) and appreciation of haqiqah (reality) by following a tariqah (an action) to attain ma’rifah (knowledge).

In an interview with Ajid Thohir (b. 1968), an Indonesian scholar specialising in Malay/Muslim historiography, he asserted that the Nusantara’s (Malay term used to project the Malay world) adoption of the Sunni tradition is based on the role of the Sufis in developing an Islam, which recognises the importance of text and context. Hamzah Fansuri’s shariat-tariqat-haqiqat- ma’rifat methodological framework for understanding and applying Islam in the Malay world is an example of this. Ajid Thohir termed this application to be ‘exclusive’ within the context of Nusantara Islam (Islam within the Malay world). An example is the famous Wali Songo (the nine Saints of Java) in Indonesia who used creative wisdom in their missionary works that helped in Islamisation of Indonesia. According to Ajid Thohir, such examples show the Nusantara (the Malay world) Sunni’s conception of wasaṭiyyah.77

4.4.3 Habib Noh’s sainthood as a wasaṭi model within the Malay/Muslim community Sayyid Noh bin Sayyid Mohamad bin Sayyid Ahmad Al-Habshi (d. 1866), or better known as Habib Noh, arrived in Singapore from Penang in 1819. His arrival in Singapore was at the invitation of a Naqshabandi Sufi from Hadramaut, Habib Salim bin Abdullah Ba Sumayr (n.d.) who was residing in Singapore at that time.78 Arab Hadrami present in Singapore as traders and

76 KH Ali Yafie, “Syari’ah, Thariqah, Haqiqah Dan Ma’rifah,” Republika, accessed February 21, 2017, http://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/tasawuf/11/05/20/llhzjc-syariah-thariqah-haqiqah-dan-marifah. 77 Interview with Dr. Ajid Thohir on the 17th of June, 2017. 78 Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee and The Outreach Unit of Al-Firdaus Mosque, The Grand Saint of Singapore, ed. Ibrahim Tahir, trans. Nur Aisha Rahmat (Singapore: Kerjaya Printing Industries Pte Ltd, 2008), 30.

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religious teachers are well documented and have contributed immensely to the economic, political and religious spheres of Singapore’s social memory since the founding of modern Singapore.79

The role of Habib Noh is unique in contributing to the religious experience of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Habib Noh was known for his piety, ethical values, charisma and karāmah (miraculous acts). While he was known to spend time in reclusion atop Mount Palmer in Singapore, he was also very involved with the community where he tended to the poor, assisted the needs of the community, prayed for their deceased and attended their communal and religious events.80 This ability shown by Habib Noh to balance between religious piety and social activism projected an example of wasaṭiyyah for the minority Malay/Muslim community in Singapore at the beginning of modern Singapore.

Within his communal role, he was often sought to help families in distress. It has been claimed that Habib Noh prayed for coconut water to turn to milk for a child in need.81 In another instance, he helped avert one of his students from misfortunes at sea. He was also sought to heal the sick, and for many other miraculous feats.82 The significance of Habib Noh remains in the religious tradition of the Malay/Muslim community until today; his grave is visited daily and an annual haul (prayer event) is conducted to commemorate the day of his passing away. This annual haul reaching its 156th year in 2018 has attracted thousands of visitors yearly including renowned religious personalities and scholars worldwide.83 Efforts are now being made to preserve his resting place and the mosque built by his close friend, Haji Mohammad Salleh (n.d.).

However, Habib Noh’s greater contribution to the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore could be seen in the shaping of the community’s interpretation of Islam that was to emerge after the advent of colonialism. As an Arab and a descendant of the family of the Prophet, Habib Noh was already well-regarded by the community. In addition, Habib Noh’s appeal among the Malay/Muslim community was due in part to his assimilation into the Malay

79 See Ameen Ali Talib, “Hadramis in Singapore,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 17, 1 (2007): 89–96. 80 Bonny Tan, “Habib Noh,” Singapore Infopedia, accessed February 17, 2017, http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_1078_2009-09-25.html. 81 Interview with Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee on the 16th of February, 2017. 82 Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee and The Outreach Unit of Al-Firdaus Mosque, The Grand Saint of Singapore. 83 Maqam Habib Noh, “Haul Habib Noh,” Hj Muhd Salleh Mosque, accessed February 20, 2018, http://www.hjmuhdsalleh.org.sg/maqam/.

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community in Kampong Kaji where he lived.84 His marriage to a Malay wife, Anchik Hamidah, showed his attachment to the Malay community. His closeness to the Malay community was demonstrated by the insistence of his close friend, a Malay man originally from Batavia, Haji Mohammad Salleh, who built a surau (place of worship) for Habib Noh’s usage.85 Habib Noh had also lived in Telok Belanga, the area allocated by the British to the Malay royal family after their dismissal from Kampong Gelam, and this signalled his assimilation into the Temenggong’s Malay community.86

Nevertheless, despite his closeness to the Malay/Muslim community, Habib Noh’s inclusive attitude towards the wider community in Singapore could be seen in his frequent attendance at Chinese opera performances where he would watch the opera from start until the end. In return he was respected by the other races as well. The Chinese shopkeepers would even permit him to acquire items from their shops for free. He was known to provide food and assistance to the children and the poor within the Singaporean society at the time, and large numbers of children would be seen surrounding his company. To the British colonials, Habib Noh was a respected figure in the Muslim community, ‘reckoned as a prophet by the Mohammedans in this settlement for the last 50 years’.87

Habib Noh’s assimilation into the Malay community and inclusive attitude towards the majority non-Muslim community provided the foundation of how today’s generation define wasaṭiyyah as a minority Muslim community in a modern and secular Singapore. Habib Noh’s example showed the Malay/Muslim community the need to relate to other religious communities, while at the same time practising Islam faithfully. His values, miracles, teachings and ways played an important role in the development of an inclusive Islam that Singapore continues to follow today.

The reverence Habib Noh continues to enjoy in Singapore today, which can be seen not only in the constant visitations to his tomb, the annual haul, the articles and books written on him, but most importantly in the way he helped shape an understanding of Islam that is in line with

84 Interview with Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee on the 16th of February, 2017. 85 Bonny Tan and Marsita Omar, “Keramat Habib Noh,” Singapore Infopedia, accessed February 17, 2017, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_1573_2009-09-25.html. 86 Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee and The Outreach Unit of Al-Firdaus Mosque, The Grand Saint of Singapore. 87 The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, “The Singapore Free Press [Article],” The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser (1835–1869), 2 August 1866, 2, accessed February 16, 2017, eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/singfreepressa18660802-1.2.3.

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the expectations of a modern way of life. Thus, Habib Noh known as ‘the grand saint of Singapore’88 remains a great example of how a religious leader understood and applied wasaṭiyyah in modern Singapore.

4.4.4 The role of Al-Ghazālī in shaping a wasaṭi religiosity of the Malay/Muslim community Other than the roles of local Sufis and saints, much of the influence of Sufism in the Malay world can be attributed to the writings of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111). The status of al-Ghazālī is greatly appreciated by the Malay/Muslim community as found in the words of Afifi al-Akiti, a Malay/Muslim Oxford scholar, who remarked on the 900th anniversary of al- Ghazālī in The Muslim World: Forty-five score years ago the world witnessed the passing of a great man of religion who not only made his mark as the fifth-century mujaddid of his own faith, but also left his legacy to the two older Abrahamic religions. He is equally, it seems to me, Islam’s ha-Nesher ha-Gadol and Doctor Angelicus: the Hujjat al-Islam, Abu Hamid Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Ghazālī – the Shafi’I jurist, Ash’ari Sunni theologian and Sufi master – who died in that not very-easy-to-forget year of 1111 (505AH).89

While the Muslim world was illuminated by al-Ghazālī’s brilliance, the Malay/Muslim world too embraced his teachings. The role of al-Ghazālī in shaping the religious consciousness of the Malay/Muslim world has been studied and acknowledged by many scholars including Winstedt,90 al-Attas,91 Drewes,92 Azra,93 Said,94 Van Bruinessen,95 Riddell,96 and Moris.97 Al-

88 Interview with Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee on the 16th of February, 2017. 89 M. Afifi Al-Akiti, “On Celebrating the 900th Anniversary of Al-Ghazāli,” The Muslim World, 2011, 573. 90 Richard Olof Winstedt Sir, The Malays: A Cultural History. (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1961). 91 Al-Attas, Some Aspects of Ṣūfism as Understood and Practised among the Malays. 92 G. W. J. Drewes et al., Directions for Travellers on the Mystic Path: Zakariyyā Al-Anṣārī’s Kitāb Fatḥ Al- Raḥmān and Its Indonesian Adaptations: With an Appendix on Palembang Manuscripts and Authors., Verhandelingen van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde; 81 (The Hague : Nijhoff, 1977). 93 Azyumardi Azra, The Origins of Islamic Reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern Ùlamāʹ in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries / Azyumardi Azra., Southeast Asia Publications Series (Crow’s Nest, NSW, Australia: Asian Studies Association of Australia in association with Allen & Unwin; Honolulu, Hawai’i: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004). 94 Nurman Said, “The Significance of Al-Ghazālī and His Works for Indonesian Muslims: A Preliminary Study,” Studia Islamika 3, no. 3 (2014). 95 Martin van Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, Pesantren, Dan Tarekat: Tradisi-Tradisi Islam Di Indonesia / Martin van Bruinessen ; Pengantar, Abdurrahman Wahid. (Bandung: Mizan, 1995). 96 Peter G. Riddell, Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World: Transmission and Responses. (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2001). 97 Megawati Moris, “The Influence of Al-Ghazzali in the Malay World,” in Islamic Thought and Its Contemporary Relevance: A Discourse on Selected Issues, ed. Thameem Ushama (Selangor, Malaysia: IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia, 2011).

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Ghazālī ’s works have not only been translated into the Malay and Indonesian languages but have been at the centre of Malay/Muslim syarah (commentary) tradition98. Among al-Ghazālī’s works that have received attention in the Malay/Muslim community include his magnum opus, Iḥyā’ ‘ulūm al-dīn (Revival of the Religious Sciences)99, Bidāyah al-Hidāyah (Beginning of Guidance)100, Minhāj al-‘ābidīn (Path of Worshippers)101, and Ayyuhā al-Walad (O My Son)102.

These texts are kept alive in the Malay world through three different forms. First, through the literary tradition of translations (terjemahan) and commentaries (sharaḥ); these sharaḥ works have enriched the Malay/Muslim religious literary heritage. Hidāyat al-sālikīn written in Jawi script in Makkah by Shaykh Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani (d. 1789), who originated from Palembang in today’s Indonesia, was printed in Egypt. Megawati Moris (n.d.), a contemporary Malaysian scholar claimed that this work introduced the Jawi works to the Middle East and paved the way for more publications and printing of other Jawi religious texts.103 Another Jawi religious text, Siyār al-sālikīn or Sayr al-sālikīn by al-Palimbani was completed between 1779 and 1789. This work, showed the intuitiveness of the Malay scholar in providing an abridgement (mukhtaṣar) of al-Ghazālī ’s Ihyā’ ulūm al-dīn (Revival of the Religious Sciences). The Jawi translation of Ghazali’s Minhāj al-‘ābidīn by another Malay/Muslim scholar, Sheikh Dawud al-Patani was completed in Mecca in 1825 and printed in Istanbul for the first time in 1887. Another famous work by al-Ghazālī is a small treatise entitled Ayyuhā al-Walad. The first Malay translation of it was by Wan Hasan ibn Wan Ishaq from Besut, Kelantan, which was first printed in Mecca in 1850.

Second, these texts continue to thrive because they remain viable and are still widely utilised by most the Islamic educational institutions. In the past, when al-Palimbani realised the Malays’ lack of knowledge of the essential teachings of taṣawwuf and of the self-delusional scholars who misled them, he ‘applied al-Ghazali’s teachings in an attempt to solve the

98 Megawati Moris, 'The Malay Syarah (Commentary) of Al-Ghazaali’s Works (1700–1900)' Persidangan Antarabangsa Manuskrip Melayu 2014, (Kuala Lumpur: Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, 2014), accessed July 17, 2017, http://myrepositori.pnm.gov.my/xmlui/handle/123456789/1624. 99 Ghazzālī, Iḥyāʼ ʻulūm Al-Dīn. (Bayrūt : Dār al-Maʻrifah, 1980). 100 Ghazzālī and ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd Darwīsh, Bidāyat Al-Hidāyah / Li-Abī Ḥāmid Al-Ghazzālī ; Ḥaqqaqa Nuṣūṣahu Wa-Kharraja Aḥādīthahu Wa-ʻallaqa ʻalayhi ʻAbd Al-Ḥamīd Muḥammad Al-Darwīsh. (Bayrūt : Dār Ṣādir, 1998). 101 Ghazzālī and Khālid Aḥmad Ḥarbī, Minhāj Al-ʻābidīn / Ākhir Taṣnīf Li-Abī Ḥāmid Al-Ghazālī ; Dirāsat Wa- Taḥqīq Khālid Aḥmad Ḥasanayn ʻAlī Ḥarbī, (al-Iskandarīyah: Dār al-Wafāʼ li-Dunyā al-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr, 2007). 102 Ghazzālī, Ayyuhā Al-Walad / Taʼlīf Zayn Al-Dīn Abī Ḥāmid Muḥammad Ibn Muḥammad Ibn Muḥammad Ibn Aḥmad Al-Ghazzālī Al-Ṭūsī Al-Ṭābarānī Al-Shāfiʻī., (Jiddah: Dār al-Minhāj lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2013). 103 Moris, 'The Malay Syarah (Commentary) of Al-Ghazaali’s Works (1700–1900)', 4.

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intellectual and religious problems faced by the Malay community during his time’.104 This realisation contributed to the pervasiveness of the Ghazalian tradition, which is kept alive in the Islamic educational institutes within the Malay world such as the pondok pesantren (traditional boarding school), surau (a place for worship but on a scale smaller than a mosque), madrasah (religious schools), masjid (mosque), kelas-kelas (classes), syarahan (religious talks), and halaqah (a religious gathering).105These institutions in the Malay world have played the most effective role in educating the Muslim masses about Islam. Al-Ghazālī’s works and taṣawwuf have been made accessible for the masses through these institutions.106

Third, the proliferation of online media such as YouTube, Facebook, and others today have also contributed to al-Ghazālī’s influence on the Malay/Muslim religious experience. A YouTube search on the four mentioned books by al-Ghazālī will show the viewer online classes and explanation of the books by prominent Kiyai, Ustaz, and Sheikh in the Malay/Muslim world today. 107

To sum up, a key feature of Islam that had attracted the Malay world in the past was the presence of a wide range of ethical values promoted through Sufism (taṣawwuf). This was the result of the important role played by the local Sufis as well as translation of the works of great figures like al-Ghazālī and the teaching of such works at local educational institutions. From the wide range of ethical values such as humility and humbleness and the examples shown by local Sufis, the centrality of living a moral religious lifestyle exemplified by the Sufis in defining an Islamic way of life shaped the religious paradigm of the Malay/Muslim community. This focus on morality and moral values as a central feature of Islam sets the tone for today’s community to understand wasaṭiyyah within a moral-religious framework.

104 Megawati Moris and Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī / Ghazzālī, 'Making Knowledge Useful: Applying Al-Ghazālī’s Teachings in the Malay World', Islam and Civilisational Renewal 4, no. i (2013): 31. 105 Ghozi Mubarok, "Al-Ghazali: Reputasi Dan Pengaruhnya Di Pesantren," Dirosat: Journal Of Islamic Studies 1, No. 1 (2016): 10. 106 Ghozi Mubarok, “Al-Ghazali: Reputasi Dan Pengaruhnya Di Pesantren,” 9. 107 Examples of an online class of al-Ghazālī’s Ihyā’ ‘ulūm al-dīn, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wjmsnvmjsxo; al-Ghazālī’s Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RLnBXmM0gpc; al-Ghazālī’s Bidāyah Al-Hidāyah, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IeLkaw1x6rA; al- Ghazālī’s Ayyuha al-Walad, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eccbpfd3vx8.

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4.5 Conclusion: Wasaṭiyyah based on the aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion within the context of the Malay/Muslim community in 1819 Chapters three and four sought to uncover the prevalence of the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the past Malay/Muslim community through analysing four aspects of power, diplomacy, language, and religion. These aspects formed the ‘connector context’ or ‘the accumulated tradition, experience, and practice’ used in this research.

Based on these four aspects discussed in chapters three and four, this research concludes that there was no clear usage of the term wasaṭiyyah found within the past Malay/Muslim community. However, this research discovers two observations. Firstly, while the term wasaṭiyyah was rarely used, the three central features of wasaṭiyyah which are justice, middlemost, and balanced were present within the four aspects of power, diplomacy, literature, and religion of the past Malay/Muslim community. Secondly, there was a moral-religious prominence that shaped the style of power, diplomacy, literature, and religion of the past Malay/Muslim community. This moral-religious prominence is in harmony with the idea of wasaṭiyyah as a value-laden concept. Therefore, the convergence of the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the past Malay/Muslim community is based on these two observations.

Within the aspect of ‘power’, this research discovers that the notions of justice and balanced were used within the Malay/Muslim Sultanate. The Sultanate’s conception of Raja Adil (the Just King) as an ideal characteristic of a just king who mitigates justice between the customs of daulat (loyalty) and derhaka (disloyalty) among his people was a clear indication of the application of the notions of justice and balanced as components of wasaṭiyyah within the Sultanate’s power structure.

The aspect of ‘diplomacy’ of the past Malay/Muslim community was in harmony with wasaṭiyyah based on the peaceful manner of diplomacy or ‘budi diplomacy’ of the past Malay/Muslim community, especially in international relations. This was the mannerism among the past Malay/Muslim community in their interaction and relations with the global seafaring community, especially in the area of trade. This focus on mannerism based on budi implied the importance of a moral characteristic of diplomacy among the Malays which proves its association to wasaṭiyyah as a moral-religious concept.

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Within the aspect of ‘language’, the values of wasaṭiyyah was prevalent within the centrality of the theme of ‘self-awareness’ in Malay/Muslim literary heritage. The theme of ‘self- awareness’ placed importance to the features of indah (beauty), manfaat (benefit), and kamal (perfection) to the Malay/Muslim consciousness. The effect of the importance of these three features nurtured an identity of the Malay/Muslim community. The identity of the community was based on the need to harmonise or balance Islamic moral values with Malay adat (customs). In the aspect of ‘language’ as shown in this research, the assimilation of the Arabic script into the Malay Jawi script harmonises an aspect of Islam to the Malay/Muslim literary tradition. This act of ‘harmonising or balancing’ shows the association of the sphere of the past Malay/Muslim literary heritage to wasaṭiyyah.

Within the aspect of ‘religion’, this research discovers that Islam came to the Malay world through peaceful means owing to the centrality of Sufism based on the Sunni school of thought. This is the central feature of Nusantara Islam (Islam in the Malay Archipelago). Nusantara Islam was shaped by an emphasis on a moral ethical model of religiosity based on the path of Sufism. This quest for an ethical moral model resulted in the formulation and spread of the syariah-tariqah-haqiqah-makrifah framework in the Malay/Muslim community. This framework was formed based on the influence and appreciation of Ghazālian thought propagated by charismatic ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and awliyā’ (saints). The association of values relating to wasaṭiyyah was found in the adoption of a moral ethical focus in defining and practising Islam by the past Malay/Muslim community.

In conclusion, based on the evidence produced above on the understanding and application of these dynamics of power, diplomacy, language, and religion, the akal-hati-budi (rationality/belief/mannerism) of the past Malay/Muslim community converged with the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah. However, this convergence was oblivious as the literal usage of the term wasaṭiyyah was not used in the past. Due to this, the realisation that the past Malay/Muslim community understood and applied wasaṭiyyah remained oblivious.

The next chapter will move to discuss the next level of analysis that is the ‘macro context 2’ of the contextualist approach to reading the Qur’ān. ‘Macro context 2’ looks at the current context and will explain how the current leaders of the Malay/Muslim community understand and apply the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah in Singapore today.

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Chapter Five - The Evolution of Malay/Muslim Political Leadership and their Role in Contextualising Wasaṭiyyah in Singapore Today

5.1 Introduction This chapter along with chapters six and seven will examine ‘macro context 2’ of Saeed’s contextualist approach to understand the Qur’ān. According to Saeed, ‘macro-context 2’ refers to: the context in which the act of interpretation is occurring today’, in ‘the period in which the interpreter is living; the physical places in which society functions; contemporary cultural and religious norms; political ideas; economic institutions and ideas; and other systems, values, and norms. This context also includes the kinds of educational, economic, and political opportunities that are available, and the protection of the various rights that are afforded in modern societies.1

In this research, ‘macro context 2’ refers to the context of interpreting the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. These three chapters will focus on three key components of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, which consist of political leadership, the ʻulamāʼ, and religious education respectively. These forthcoming chapters will also explore how the political leadership, the ʻulamāʼ, and Singapore’s religious education have contextualised the concept of wasaṭiyyah within its Malay/Muslim community today.

This chapter focuses on Singapore’s Malay/Muslim political leadership. This chapter will analyse the evolution of the Malay/Muslim political leadership through the changes in Singapore’s progress as a modern nation. This chapter looks at four stages of the evolution of the Malay/Muslim political leadership since losing its political leadership to the British. First, with British colonialist governance, the Malay/Muslim political leadership went through an accommodative stage in mitigating British colonialist policies. Second, the community went through a period of assimilation with the influx of different groups of migrants into the new British free port. Third, they adopted a reformative approach by giving birth to new communal organisations and educational institutions against the impact of new communal and educational

1 Abdullah Saeed, Reading the Quran in the Twenty-First Century, 5.

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policies adopted by the British colonial powers in the early 20th century. Finally, post- independence, the Malay/Muslim political leadership adopted an inclusive approach by bridging national aspirations within its communal and religious aspirations.

In modern Singapore, the Malay/Muslim community is governed by the constitution and administered through boards and institutions that have been established by the government and the Malay/Muslim community. This chapter will also trace the formation of these means of governing and administering the community to understand the reasons for their formation and how theses boards and institutions play a role in the context of understanding and applying wasaṭiyyah.

This chapter will also investigate how the current Malay/Muslim political leaders in Singapore understand and apply the concept of wasatiyyah. Based on field research and interviews conducted with Yaacob Ibrahim and Masagos Zulkifli, former and current Ministers-in-charge of Muslim affairs, and Alami Musa, the President of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore, the researcher will analyse how they, as leaders and representatives of the Malay/Muslim community, have understood and applied the concept of wasatiyyah in the context of living as a Muslim minority in a secular and modern nation today.

Based on the analysis in this chapter, it can be seen that today’s understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah by the political leaders within the Malay/Muslim community are based on the convergence of national goals with communal and religious principles to build an inclusive and progressive Singaporean Muslim identity.

5.2 Redefining wasaṭiyyah of the past Malay sultanate to living in a colonised modern Singapore The United Nations provides a working definition for indigenous people as follows: Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on those territories, or parts of them. At present they form the non-dominant sectors of the society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their

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continued existence as people, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal system.2

For the Malays, being indigenous has always been associated with their ‘culture, language and Islam’, against any other conception of nationhood.3 It breeds a sense of belonging to the country, place and time. A letter dated 19th of May, 1846 published in the Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, a 19th Century mainstream newspaper in Singapore, explained the efforts of several British adventurers to travel deeper into the hills surrounding Singapore; the writer transcribed a random conversation among ‘our Malay companions’, which he overheard: Now you see these orang pootih (white men) they neither fear God nor devil, - they laugh at the power of hantus (ghosts), and tread on our holy places with their shoes on – don’t you know of the Tanjong Kota de Singapora where Captain Istiphin blew up the rocks hurled there by the mighty and illustrious Badang and the Kramat at Rocho.4

This conversation provided some insights into the difference between the worldviews of the indigenous Malays against the ‘orang pootih’. This dichotomy was to shape the relationship of the two different worldviews of the Malays against the British colonials. The conversation above portrayed a view of the attitude of the Malays in reaction to the ‘orang pootih’. The letter showed some of the sensitivities and values of the Malay companions who witnessed destruction of their ‘holy places’.

As projected in the extract above, ‘Badang’ is a figure in Malay folklore that is associated with the centrality of power, will and might to overcome difficulties, while the ‘Kramat’ is associated with respect to the resting place of a saint. ‘Badang’ symbolises the Malay power, while ‘Kramat’ symbolises Islamic sainthood. In the story above, both symbols were blown away by the foreign colonial Captain who represented the exogenous migrant with an alien philosophy against the local context.

2 Secretariat of the Permanent Forum, on Indigenous Issues, and Secretariat of the Permanent Forum, 'The Concept of Indigenous Peoples', Workshop on Data Collection and Disaggregation for Indigenous Peoples (New York, January 19, 2004). 3 Khoo Kay Kim, "Malay Society, 1874–1920s," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, (1974): 190. 4 Sorong Iang Purgi, “Correspondence [Article],” The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, May 28, 1846. 2, accessed July 17, 2017, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/singfreepressa18460528-1.2.3?oref=article-citation.

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With the arrival of the British in Singapore in 1819, many aspects of belief, culture, and ways of life of the Malay/Muslim community were being challenged. Further in the letter, the writer provided some characteristics of the indigenous Malays in Singapore at the time. When telling of the beasts of the forest I have always found the Malay in his element – they are close observers of nature and most of their standard proverbs are drawn from the peculiar habits of the lower animals. It were (sic) interesting to relate these stories which contain much novelty and attraction – especially as regards the encounters of the wild animals with these simple people, who without the unerring rifle or gun must have recourse to other means to get out of the scrape when they meet with them.5

This letter provided another glimpse of the characteristic of the Malay/Muslim community in the 19th Century. While the arrival of the ‘orang pootih’ opened new ventures in Singapore, their encounters with the Malays provided new insights about the native community. This was evident in Raffles’ admiration of the Far East, including the wide array of manuscripts, which he had religiously collected and preserved, only to be lost in the fire that engulfed his ship called the Fame on his journey back to London in 1824.6 In this chapter, it is interesting to reflect on how the convergence of the indigenous Malays’ interaction with the exogenous ‘orang pootih’ has helped, in part, to shape the wasaṭiyyah of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today.

However, this indigeny-exogeny interaction was not limited to the colonials; the Malay/Muslim community saw the arrival of a ‘divergent collection of people who arrived during the colonial period’,7 of different colours and languages to their shores; some with similar cultures and beliefs as them, while others with foreign ways. Khoo Kay Kim (b. 1937), a leading Malaysian historian remarked: The whole pattern of urban living was new to the Malays and in the new urban centres, the Chinese and Indian immigrant population so dominated all forms of economic

5 Sorong Iang Purgi, “Correspondence [Article],” 2. 6 “1824 - Sir Stamford Raffles: The Wreck of the Fame,” British Library: Learning Texts in Context, accessed February 17, 2017, http://www.bl.uk/learning/langlit/texts/ship/raffles/stamfordraffles.html. 7 Rizwana Abdul Azeez, Negotiating Malay Identities in Singapore: The Role of Modern Islam., The Sussex Library of Asian and Asian American Studies (Brighton; Chicago; Toronto: Sussex Academic Press, 2016), 26– 27.

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activities that the Malays could hardly hope to fit into a situation where social relations were, from the first, communal in nature and cultural differences extremely marked.8

In the mid-19th century until the mid-20th century, Singapore, Melaka and Penang were known as the ‘Straits Settlement’ – a group of territories governed by the British. Singapore was well ahead of Melaka and Penang because of its strategic location and the Chinese guanxi (connections) 9 that made it an important hub for the region.10 Urban living was introduced to the Malay/Muslim community without them being prepared to understand what urban and cosmopolitan life was all about. It was not that the Malays had never experienced any foreign contacts or seen any foreign cultures and lifestyles. The Malay world has had vibrant interactions with other nations and civilizations since the 10th century,11 but times had changed by the dawn of modern Singapore. Needs and conditions of the Malay world had changed. The Malay world’s diplomatic strength based on their notion of budi (goodwill) could not prevent the coming of colonialism. Due to the geopolitics of the time, the Malay/Muslim community had to embrace the colonials with the hope that opening up the shores of Singapore will allow continuous peace and prosperity.

5.2.1 Acculturation and assimilation of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore It is the notion of budi (goodwill) that has allowed the diplomacy of the past Malay/Muslim communities to facilitate the acceptance of the ‘other’ with little resistance. This ‘sense of being inclusive’, explained that Yaacob Ibrahim, the former Minister of Malay/Muslim Affairs in Singapore, is the foundation that characterised the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore.12 This sense of inclusivity among the individuals of the Malay/Muslim community allowed acceptance of the ‘other’ during those early years of the founding of modern Singapore.

Acculturation and assimilation are the key concepts that defined the Malay/Muslims’ understanding of inclusivity. Both concepts determined the level of inclusiveness of the

8 Khoo Kay Kim, “Malay Society, 1874–1920s,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, September 1974, 183. 9 Raman Daud, email communication, March 10, 2015. 10 Irene Y. M. Yeung and Rosalie L. Tung, “Achieving Business Success in Confucian Societies: The Importance of Guanxi (Connections).,” Organisational Dynamics 25, no. 2 (September 1996): 54–65. 11 Schottenhammer, “The ‘China Seas’ in World History: A General Outline of the Role of Chinese and East Asian Maritime Space from Its Origins to c. 1800.” 12 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. At the time of the interview, Yaacob Ibrahim was the Minister in-charge of Muslim Affairs in Singapore. He retired as the Minister on 1st of May, 2018.

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Malay/Muslim community at the arrival of different groups of migrants in Singapore since 1819.

Tara M. Johnson, author and researcher, in her study of acculturation across the globe defined acculturation as follows: Acculturation is the exchange of cultural features that results when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first hand contact; the original cultural patterns of either or both groups may be altered, but the groups remain distinct.13

The process of acculturation took place in the Malay/Muslim community through their interaction with the orang pootih (the British colonials), the Chinese and Indians. While the Malay/Muslim community welcomed the colonials and the new immigrants from China and India, the differences in their language, religion and culture shaped the degree of their acculturation with these groups of migrants. The Malay/Muslim community acculturated to the diversity of the lifestyles, goals and belief systems of these groups of migrants.

An example of this acculturation was found in the relationship that Raffles and Farquhar had established with the Malay rulers based on mutual respect. In Hikayat Abdullah, Abdullah Munsyi recorded that the day Farquhar left Singapore in December 1823 was filled with tears and sadness among the Malay/Muslim community and the people of Singapore.14 However, this mutual respect between the Malays and British was soon tested in the context of Singapore’s continuous economic expansion and progress.

The Malays’ respect for the British was challenged especially with the coming of different British officials who governed Singapore but did not share the sense of respect that both Raffles and Farquhar had shown to the Malays and the people of Singapore. As a result of different British policies, the Malay/Muslim community lost its share in governance. The Istana (Sultan’s Palace) and the Temenggong’s base were moved and changed by building new roads that cut through the villages once controlled by the Temenggong and his people.15 This resulted

13 Tara M. Johnson, Acculturation. [Electronic Resource] : Implications for Individuals, Families and Societies, Social Justice, Equality, and Empowerment (New York : Nova Science Publishers, 2011), vii. 14 Munshi Abdullah and A. H. Hill, The Hikayat Abdullah : The Autobiography of Abdullah Bin Abdul Kadir, 1797–1854. (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1985). 15 Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munsji, Hikajat Abdullah.

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not only in slow dissolution of trust between the Malay/Muslim community with their British rulers, but also showed how lopsided the relationship was in terms of sharing of power. In the end, the Malay rulers lost their power and their right to collect tax revenues from migrant arrivals. This cessation of power led to the end of the Malay/Muslim rule in Singapore.

The loss of power resulted in the loss of their allocated land as well. The Malay indigenous community was displaced from Kampung Gelam, which was the centre of the Malay Sultanate complex, and were relocated to Telok Blangah, a 200-acre land ‘composed of mangrove swamps where the water was generally brackish’.16

Another challenge that the indigenous Malay/Muslim community in Singapore had to face at that time came in the form of assimilation with new migrants from the larger Malay/Muslim communities who arrived from the neighbouring Malay states. This assimilation in 1819 started the formation of the new Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Burgess and Park defined assimilation as: A process of interpenetration and fusion in which persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of other persons or groups; and, by sharing their experience and history, are incorporated with them in a common cultural life.17

Therefore, while the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore acculturated with the colonials, the Chinese and the Indian migrants, at the same time, the community had to assimilate with the migrant Malays, which included the Bugis, Javanese, Boyanese, Acehnese and others who came from neighbouring Nusantara states, within the Malay Archipelago. The Malay/Muslim community also assimilated with the Arabs and Indian Muslims who had arrived and migrated to Singapore. Quoting the late Malaysian writer and editor, Abdul Samad Ismail (d. 2008), Raman Daud, a senior journalist at the only mainstream Malay language newspaper in Singapore today – Berita Harian – mentioned that among those who migrated to Singapore at the time included three waves of ‘influential’ Malays. They were the traders such as the Bugis trader Hj Omar Ali (father of Ambok Sooloh), Fatimah Sulaiman (of Masjid Hajah Fatimah) and others. The political exiles such as Raja Ali Haji, the last and the greatest Malay pujangga

16 Manogaran Suppiah, “The Temenggongs of Telok Blangah: The Progenitor of Modern Johor,” in Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819-1965. Ed. Khoo Kay Kim, Elinah Abdullah, Wan Meng Hao (Subang Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk, 2006), 43. 17 E. W. Burgess and Robert Ezra Park, Introduction to the Science of Sociology. [Electronic Resource], Project Gutenberg: 28496 (Project Gutenberg, 2009), 735.

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(scholar/philosopher), Ibrahim Hj Yaacob, and Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy (who formed PAS) and others. Last, artists such as Sharif Medan, the father of bangsawan, P Ramlee the doyenne of Malay films, and Zubir Said the composer of Singapore's National Anthem.18

Due to the arrival of Malays from different parts of the Nusantara (Malay Archipelago) into Singapore since 1819, the local Malays assimilated with their fellow Nusantara Malays, and this naturally had a significant impact on the Malay/Muslim community. ‘Malayness’ thus encompasses the diversity of the different subgroups such as the Javanese, Boyanese, Indians and Arabs. Therefore, the ‘Malayness’ of the local community evolved to include a variety of values, cultures and understandings of faith, which enriched the meaning of being a Singaporean Malay/Muslim. The Indian Muslims and Arabs also assimilated with the Malays.19 Although each of these two exogenous communities, the Indian Muslims and the Arabs, still maintain their uniqueness, they came to identify with the Malay/Muslim community.

5.2.2 Language, culture and religion as the three markers of the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community The assimilation of indigenous Singaporean Malays resulted in the Malays acquiring diverse values and practices of both the migrant Malays and the non-Malay Muslims who had arrived in Singapore. Thus, this led to redefinition of the meaning of being a Malay/Muslim in Singapore. In time, the assimilation process among all these different Malay/Muslim groups, their diverse cultures and values resulted in a singular community; the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community. Tirtosudarmo, an Indonesian author and researcher, stated the following: ‘Malay’ is a hybrid identity formed by combinations of antipathies and interchanges predating the one-way street view of late nineteenth-century colonialism.20

18 Raman Daud, email communication, dated 10th of March, 2015. 19 Osman Abdullah Chuah, Abdul Salam M. Shukri, and Mohd Syukri Yeoh, “Indian Muslims in Malaysia: A Sociological Analysis of a Minority Ethnic Group,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 31, no. 2 (June 2011): 217–30. 20 Riwanto Tirtosudarmo, “The Orang Melayu and Orang Jawa in the ‘Lands Below the Winds,’” Working Paper (Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford, UK: Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE), March 2005).

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Due to this assimilation of language, faith and culture, over time, daily interaction and intermarriages,21 three markers, termed by Raman Daud in an interview with the researcher, in defining the Malay identity became ‘practicing Malay language and culture and professing Islam’.22

These three markers were also highlighted by other scholars. William R. Roff (d. 2013), the renowned professor and historian of Southeast Asian and Muslim societies, agreed on the symbolic strength of a common language among the Malays. He pointed out that the following: Language has a peculiarly intimate relationship with cultural identity, both as the most expressive vehicle for a society’s beliefs, values, and sentiments for its innermost spirit and as a means of self-recognition. It is not surprising that in Malaya, as elsewhere, one of the first signs of a conscious ethnicism ignoring local political boundaries was a concern for the nurture of the language as symbol and expression of group.23

Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas (b. 1931), the renowned Arab Malay professor of Islamic thought in Malaysia, pointed out about the intertwined nature of the Malays and Islam when he observed that: Sifat dan hakikat tamaddun dan kebudayaan Melayu itu adalah sifat dan hakikat Islam, dan tiada dapat dipisahkan keduanya ini dalam konsepsi ilmiah yang tulen.24 Meaning: The characteristic and reality of the civilisation and culture of the Malays are the characteristics and reality of Islam, and both cannot be separated from the true conception of knowledge.

Assimilation thus resulted in the emergence of a Singaporean Malay/Muslim cultural tradition. From 1850 to 1960, Singapore was regarded by many scholars as a key Malay centre for intelligentsia, printing and a vibrant film/music industry. Singapore was a melting pot for various Malay ethnic groups and other Muslims allowing intermarriages and sharing of

21 Chuah, Shukri, and Yeoh, “Indian Muslims in Malaysia”; Ameen Ali Talib, “Hadramis in Singapore,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 20, 2007): 89–96. 22 Raman Daud, email communication, dated 10th of March, 2015. 23 William R. Roff, “The Malayo-Muslim World of Singapore at the Close of the Nineteenth Century,” The Journal of Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (November 1964): 75. 24 Syed Naguib al-Attas, Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu. (Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972), 63.

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cultures. The first Malay newspaper in Singapore, Jawi Peranakan (1876), came about as a result of the work of Straits-born Muslims of mixed Indian (especially Tamil) and Malay parentage.25

The awareness among the Malays of the importance of education and socio-economic progress led to the formation of the first quasi political body in the Malay world – Kesatuan Melayu Singapura in 1926. It was the brainchild of Mohd Eunos Abdullah (d. 1933), the first Malay in the Colonial Legislative Assembly, who was instrumental in the 1920s for the creation of the Kampung Melayu – an environment where Malays could, in Eunos’s words, ‘live among their own people in the manner to which they were accustomed’.26 Singapore saw the episode of the Malay reawakening that led to the struggle for independence of Malaya or Merdeka, after the Japanese Occupation (1942–1945), especially after the formation of Angkatan Sasterawan '50 or Asas ’50 (Singapore Writers’ Movement) in 1950. Asas ’50 was responsible for galvanising the Malay literati to support the usage of three Malay Languages and Literary Congresses (1952 in Singapore, 1954 in Seremban and 1956 in JB and Singapore)27. The impact of Asas ’50 on the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore was the presence of ‘the voice of the community and one which utilised literature to be the ideal thrust towards independence for Malaya in 1957’.28

This assimilation with its share of challenges and problems between the different subgroups produced a certain kind of richness in the Malay/Muslim community, while diluting to some extent the uniqueness of each migrant community. The process of assimilation in Singapore continued post-independence and gave birth to the cosmopolitan nature of being a Singaporean Malay/Muslim minority today. Michael D. Barr and Jevon Low asserted that: The programme of assimilation in these first decades of independence was focused on a vision of a highly rational, implicitly contractual multiracialism, whereby stability was assured by guaranteeing respect for the mores of the ethnic communities, but only

25 William Roff, The Origins of Malay Nationalism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967), 48. 26 Joel S. Kahn, Other Malays: Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism in the Modern Malay World., Southeast Asia Publication Series (Singapore: Asian Studies Association of Australia in association with Singapore University Press and NIAS Press, 2006.), 10. 27 Raman Daud, email communication, dated 10th of March, 2015. 28 "About Angkatan Sasterawan ’50,” Angkatan Sasterawan ’50, accessed 20th of April, 2017, http://asas50.com/about/.

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within the limits imposed by the government’s modern, capitalist nation-building programme.29

The indigenous Malays of Singapore were able to progress under colonialism and post- independence due to their willingness to undergo the process of acculturation and assimilation. They were also remarkable in their ability to change and to adapt to changes, which ensured their survival. As discussed in chapter two, the idea of change is integral to the concept of wasaṭiyyah.30 The evidence of wasaṭiyyah in the Malay/Muslim community at this period of change could be seen in their ability to manage the processes of acculturation and assimilation. Their ‘sense of inclusivity’ too provided an association to the idea of a wasaṭi community.

5.3 Nurturing a wasaṭi political leadership within the assimilated Malay/Muslim community of the 20th Century Since the founding of modern Singapore in 1819 until today, Singapore has gone through its own reformation especially in the area of governance. There are four modes of governance as identified by Lee Soo An: The first is the Singapore run by the East India Company (EIC) and the India Office of the British government up to 1867. Second is the Singapore run as part of the Straits Settlements colony of the British government from 1867 onwards. Third is the Singapore as a British colony from 1946, initially completely run by the British and then internally self-governing, ending with Singapore being part of Malaysia in 1963– 1965. The fourth mode is that of a Singapore governed as an independent republic from 1965.31

The Malay/Muslim community in Singapore was directly affected by these changes in the governance. Change was a constant for the community. Thus, the need to adapt caused the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community to continuously remain open to change. Milner projected the sentiments of the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community when he said: What is more, it seems to me that wherever we look, it has proved impossible to find a notion of being ‘Malay’ that has achieved stability – that has become secure. It is an

29 Michael D. Barr and Jevon Low, “Assimilation as Multiracialism: The Case of Singapore’s Malays,” Asian Ethnicity 6, no. iii (2005): 164–65. 30 Refer to Chapter two. 31 Soo Ann Lee, “Governance and Economic Change in Singapore,” Singapore Economic Review 60, no. 3 (August 2015), 1.

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idea in motion – something which can present danger as well as opportunities. Malayness is often a matter of anxiety: it is always open to contest.32

‘Reformation’ was understood by the Malay/Muslim community as the need to act pragmatically to the changes that were affecting Singapore and their livelihood as an indigenous community. Change was embraced by the community, with a mix of willingness and despair. As described by Syed Khairuddin Aljunied: Colonialism brought inequalities in terms of wealth, ethnic background and class. Malays were confined to the rural areas, where they worked in the fields and were hobbled by poverty, while the members of the trading class, who were largely Indians, Arabs, Persians, Europeans and Chinese, lived luxurious lives. Only a few Malays gained from the country’s prosperity.33

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Malay/Muslim community was not only in the midst of change but was also witnessing the impact of change on their lives. As mentioned, colonialism was the impetus for the change, while capitalism was the machinery that affected change. As a result, reformation was necessary as the community’s lifestyle was forced to change and adapt. In the 20th century, the evidence of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community were seen in the need to reform to face the challenges posed by colonialism and capitalism. While remaining oblivious to projecting wasaṭiyyah, the Malay/Muslim community had to cope with different challenges such as mitigating different social norms, tolerating diversity of inter and intra religious practices, expansion of cultural appreciation, development of education and literary capabilities and new political and economic challenges.34

As shown above, the arrival of new migrants in Singapore changed the norms and long accepted practices of the indigenous Malay/Muslim community. The Orang Laut’s method of fishing and seafaring as a livelihood pre-Raffles’ arrival was being contested by the need for a new set

32 Anthony Crothers Milner, The Malays. [Electronic Resource], The Peoples of South-East Asia and the Pacific (Malden, MA; Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell Pub., 2008), 17. 33 Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, “A Theory of Colonialism in the Malay World,” Postcolonial Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2011): 17. 34 Syed Farid Alatas, “Sociology of the Malays,” in The Making of Singapore Sociology: Society and State, ed. Tong Chee Kiong and Lian Kwen Fee (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 2002).

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of expertise and skills. Education was revamped.35 The Malays’ attitude towards learning was remodelled with a formalised education system based on the colonialists’ standards. The past philosophy of indah (beauty), manfaat (benefit) and kamal (perfection) as important quests in the Malay/Muslim life was replaced by a multiracialism and multicultural philosophy since the arrival of Raffles.36 Leadership helmed by the Malay Sultans, which had remained uncontested among the masses as the authority of the Sultans was envisioned as a representation of God’s absolute authority, was now contested between the indigenous Malay/Muslim community and the new migrant communities both on a communal and national levels.37

5.3.1 Institutional reforms to administer the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community The beginning of institutional reforms, which affected the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore, was evident in 1877, when a petition was sent to the British colonial rulers from 143 ‘Mahomedan inhabitants of Singapore’ for the appointment of a ‘Mahomedan Registrar’ and a kadi to record Muslim marriages and divorces.38 The term ‘Mahomedan’ or ‘Mohammedan’, which means the followers of Prophet Muhammad, has been used in the Western world since the 17th century to refer to the Muslims.39 The petition highlighted the need for imams (religious leaders) to be licensed by the government after an examination of their qualifications and integrity by the appointed Registrar who was knowledgeable of the Muslim laws. No marriages were to be recognised except those conducted by these imams. This petition signalled the reality of the changing times where the validity of marriages was based on the existence of proper records, without which the legitimacy of children and inheritance would be affected based upon colonial court proceedings. As a result of the petition, the Mahomedan Marriage Ordinance No. V of 1880 was enacted by the British colonial

35 Tan Yao Sua, “The British Educational Policy for the Indigenous Community in Malaya 1870–1957: Dualistic Structure, Colonial Interests and Malay Radical Nationalism,” International Journal of Educational Development 33, no. 4 (July 2013): 337. 36 Barr and Low, “Assimilation as Multiracialism: The Case of Singapore’s Malays,” 161. 37 Hussin Mutalib, “The Quest for Leadership Legitimacy among Singapore Malays.,” Asian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (April 2012): 72. 38 Elinah Abdullah, Khoo Kay Kim, and Wan Meng Hao, Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819–1965. Ed. Khoo Kay Kim, Elinah Abdullah, Wan Meng Hao (Subang Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk, 2006), 126. 39 OED Online, s.v. "Mohammedan, n. and adj.," Oxford University Press, accessed April 3, 2018, http://www.oed.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/view/Entry/123383?redirectedFrom=Mahommedan&.

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rulers;40 the first legal constitution of Muslim marriages and divorces was drawn for the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore.41

The early 20th century saw the formation of boards, societies and associations by the Malay/Muslim community and they all had specific aims and objectives. Muslims in Singapore have had some control over issues pertaining to marriage, divorce and other civil matters as a result of the Mahomedan Marriage Ordinance No. V of 1880.42 This legal framework for Muslim marriages and divorces was later enhanced with the establishment of the Mahomedan and Hindu Endowment Ordinance to administer, manage and supervise endowments for Muslims and Hindus in the 1905 Ordinance.

In need of a formal institutional body that could represent the Muslim community within the British colonial government, in 1915, the Mohammedan Advisory Board was formed to: act as a means of expression for the Mohammedan community in matters relating to their religious affairs, customs, health and conditions. Those who had any desire to communicate with the Government could now do so with the help of the board after the matter had been considered. The board’s decisions and opinions would have considerable weight on the Government.43

Two prominent Malay/Muslim representatives gave a speech on the occasion of the formation of the Board in the Municipal Offices attended by the Hon. R. J. Wilkinson (d. 1941), Colonial Secretary on 19 June 1915.44 A representative of the Malay/Muslim community named Tungku Hadji Mohamed (n.d.) thanked the colonial government for the formation of the Board in his speech. He reflected that the Malay/Muslim community had longed for such a board, and he thanked the colonial government for establishing it. He envisioned that the role of the Board was for both the community and the government.45

40 Ministry of Culture, Community, and Youth, “Registry of Muslim Marriages,” accessed May 25, 2018, https://www.romm.gov.sg/about_romm/romm_profile.asp 41 Abdullah, Khoo Kay Kim, and Wan Meng Hao, Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819-1965, 125-126. 42 A. Green, Honouring the Past, Shaping the Future: The MUIS Story: 40 Years of Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2009). 43 The Straits Times, “New Advisory Board,” The Straits Times, June 19, 1915. 44 The Straits Times, “New Advisory Board.” 45 The Straits Times, “New Advisory Board.”

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Interestingly, as reflected in a newspaper report in the Straits Times on 19th of June, 1915, his speech highlighted the spirit of wasaṭiyyah of the time in relation to the function of the Board. First, in relation to the needs of the Government in administering Mohammedan affairs, ‘the board would be of valuable service to them’.46 Second, he called upon the members of the Board ‘not to be ashamed (malu) to speak their minds freely, and to be generous in their conduct towards the community’s affairs’.47 Within the context of being colonised and in need of assistance, Tungku Hadji Mohamed’s show of gratitude to the colonial government and his call for members of the Board not to be ashamed and to be generous can be seen as a reflection of the values of wasaṭiyyah that was present within the Malay/Muslim political leadership in Singapore at that time. Asserting these shared values, another representative Nur Mohamed Hashim (n.d.) speaking on behalf of the Board expressed that the community ‘had always looked with confidence to the British Government, after God, for justice, but they now felt more closely drawn to the Government than ever before’48 with the formation of the Board.

How the Malay/Muslim leaders reacted to the formation of the Board provided a sense of the relationship that the community had with the British colonial government. Such a reaction also projected the way the Malay/Muslim political leadership envisioned the community’s progress with regards to their welfare and religious affairs. The emphasis on ‘justice’ as a key feature of governance mentioned by Nur Mohamed Hashim provided evidence of the prevalence of the value of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim political leadership at the time, as justice is among the key moral values associated to the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

Based on this historical event of the formation of the Mohammedan Advisory Board in 1915, the reactions of the community’s representatives provided clear evidence of values denoting wasaṭiyyah in the form of applying justice, showing gratitude, working closely with the colonial government and generosity in dealing with the community’s affairs. These values became the foundation of subsequent enhancement of these wasaṭi features in administering the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore by the Malay/Muslim political leaders.

46 The Straits Times, “New Advisory Board.” 47 The Straits Times, “New Advisory Board.” 48 The Straits Times, “New Advisory Board.”

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5.3.2 Impact of racial riots on the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community Even though the indigenous Malay/Muslim community did not use violence or rioted with the coming of colonial rule in Singapore in 1819, Singapore in those early periods was not spared from rioting and violence by its citizens. The Anti-Catholic riots led by the Chinese migrant community in 1851 where an estimated 500 people were killed and 28 plantations burnt was the effect of disputes between the Chinese migrant community who had converted to Roman Catholicism and the Chinese secret society gangs.49 The Anti-Catholic riots remained as one of the earliest riots and violence that had occurred in modern Singapore.50 Chinese-led riots in Singapore continued till the end of the 19th century. Examples included the Hokkien-Teochew Riots (1854) with the death of almost 500 people and destruction of 300 homes,51 and the Chinese Post Office riots (1876).52

With the coming of the 20th century, Singapore continued to be disturbed by violence and rioting. The 1915 Sepoy Mutiny, which occurred in Singapore involving Indian soldiers within the British regiment, was a unique case where ethnic and religious loyalties were stirred.53 Communist-led riots resulted in the Kreta Ayer riots of 1927, and the May Day riot of 1940.54 The non-participation of the Malay/Muslim community in these riots indicated their wasaṭiyyah nature and the absence of violence and riots within the community.55

However, the 1950s saw a significant change in the Malay/Muslim community with regards to the use of riots and violence as a means of voicing their concerns and perceived injustice. While three of the five major riots that occurred between 1950 and 1964 involved the Chinese

49 Carl A. Trocki, Opium and Empire: Chinese Society in Colonial Singapore, 1800-1910, Asia, East by South (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1990), 109. 50 J. F. Conceicao, Singapore and the Many-Headed Monster: A Look at Racial Riots against a Socio-Historical Ground (Singapore: Horizon Books, 2007), Appendix. 51 Ong Siang Song, One Hundred Years’ History of the Chinese in Singapore (Singapore ; New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 88. 52 Straits Times Overland Journal, “The Riot Reports,” Straits Times Overland Journal, February 8, 1877. 53 Farish A. Noor, “‘Racial Profiling’ Revisited: The 1915 Indian Sepoy Mutiny in Singapore and the Impact of Profiling on Religious and Ethnic Minorities,” Politics, Religion & Ideology 12, no. i (2011): 89–100. 54 Interview with Ansari Marican on the 12th of March, 2015. 55 This does not mean they were not involved in any acts of violence or riots during this period. There was a clash between Malaccan Malays and the Temenggong’s followers in 1823 which was the first recorded riot in Singapore’s history. There were also disorders during Muslim religious processions (e.g. in 1852 and 1856) and between Malay secret societies (e.g. in 1861-62). These disturbances were however not widespread and the larger Muslim community was not involved. For references on these incidents, see Seah, Yun Khong, Rioting and internal security in Singapore, 1819-1911. Academic exercise - Dept. of History, University of Malaya, 1956, and Edwin Lee, The British as Rulers: Governing Multiracial Singapore, 1867–1914. Kent Ridge, Singapore: Singapore University Press. 1991.

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majority,56 the Maria Hertogh Riots on the 11th of December, 1950 and the Racial Riots of 21st of July, 1964 became a tragic period that affected the Malay/Muslim community directly.57 Both riots had racial and religious undertones. The Maria Hertogh Riots involved several major religious and political entities within Singapore, which included the Muslims,58 the Catholics,59 the British Colonial Government60 and the Dutch.61 The Riots attained global coverage with major newspapers in the United States of America, United Kingdom, Netherlands, Germany, Singapore and Malaya projecting their own perspectives of the root causes, which led to the riots.62

Maria Hertogh or Nadrah (her Muslim name) was a Dutch girl who had been left in the care of a Malay woman in Terengganu Malaysia by her Dutch mother during the Second World War. When the Japanese interned her mother, the Malay foster mother took care of Maria. Maria converted to Islam at a young age and was married to a Muslim man at the age of 13. After the war ended, Maria’s Dutch mother wanted her to return. However, Maria insisted on living with her foster mother and husband. The matter was brought to the Supreme Court in Singapore, and Maria was returned to her Dutch mother. While the case was trialled in court, Maria was housed in a Catholic Church. Newspaper reports and pictures of her with the cross, her reluctance to be separated from her foster mother and husband, as well as many other issues stirred the Malay/Muslim community to react violently to the court’s judgement. 63 The riots that ensued killed 18 people and injured about 173 people. 64 65 66

Ever since the Maria Hertogh incident, the air of uneasiness lingered in Singapore with respect to race and religious sensitivities. About fourteen years after the Maria Hertogh Riots in 1950, Singapore witnessed another riot involving the Malay/Muslim community. The Racial Riots

56 The three riots were the May 13, 1954 National Service Riots, May 12, 1955 Hock Lee Bus Riots, and 24 October 1956 Chinese Middle Schools Riots. 57 Interview with Ansari Marican on the 12th of March, 2015. 58 Haja Maideen, The Nadra Tragedy: The Maria Hertogh Controversy, 3rd ed. (Subang Jaya, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications, 2000). 59 A.R.G. D’Rose, “Regarding the Case of Maria Hertogh...,” The Malayan Catholic Newsletter, August 27, 1950. 60 Aljunied, Colonialism, Violence and Muslims in Southeast Asia. 61 Marlou Schrover, “Problematisation and Particularisation: The Bertha Hertogh Story,” Tijdschrift Voor Sociale En Economische Geschiedenis 8, no. 2 (2011): 3–31. 62 Schrover, “Problematisation and Particularisation: The Bertha Hertogh Story”. 63 Maideen, The Nadra Tragedy. 64 D’Rose, “Regarding the Case of Maria Hertogh...” 65 Aljunied, Colonialism, Violence and Muslims in Southeast Asia. 66 Schrover, “Problematisation and Particularisation: The Bertha Hertogh Story.”

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of 1964 erupted during a religious procession celebrating the birth of Prophet Muhammad on the 21st of July, 1964.67 Another series of riots occurred on the 2nd of September, 1964 when a Malay trishaw driver was killed in the populous Malay enclave of Geylang Serai. The riots occurred in the period when Singapore was part of the Federated States of Malaysia, and the people of Singapore, including its Malay/Muslim citizens, were Malaysians.

Prior to the outbreak of the racial riots in 1964, political tensions had been building up between Singapore’s governing People Action Party (PAP) and the Alliance Front led by UMNO (United Malays Nationalist Organisation) that was governing Malaysia. The bone of contention was the issue of the Malay people’s special rights in Singapore and PAP’s presence in Malaysia.

SUMNO, UMNO’s Singapore Branch had called a Malay convention on the 12th of July 1964 to discuss Malay problems, and this was attended by 450 representatives from about 150 Malay/Muslim organisations. The convention called for the need to uphold the special rights that have been accorded to Malays throughout Malaysia and to boycott PAP’s planned meeting with the Malay community in the coming week. As a result of the convention, a committee called the Singapore Malays Action Committee (SMAC) was formed that would represent the Malays in all their dealings with the PAP government.68

Two days before the riot, the PAP led by Lee Kuan Yew69 (d. 2015) called a special meeting with members of the Malay/Muslim community to discuss Malay issues. More than 1000 Malay/Muslim members from about 101 non-political organisations attended.70 Lee Kuan Yew promised to train the Malays for top positions in the civil service and defended the government’s employment, housing and education policies for the Malays. However, he made it clear that the government would not grant the Malays special privileges, although there was a suggestion to establish a special Malay Affairs Department through which all Malay problems could be channelled.71

67 The Straits Times, “Appeal for Calm,” The Straits Times, July 22, 1964. 68 The Straits Times, “Only 23 Men Can Speak for the Malays S’pore Meeting Decides,” The Straits Times, July 13, 1964. 69 Lee Kuan Yew was the Prime Minister of Singapore from 5th of June, 1959 to November 1990. 70 The Straits Times, “Pledges to Help, but ‘no’ to Jobs Quota,” The Straits Times, July 20, 1964. 71 The Straits Times, “Pledges to Help, but ‘no’ to Jobs Quota.”

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The Convention by SUMNO and the Special Meeting by PAP divided the Malay/Muslim community. The SUMNO’s vision of the Malay people’s special privileges against the PAP’s insistence that the Malays should be given training instead so they can be independent were central in creating the tensions within the community. Two days after the special meeting, 20 000 people assembled for the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday procession on 21st of July, 1964. What was an annual religious event, turned ugly when the Malays and Chinese clashed during the procession. The racial riot resulted in death of 23 people and 454 were injured. 3,568 persons were arrested during the riots with 715 charged in court and another 945 placed under preventive detention.72

Today, Racial Harmony Day is commemorated every 21st July, the day that the racial riot occurred, as a remembrance of the possible devastation if racial harmony is compromised in Singapore.73

5.4 Resurgence of wasaṭiyyah in a post-independence period of inclusiveness These riots and violence in 1964 undermined the credibility of the existing Muslim Advisory Board, which replaced the Mohammedan Advisory Board in 1947. The Muslim Advisory Board was a by-product of British colonialism, as it was aimed: to advise the Government, when so requested, on any matter affecting the interests and welfare of the Muslim community of Singapore, and bring to the notice of Government matters which they think should be considered from the point of view of the Muslim community.74

Pertinent to the riots was the issue of Malay/Muslim representation and leadership, which had been mooted as early as January 1948, when a committee comprising of representatives from various Muslim organisations in Singapore was formed to consider ‘either the formation of a central Muslim body or the strengthening of any existing organisation to become the mouthpiece of Singapore Muslims’.75 More than a decade later in October 1960, four prominent Muslim groups – the Muslim Advisory Board, All-Malaya Muslim Missionary Society,

72 Albert Lau, A Moment of Anguish: Singapore in Malaysia and the Politics of Disengagement (Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 2003), 175. 73 Toh Yong Chuan, "Racial Harmony Day in Singapore: 20 Years On,” The Straits Times, last modified July 23, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/racial-harmony-day-in-singapore-20-years-on. 74 The Singapore Free Press, “Named Govt Advisers,” The Singapore Free Press, October 6, 1947. 75 The Singapore Free Press, “Muslims Form Committee,” The Singapore Free Press, January 26, 1948.

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Singapore Religious Teachers’ Association and the Mohammadiah Movement – banded together to articulate the need to unite the Malay/Muslim community under a central authority. They were headed by Ahmad Mohamed Ibrahim,76 the first state advocate general in Singapore, who later played a major role in the introduction of systematic reforms to centralise the administration of Muslim affairs in Singapore77.

5.4.1 Singapore’s Independence – 9th of August, 1965 On the 9th of August 1965, Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent and sovereign state.78 The separation was the result of deep political and economic differences between the ruling parties of Singapore and Malaysia,79 which had created communal tensions that resulted in the racial riots of July and September 1964.80 The Malay/Muslim community in Singapore therefore, faced another new phase in their tumultuous history. Their connectivity to the Malays in Malaysia who were made up of families and friends, business partners and political allies were severed by the separation. A period of ‘emotional readjustment’ was felt amidst the news of the separation.81

This new reality of an independent Singapore, separated from Malaysia paved the way to address the position of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Now being a minority without any national affiliation to the majority Malays in Malaysia, it was a traumatic period for the Malay/Muslim community. This traumatic period resulted in what is termed by Yang Razali Kassim, the founding chairman of the executive committee of the Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP) in Singapore, as the minority syndrome experienced by the Malay/Muslim community.82 The Malay/Muslim community who stayed back in Singapore after the separation from Malaysia, according to Yang Razali, felt abandoned by the separation. However, this syndrome led to the banding together of individuals and associations to be self-

76 Vernon Cornelius-Takahama, “Tan Sri Datuk Professor Ahmad Ibrahim,” Singapore Infopedia, accessed July 20, 2017, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_529_2005-01-07.html. 77 Straits Times, “Four Muslim Groups Get Together,” Straits Times, October 17, 1960, accessed October 20, 2017, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19601017.2.52. 78 United Nation, “Singapore and Malaysia: Agreement Relating to the Separation of Singapore from Malaysia as an Independent and Sovereign State. Signed at Kuala Lumpur, on 7 August 1965” United Nation, August 7, 1965, accessed October 20, 2017, https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20563/volume-563-I-8206- English.pdf. 79 Chan Heng Chee, “Singapore’s Foreign Policy,” Journal of Southeast Asian History, Singapore Commemorative Issue 1819-1969, 10, no. 1 (March 1969), 179. 80 C. M. Turnbull, A History of Modern Singapore, 1819-2005 (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), 289-291. 81 The Straits Times, “The Hearts Are Together,” The Straits Times, August 15, 1965. 82 Interview with Yang Razali Kassim on the 7th of February, 2014.

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reliant in facing the challenges as a minority community in Singapore.83 According to Yang Razali, this act of banding together evolved through the wasaṭiyyah trajectory in the Malay/Muslim community’s role in redefining and repositioning themselves from being the majority community to a minority community. The question that lingered in the minds of the Malay/Muslim leaders was ‘how to adjust ourselves to steer on the middle way, not as a fringe minority, but as a middle minority’.84

The government that time addressed this traumatic period by constituting a new definition of the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community. Ahmad Mohamed Ibrahim (d. 1999), a brilliant lawyer who served the colonial government and later the Singapore government, was instrumental in enshrining the definition of ‘Malayness’ in the Constitution of Malaysia.85 The three markers that denote ‘Malayness’ are the people who practiced the Malay language and culture and professing Islam. Quite a similar definition is also utilised to characterise ‘Malayness’ in the Republic of Singapore’s Constitution. They became a critical feature of identifying the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community after independence from Malaysia. These markers are embedded within the Republic’s Constitution 86 which states in Article 152: to recognise the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore, and accordingly it shall be the responsibility of the Government to protect, safeguard, support, foster and promote their political, educational, religious, economic, social and cultural interests and the Malay language.87

Based on the Constitution, the Malays are recognised as the ‘indigenous people of Singapore’. Despite the trauma of separation from Malaysia, Singapore Malays continue to be loyal to Singapore as their 'tanah tumpah darah' (the land where their blood first trickles) and adapt to the new reality of separation based on the Malay proverb 'di mana bumi di pijak di situ langit dijunjung' (carries similar meaning to the English proverb: ‘When in Rome, do as the Romans do’).88

83 Interview with Yang Razali Kassim on the 7th of February, 2014. 84 Interview with Yang Razali Kassim on the 7th of February, 2014. 85 Vernon Cornelius-Takahama, “Tan Sri Datuk Professor Ahmad Ibrahim.”; Nafisah Alias and Geraldine Lee, “Professor Ahmad Ibrahim,” Malay Pioneers of Early Singapore, accessed July 20, 2017, https://pioneersofearlysingapore.com/pioneers/professor-ahmad-ibrahim/. 86 Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, Minorities and Special Position of Malays, art. 152, pt. xiii, 1963. 87 Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, Minorities and Special Position of Malays, art. 152, pt. xiii, 1963. 88 Raman Daud, email communication, dated 10th of March, 2015.

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The Malay language is also recognised as the national language of Singapore. Article 153A of the Constitution states that the ‘national language shall be the Malay language and shall be in the Roman script’.89

Finally, the Constitution stipulated in Article 153 that ‘the Legislature shall by law make provision for regulating Muslim religious affairs and for constituting a Council to advise the President in matters relating to the Muslim religion’.90 Within the context of the Malays in Singapore, Islam was, and still is, the predominant faith embraced collectively by the community. In the latest census done in 2010 on the resident population aged 15 years and above, 98.7 percent of Malays are Muslims (382,017 Malays out of a total 386,968). In total, 457,435 Singapore residents aged 15 years and above are Muslims, accounting for 14.7 percent of the whole resident population.91 Another 22.4 percent, which were not covered by the 2010 census, were Malays under 15 years old.

Table 5.1 Singaporean Muslim Resident Population aged 15 years and above by ethnicity92 Ethnicity No. Malays 382 017 Chinese 8 332 Indians 57 546 Others 9 540 Total 457 435

In regulating Muslim religious affairs within the Singapore context of a secular country, the constitution introduced the Administration of Muslim Law Act (AMLA).

5.4.2 Administration of Muslim Law Act 1966 (AMLA) The Administration of Muslim Law Bill was first introduced by the Legislative Assembly in 1960. It upheld several objectives, first as a replacement of the Muslims Ordinance 1957, and sought to abolish the role of the Chief Kadhi (magistrate), which was to be replaced by the

89 Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, Official Languages and National Language, art. 153A, pt. xiii, 1963. 90 Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, Muslim Religion, art. 153, pt. xiii, 1963. 91 Ministry of Trade and Industry, Census of Population 2010 (Singapore: Department of Statistics, 2010), 156. 92 Ministry of Trade and Industry, Census of Population 2010.

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introduction of a Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (Islamic Religious Council of Singapore).93 It also aimed to extend the powers of the Syariah Court, create an authoritative body consisting of ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and theologians to issue fatwas, establish a general endowment fund, collect zakat, and for the Majlis to be the sole trustees of mosques.94 AMLA is: an Act relating to Muslims and to make provision for regulating Muslim religious affairs and to constitute a council to advise on matters relating to the Muslim religion in Singapore and a Syariah Court.95

As the initial creation of AMLA occurred during Singapore’s brief existence as a member of the Federated States of Malaysia, the AMLA was formulated based on Muslim laws in Malaysian states such as Penang, Selangor and Pahang, while parts of the bill were amendments to the Muslims Ordinance of 1957.96 The introduction of AMLA itself took place during the tumultuous rioting years (end of 1950s to the mid of 1960s). It was tabled in two different governance – pre- and post-independence – before it was first read in the newly- formed Singapore Parliament on the 13th of December, 1965, about four months after Singapore’s independence. On the 17th of August, 1966, the Bill was passed and as assured by the then Minister for Culture and Social Affairs, Othman Wok (d. 2017), the Bill was the Government’s effort to ensure that the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore ‘are entrusted to a wise, forward-looking and stable organisation’.97

The enactment of the Bill took place two years later on the 1st of July, 1968. The delay was attributed to the inability to find the right candidates to fill the post of the chairman, Mufti and secretary of the Council.98 This inability was partly due to the suspicions that were still prevalent within the Malay/Muslim community then of the true intent of the government in imposing such an Act.99 The Malay/Muslim community in a nation newly formed was still affected by the skirmishes of pre-independence and the anxiety of separation from Malaysia. The Malays were learning to adapt to the new status of being a minority in Singapore.

93 The Straits Times, “New Bill Proposes to Scrap Office of Chief Kathi,” The Straits Times, December 12, 1960. 94 The Straits Times, “Muslim Law,” The Straits Times, December 8, 1960. 95 Singapore Parliament, “Administration of Muslim Law Act,” Act 27 of 1966, accessed July 20, 2017, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/Act/AMLA1966 96 Singapore Parliament, Second Reading of Administration of Muslim Law Bill, Parliamentary debates: Official report (Singapore: Singapore Parliament, December 30, 1965). 97 The Straits Times, “Muslim Law Bill Is Passed in Parliament,” The Straits Times, August 18, 1966. 98 The Straits Times, “No Suitable Men for 3 Top Posts,” The Straits Times, December 23, 1967. 99 The Straits Times, “Muslim Law Bill Is Passed in Parliament.”

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Unlike the Muslim Advisory Board, which performed only an advisory role, MUIS is vested with wide executive powers to oversee and administer Islamic matters in Singapore.100 The statutory body is charged with a range of responsibilities, including being the sole trustee of mosques in Singapore; the issuer of fatwā (Islamic ruling); appointment of mosque officials; management of waqf or wakaf in Malay (endowment); supervision of religious education; and the collection and disbursement of zakāh (almsgiving) and zakāh fiṭrah (obligatory charity tax). 101 Post-independence, AMLA addresses the issues pertaining to the relevance of balancing Islam within the context of a secular nation. The Act clarifies the relationship of the Malay/Muslim community with their Islamic principles and the law of the land. Based on this balance between Islamic principles and the law of the land, the legislation of AMLA as a central legal framework projects an essential feature of the values of wasaṭiyyah for the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. The need to balance between Islamic principles and the law of the land becomes a central feature of the values of wasaṭiyyah prevalent within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore.

The enactment of AMLA was a watershed event in Muslim legal history in Singapore. However, the passage of the legislation was not smooth. After its introduction in the Legislative Assembly, the bill was put before a select committee for review in order to solicit more views from the public, due to the wide-ranging impact that the legislation would have on Muslims in Singapore.102 Among the issues debated included the choice of those represented in the Council and the ability of the Council to work freely for the Malay/Muslim community. Due to this, the public was asked to submit their choices of representations to the select committee in 1961 and again in 1966.103

AMLA specifies that the MUIS president would be appointed by the President of Singapore; the Mufti by the President of Singapore after consultation with the MUIS President; the Secretary by the Minister-in-charge of Muslim affairs; not more than five MUIS members by

100 The Straits Times, “New Council to Advise President on Muslim Religion,” The Straits Times, December 20, 1965. 101 Singapore Parliament, “Administration of Muslim Law Act.” 102 Singapore Legislative Assembly, “Second Reading of Administration of Muslim Law Bill,” Debates: Official Report (Singapore, December 29, 1960). 103 “Muslim Law Bill Is Passed in Parliament”; The Straits Times, “Public Views Invited on Muslim Bill,” The Straits Times, January 5, 1966.

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the President of Singapore on the recommendation of the Minister-in-charge; and not less than seven members by the President of Singapore from a list of nominees submitted by the President of MUIS. Currently, the laws governing the appointment of the top posts remain the same, except that the chief executive of MUIS is appointed by MUIS with the approval of the Minister-in-charge of Malay/Muslim Affairs (currently Dr Yaacob Ibrahim104), and not more than seven members are to be appointed by the President of Singapore on the recommendation of the Minister-in-charge.105

Institutions formulated in the AMLA, such as MUIS, the Syariah Court, and the Registrar of Muslim Marriages (ROMM) are institutions to oversee Malay/Muslim affairs in Singapore. The roles of these bodies are clearly defined in the AMLA as follows: MUIS (Islamic Religious Council of Singapore) 3.2.a) to advise the President of Singapore in matters relation to the Muslim region in Singapore; b) to administer matters in relation to the Muslim religion and Muslims in Singapore including any matter relating to the Haj or halal certification; c) to administer all Muslim endowments and funds vested in it under any written law or trust; d) to administer collection of zakat and fitrah and other charitable contributions for the support and promotion of the Muslim religion or for the benefit of Muslims in accordance with this Act; e) to administer all mosques and Muslim religious schools in Singapore; and f) to carry out such other functions and duties as are conferred upon the Majlis by or under this Act or any other written law.106 Syariah Court 35.2 The Court shall have jurisdiction to hear and determine all actions and proceedings in which all the parties are Muslims or where the parties were married under the provisions of the Muslim law and which involve disputes relating to – a) marriage;

104 Government of Singapore, “Dr Yaacob Ibrahim,” Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore, accessed July 20, 2017, http://www.pmo.gov.sg/cabinet/dr-yaacob-ibrahim. 105 Administration of Muslim Law Act, “Majlis Ugama Islam,” Administration of Muslim Law Act, chap. 3, pt. ii, rev. ed. 2009, accessed July 20, 2017, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/Act/AMLA1966. 106 Administration of Muslim Law Act, “Majlis Ugama Islam,” Administration of Muslim Law Act, chap. 3, pt. ii, rev. ed. 2009, accessed on July 20, 2017, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/Act/AMLA1966.

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b) divorces known in the Muslim law as fasakh, cerai taklik, khuluk and talak; c) betrothal, nullity of marriage or judicial separation; d) the disposition or division of property on divorce or nullification of marriage; or e) the payment of emas kahwin, marriage expenses (hantaran belanja), maintenance and consolatory gifts or mutaah [20/99: 29/2008] 107 ROMM (Registrar of Muslim Marriages) The ROMM’s responsibility is to manage the registration of marriages, divorces and revocation of divorces of the Muslim community.108

5.4.3 Values of wasaṭiyyah within the AMLA Singapore has evolved from a British colonial entity, to being part of a predominantly Muslim Malayan state, and then to an independent nation with a Muslim minority. Through all of these changes, the Malay/Muslim community had to accept a Western legal system as the paramount law of the country, like any other full citizens of Singapore. Culminating from these laws is the establishment of political positions of the Minister in charge of Muslim Affairs and President of the MUIS Council. These two political positions represent the highest political offices for Muslims in Singapore.

Minister Yaacob Ibrahim, the current Minister in charge of Muslim Affairs mentioned that his duty entails him ‘to manage the affairs of the Muslim community in Singapore based on certain provisions, which are provided for by the government in certain Acts’. The Minister was quoted saying that ‘[he] is guided by what Allah defines to be the needs of the Muslim community, and based on that; basically, we create an institution like Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura to help us oversee that’.109 The focus of the management of the affairs of the Malay/Muslim community is on meeting the religious needs of the community in line with the policies of the government.

This accommodative feature of the Malay/Muslim is central in the evolution of their political leadership since 1819. The collaborative roles of the Sultan and Temenggong with Raffles and the British colonialist government in the 19th Century, the ability of the Mohammedan Advisory Board to work closely with the British administrators in the 20th Century, and today’s

107 Administration of Muslim Law Act, “Majlis Ugama Islam.”. 108 Administration of Muslim Law Act, “Majlis Ugama Islam.” 109 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014.

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Malay/Muslim political leadership with the Minister at the helm has inherited this ability of working in tandem with the existing government to facilitate and administer the religious needs of the community. This feature makes up the key part of framing wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Wasaṭiyyah as applied by the political leaders within the Malay/Muslim community has stood the test of time in its ability to work in tandem with the government of its time to facilitate the needs of the community.

The current Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong echoed this wasaṭiyyah feature of the Malay/Muslims in a recent dialogue with community and religious leaders to discuss about the matter of global terrorism affecting Singapore’s shores and what is needed to preserve peace.110 The Prime Minister indicated that these Malay/Muslim leaders are ‘the frontline and bear the brunt of public attention whenever a terrorist attack happens. He commended that they have done a tremendous job in countering extremism and protecting our social fabric’.111 The Prime Minister announced that he ‘wanted to let them know that the Government is on their side’.112

Another key element that helps frame wasaṭiyyah is the different roles of leadership within the Malay/Muslim community that are defined within AMLA. AMLA addresses the needs of the Muslim leadership through the functions of the Minister-in-charge, the President of MUIS, the Mufti, the MUIS Council, the Syariah Court judges and administrators, the Registrar within the ROMM, and others that work to understand, uphold and administer the AMLA. These different functions play a central role in defining the political, communal and religious leadership of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today.

Therefore, it is the AMLA and these different leadership roles that frame the values of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community today.

110 Lee Hsien Loong, “PM Lee Hsien Loong’s Opening Remarks at Dialogue with Community and Religious Leaders,” Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore, accessed on July 24, 2017, http://www.pmo.gov.sg/newsroom/pm- lee-hsien-loongs-opening-remarks-dialogue-community-and-religious-leaders. 111 Lee Hsien Loong, “PM Lee Hsien Loong’s Opening Remarks at Dialogue with Community and Religious Leaders”. 112 Lee Hsien Loong, “PM Lee Hsien Loong’s Opening Remarks at Dialogue with Community and Religious Leaders”.

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5.4.4 Inclusive, balance and gotong-royong as elements of wasaṭiyyah Wasaṭiyyah of the Malay/Muslim community in today’s context is shaped by the different challenges that are faced by the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Within the context of understanding wasaṭiyyah, the reactions of the community’s leadership in dealing with the challenges provide a basis to understand the application of wasaṭiyyah in balancing between these challenges.

As explained by Minister Yaacob in an interview with the researcher, the current challenges that are affecting the wasaṭiyyah of the Malay/Muslim community include the threat of terrorism, the increase in intolerance as opposed to the Malays history of being inclusive; but ‘now we are moving backwards where we cannot deal with diversity’,113 and the issue of a minority ‘not appreciating the progress’ even though the ‘government has put in legislation to ensure that the minorities are protected’.114

In facing these new challenges, Minister Yaacob outlined three important features of inclusivity, balance and gotong-royong (communal spirit of volunteerism)115 that should be the focus of the Malay/Muslim community in framing wasaṭiyyah within the realities of these challenges. The impact of this redefinition frames the conception of wasaṭiyyah as upheld by the current political leadership and disseminated, understood, and applied to the community through government policies and programmes.

5.4.4.1 Inclusive community Minister Yaacob mentioned that the Malay-Muslims have from the past been naturally ‘a very inclusive community’, that welcome people to the region for trade or craft. They are ‘the only community that open [their] houses during Hari Raya and welcome people’, and in a sense ‘very adaptable’.116 This notion of inclusiveness brings forth accommodativeness and adaptability as echoed by the current Prime Minister of Singapore: Our religious leaders all understand the need for accommodation. They reject extremist ideologies. They oppose exclusivist teachings and all the communities live side by side.

113 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 114 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 115 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 116 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014.

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They interact with one another, and each one practising their own faiths and customs peacefully.117

Minister Yaacob emphasised the need to sustain and improve the efforts of promoting inter- faith relations, ‘to repair the harm done by external events, and to strengthen the trust between the different faiths’.118 This melting pot of beliefs, which is in Singapore can lead to: everybody coming together and understanding [that] in Singapore, this is the way we have to live, to accommodate one another, to exercise give and take between different races and religions. ‘One nation, one Singapore’. That is why we are able to discuss these sensitive issues honestly and candidly; and tackle the challenges together.119

5.4.4.2 Balance between Islamic law and civil law Minister Yaacob has also stressed that an aspect of wasaṭiyyah that is practised in Singapore today is the ‘interaction between the Islamic law and civil law that allows us to arrive at an interpretation which one thinks is balanced, fair and just’.120 The Syariah Court established under AMLA deals only with personal laws and family laws pertaining to inheritance, divorce and marriage. This is somewhat different to the way Sharī‘ah is implemented in some other Muslim jurisdictions. Anything out of the framework of the Singapore’s Syariah Court legislation is subject to the other laws in Singapore. According to Minister Yaacob Ibrahim, this is a ‘very special dispensation to have a certain set of laws unique to our community, to allow us, to lead the lives that we want as (a) Muslim community’.121

The key principle to any decision that relates to the needs of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore is determined by the ability to understand that as Singaporeans, in the eyes of the laws of the land, ‘everyone is equal’,122 and in understanding that, one needs to be able to ‘balance’ their own sets of laws or preferences with ‘the laws of the land and their position as a citizen of that country’.123 A key factor that allows such balance is in the ability to see ‘what

117 Lee Hsien Loong, “PM Lee Hsien Loong’s Opening Remarks at Dialogue with Community and Religious Leaders.” 118 Lee Hsien Loong, “PM Lee Hsien Loong’s Opening Remarks at Dialogue with Community and Religious Leaders.” 119 Lee Hsien Loong, “PM Lee Hsien Loong’s Opening Remarks at Dialogue with Community and Religious Leaders.” 120 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 121 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 122 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 123 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014.

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is the right thing to do at the right moment depending on the context’.124 The Minister cited the cases of zakat disbursement and the tudung (head scarves) episode as examples. In the tudung issue, a few Muslim girls who attended national secular schools in Singapore had donned their tudung while attending national schools. They were asked to take off the tudung as they had infringed the government ban on religious symbols at public schools.125 This impermissibility to wear the tudung in national schools is an example of how one set of laws are balanced with the laws of the country. It is not the curtailment of wearing the tudung but wearing the tudung within the secular schools that is prohibited.

5.4.4.3 Gotong-royong (communal spirit of volunteerism) According to Minister Yaacob, ‘the spirit of gotong-royong, coming together, is a powerful spirit that the Malay community [has] and should never lose. [It means] the sense of being together; the sense of being inclusive; [and] the sense of working together’.126 This, he feels, is what the Malay/Muslim community should continuously try to foster as it is a ‘valuable contribution to the nation as we celebrate our 50 years’.127

In a National Day Rally speech, PM Lee outlined the uniqueness of the Malay community’s spirit of gotong-royong. Gotong-royong is ‘a Malay expression to describe a community that mobilises itself to help each other’.128This ability to mobilise itself to help each other plays a crucial role in the Malay/Muslim community’s efforts to uplift its socio-economic status. In relation to the akal-hati-budi framework of the Malay/Muslim community as discussed previously, gotong-royong defines an aspect of the budi that depicts the spirit of contributing to the wellbeing of the community and nation.

An example of this spirit of gotong-royong is seen in the community’s willingness to contribute monthly to the Mosque Building Fund, which provides the means for new mosques to be built in Singapore since 1974. The purpose of the Fund is to build a mosque in every new established

124 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 125 Seth Mydans, “By Barring Religious Garb, Singapore School Dress Code Alienates Muslims,” The New York Times,accessed July 20, 2017, http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/02/world/by-barring-religious-garb-singapore- school-dress-code-alienates-muslims.html. 126 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 127 Interview with Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 128 Today, “Much to Learn from Malay Community’s ‘Gotong Royong’ Spirit: PM Lee,” Today, accessed July 18, 2017, http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/much-learn-malay-communitys-gotong-royong-spirit-pm-lee.

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estate due to Singapore’s rapid urbanisation. All working Muslims contribute to the Fund monthly through the Central Provident Fund Board’s collection system.129

In 1984, the MBF was expanded to support Yayasan MENDAKI's educational and social programmes for the community and was renamed the Mosque Building and Mendaki Fund (MBMF). Yayasan MENDAKI (Council for the Development of Singapore Malay/Muslim Community) is a pioneer Self-Help Group formed in 1982 dedicated to empower the community through excellence in education, in the context of multi-racial and multi-religious Singapore.130 The MBMF was further enhanced in 2009 to support religious education initiatives, as well as to include efforts to upgrade and revitalise older mosques.131

The spirit of gotong-royong is also seen in the voluntary spirit of Mosque Management Board (MMB) members along with their congregants to upgrade and preserve old mosques. In Singapore, there are currently 71 mosques, modern and old, which ‘stand as an important bulwark of Muslim identity and community integrity. Mosques do not just play a vital and meaningful role as the focus of religious activities, but also as centres for Islamic Learning and Social Development’.132 This spirit of gotong-royong has seen mosques such as the Khadijah Mosque, which house the Secretariat of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG), collect a total of $9 million through the dedication and hard work of MMB and its congregants to help in preserving the 97-year old Mosque, which was built in 1920 by a woman philanthropist named Khadijah Bte Mohamed.133

5.4.5 The Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence as an example of wasatiyyah Mohammad Alami Musa, a ‘life-long community activist’,134 became the President of MUIS in 2003, during troubled times and a challenging religious landscape due to the horrors of

129 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “History of the Mosque Building and Mendaki Fund,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, accessed July 20, 2017, https://www.muis.gov.sg/mbmf/About/Background.html. 130 Yayasan MENDAKI, “General,” Yayasan MENDAKI, accessed July 20, 2017, http://www.mendaki.org.sg/about-mendaki/general. 131 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “History of the Mosque Building and Mendaki Fund.” 132 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “About Mosques,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, accessed July 20, 2017, https://www.muis.gov.sg/mosque/. 133 Natasha Ann Zachariah. “An Unusual Gift of a Mosque.” The Straits Times, accessed July 10, 2017, sec. Lifestyle. http://www.straitstimes.com/lifestyle/home-design/an-unusual-gift-of-a-mosque. 134 “Life-Long Community Activist Mohammad Alami Musa Conferred Berita Harian Achiever of the Year,” Asia One, accessed July 20, 2017, http://www.asiaone.com/singapore/life-long-community-activist-mohammad- alami-musa-conferred-berita-harian-achiever.

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September 11, 2001 and the exposure of the Jemaah Islamiyyah (JI) plot in Singapore.135 Thus, his tenure started against the global backdrop of ‘anxiety for Muslim vis-à-vis the non- Muslims, vis-à-vis the state and vis-à-vis the world’136. The big challenge for the Muslims therefore was to rebuild the ‘trust and confidence’. Alami explained the need to prove: whether Muslims, non-Muslims can trust the Muslims, whether Muslims here are part and parcel of the state, whether we [the Muslims] will safeguard the security, the stability of the country.137

Many questions surfaced as to where Singapore Muslims’ allegiance lies – to ‘the Ummah (community), global Ummah, to some Muslim leaders, to some religious leaders or Muftis beyond Singapore’138. Alami devised an ‘initiative [that] must be self-driven from within the community, not from the state or the government’ as he felt it was ‘essentially a very theological issue’.139 He proved to be instrumental in formulating the ‘Singapore Muslim Identity’ project that would help to foster inter-faith harmony. The initiative was about embracing the Singapore citizenship and being a Singaporean Muslim. He said: Muslims need to forge a kind of relationship with the state, as a participant, not as an isolationist because living in a secular state is not a sin … it is not a sin to live under civil laws; as long as the civil laws carry the spirit of the Sharī‘ah [and since] our laws, are within the spirit of the Sharī‘ah because they provide safety, stability, order… they stop [and] prevent bad things from happening.140

Under MUIS, this initiative manifested firstly through a focus on values. Alami viewed that ‘contextualisation and flexibility are the answers to [the] survival of the Muslims in Singapore as a minority in a non-Muslim majority situation, in a plural diverse society and in a secular state’. He understood that these ideas represent the ‘whole spirit of wasaṭiyyah and moderation, which is needed for survival’.141 When one is too rigid, one cannot contextualise and when one is too liberal, then survival is at stake as ‘survival means [one] needs an identity’.142

135 Ministry of Home Affairs, The Jemaah Islamiyah Arrests and the Threat of Terrorism. 136 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 137 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 138 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 139 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 140 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 141 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 142 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014.

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He then discussed the elements of this issue of identity ‘internally first with the Mufti, with the Office of Mufti, with asatizah, and then slowly expanded it outwards with the religious fraternity, with the religious elites, with mosque leaders, and organisational leaders’.143

This led to the creation of the Singapore Muslim Identity (SMI) project. The Singapore Muslim Identity states that a Singapore Muslim: 1. holds strongly to Islamic principles while adapting oneself to changing context 2. is morally and spiritually strong to be on top of challenges of modern society 3. is progressive, practises Islam beyond form/rituals and rides the modernisation wave 4. appreciates Islamic civilisation and history, and has a good understanding of contemporary issues 5. appreciates other civilisations and is confident to interact and learn from other communities 6. believes that good Muslims are also good citizens 7. is well-adjusted as contributing members of a multi-religious society and secular state 8. be a blessing to all and promotes universal principles and values 9. is inclusive and practises pluralism without contradicting Islam 10. be a model and inspiration to all.144

The SMI project was pursued by MUIS as a strategy to define MUIS’s understanding of wasaṭiyyah within the context of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. The SMI ‘is a set of ethos and principles to guide Muslims to be a religiously resilient, inclusive, adaptive and contributive community of excellence’.145

5.4.5.1 Importance of Wasaṭiyyah within the Singapore Muslim Identity (SMI) project The Singapore Muslim Identity project was launched in the form of a booklet entitled Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence during the Muis Workplan Seminar on 4 February 2006.146 The booklet highlighted the 10 principles that define and shape the religious life of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. These principles were formulated

143 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 144 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapore, 2006), i. 145 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, Mosque Convention 2011: Enhancing Spirituality, Guiding Community, Changing Lives (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2011), 25. 146 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence, ii.

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based on the ‘principles, moral values, laws and traditions’ of Islam.147 The importance of wasaṭiyyah within the 10 principles are found in the realisation that throughout ‘the history and traditions of Muslim communities’, there is a need to ‘illustrate the versatility of Islam’, to ‘adapt to changing needs and context’, and to ‘harmonise religious teachings with their [Muslim communities] unique circumstances’.148 This realisation as emphasised in the interview with Alami Musa above, shaped the wasaṭi paradigm which is exemplified through the 10 SMI principles.

The key to the wasaṭi approach as applied in the Risalah can be found in its attempt to balance and harmonise the compatibility of Islam to the context of living as a minority Muslim community in a multi-religious, secular and modern Singapore. As clearly addressed in the Risalah: The attributes offered in the Risalah are the outcomes of our attempt to harmonise the different elements of Islam, namely principles, values, law and tradition with Singapore’s context.149

Throughout the Risalah, the ‘attempt to harmonise’ the elements of Islam in today’s context as a citizen of Singapore uses the Qur'ān, the Prophetic Sunnah, the views of classical and contemporary scholars, the stories and examples from history and tradition, coupled with guidelines to apply the principles within the context of living in Singapore. Using a question and answer format, the Risalah provides the reader with a clear, simple explanation of the application of the 10 principles.

The aim of the Risalah is to provide guidelines to build a Singapore Muslim community of excellence. ‘Excellence’ is defined by the Risalah from a socio-religious perspective. According to the Risalah, from the religious perspective, ‘excellence’ means: the ability to perform the rituals of Islam while appreciating their significance and internalising the values embedded within them. By doing so, we are able to manifest the beauty of this religion. This beauty, when shared with humanity, will bring

147 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence, v. 148 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence. 149 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence, vii.

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goodness to everyone. In other words, a Muslim community of excellence is one that is religiously profound.150

Within the social sphere, the Risalah defines ‘excellence’ as: our ability to fully partake in nation-building and to position ourselves as full members of the Singaporean society. In other words, a Muslim community of excellence is one that is also socially progressive. 151

Hence, the Singaporean Muslim community of excellence as envisioned in the Risalah is religiously profound and socially progressive based on ‘knowledge, principle-centredness, progressiveness and inclusiveness’.152 While the term wasaṭiyyah was not used in the Risalah,153 the values of wasaṭiyyah are inherent in the harmonisation of Islamic elements with the socio-religious realities of living in Singapore. The Risalah thus carved a wasaṭi vision of moulding a Singapore Muslim community of excellence based on ‘knowledge, principle- centredness, progressiveness and inclusiveness’.

However, in spite of the attempts of the Risalah to showcase the wasaṭi vision for Singapore Muslims today, Alami highlighted several key challenges that the Muslims in Singapore are facing these days. Though MUIS continues to play its leadership role within the Malay/Muslim community, the challenge today lies in managing ‘a multiplicity of authorities from [which] people can pick and choose’154 due to global connectivity and advances in technology. As such, an ever-increasing challenge would be the question of community leadership for the Islamic leadership. Alami also raised the need to deal with intra-faith challenges of ‘tensions between different orientations’.155

150 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence, iii. 151 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence. 152 Office of Mufti, Risalah for Building a Singapore Muslim Community of Excellence, viii. 153 Only on page 98 of the Risalah, a clear reference to wasaṭiyyah was put forth as ‘to be moderate and balanced – do not follow extreme’. 154 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 155 Interview with Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014.

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5.5 Challenges to showcase wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in modern and secular Singapore The Court of Appeal in Singapore once described Singapore’s secularism as ‘accommodative secularism’.156 This was explained by Li-ann Thio, Professor of Law at National University of Singapore as follows: Singapore is secular without being secularist. While there are of course some problems and controversies, on the whole the Singapore regime prevents religious control of the state but remains open to religious participation in public life on a pluralistic basis157

Singapore’s ‘accommodative secularism’ was based on a set of shared values, which were formalised by the government on the 15th of January, 1991 to forge a national identity in the face of a changing society with evolving values. The ‘shared values’ were formulated according to the nation’s multicultural heritage, as well as the attitudes and values that have contributed to the success of Singapore.158

The ‘shared values’ are nation before community, society over self, family as the basic unit of society, community support and respect for the individual, consensus not conflict, and racial and religious harmony. Faith is a major part of Singapore’s pluralism and exerts a tremendous pull on Singaporeans with almost 86 percent of its citizens professing a religion.159

Similarly, the Malay/Muslim community identifies strongly with faith. In a national survey focusing on ‘religiosity and the management of religious harmony’ conducted by the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) in 2014,160 where Muslims accounted for 15.6 percent out of a total of 3128 participants of the survey, a total of 90 percent of the Muslim respondents indicated that

156 Refer to Nappalli Peter Williams v Institute of Technical Education [1999]. 157 Li-ann Thio, “The Cooperation of Religion and State in Singapore: A Compassionate Partnership in Service of Welfare,” Review of Faith & International Affairs 7, no. 3 (September 2009), 33. 158 Parliament of the Republic of Singapore, White Paper on Shared Values, Paper cmd. 1 of 1991 (Singapore: Parliament, Republic of Singapore, 1991), 1–2; The Straits Times, “Shared Values amended to make them more acceptable,” The Straits Times, January 16, 1991; The Straits Times, “BG Lee zeroes in on the core issues,” The Straits Times, January 12, 1989. 159 Thio, “The Cooperation of Religion and State in Singapore: A Compassionate Partnership in Service of Welfare.” 160 Mathew Mathews, Mohammad Khamsya Bin Khidzer, and Teo Kay Key, “Religiosity and the Management of Religious Harmony: Responses from the IPS Survey on Race, Religion and Language,” IPS Working Papers (Singapore: Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), June 2014), accessed November 25, 2017, http://lkyspp2.nus.edu.sg/ips//wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2014/06/WorkingPaper21_180614_V4.pdf.

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religion was very important (67.6%) and important (22.4%) to their overall identity.161 This percentage was the highest among all the different faiths represented in the survey. However, despite the importance they place on religion, from a ‘religious outlook survey’ conducted by the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) in 2010 where 1000 Singaporean Muslims were surveyed, 48 percent surveyed ‘never attended any religious classes and 50% either never or occasionally go to the mosques’.162

Against the backdrop of Singapore’s ‘Shared Values’ and the Malay/Muslim community’s strong identification with faith, the Malay/Muslim community faces a real challenge in balancing the issue of living in a secular and modern Singapore while faithfully practising Islam. In the ‘Perception Survey on the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore’ conducted by the Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP) in 2011, 62 percent of the 350 Malay/Muslims interviewed pointed out that the most important issue for the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore then was the issue of the general cost of living in Singapore163, while employment (35%) and housing affordability (31%) came in second and third respectively.

In an interview with the researcher, Masagos Zulkifli, the Minister for the Environment and Water Resources provided an overview of the challenges facing the Muslims in Singapore today.164 Since the 1st of October, 2015, along with Yaacob Ibrahim, Masagos is the second Malay/Muslim Minister within Singapore’s current government cabinet. Masagos pointed out several key challenges that the Malay/Muslims are facing at present, which can affect the wasaṭiyyah of the community. He also emphasised the inter-connected nature of the local and foreign challenges that the community faces today.

On the local front, according to Masagos, religious narratives have changed from inculcating intrinsic values of iḥsān (being merciful) and raḥmah (being gracious) to a more narrowed ḥalāl (permissible) and ḥarām (prohibition) rule-based interpretation of Islam. This new orientation has influenced how Islam is understood and practised within the Malay/Muslim

161 Mathews, Bin Khidzer, and Key, “Religiosity and the Management of Religious Harmony:,” 29. 162 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Mosque Convention 2011: Enhancing Spirituality, Guiding Community, Changing Lives” (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2011), 33. 163 Association of Muslim Professionals, “Perception Survey on the Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore” (Singapore: Association of Muslim Professionals, July 2012), 158, accessed November 25, 2017, http://www.amp.org.sg/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/11-Section-8_Perception-Survey.pdf. 164 Prime Minister’s Office, “Masagos Zulkifli Bin Masagos Mohamad,” Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore, accessed November 25, 2017, http://www.pmo.gov.sg/cabinet/mr-masagos-zulkifli.

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minority community today. This reorientation is a digression from the message of love, iḥsān and raḥmah, which was the cornerstone of Islamic messages preached by local religious scholars in the past.165

Masagos connected this digression to the geopolitics of the Muslim world since the 20th century. While the Muslim world has changed since the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 and the Israeli occupation in Jerusalem in 1967, Masagos highlighted the impact of the Iranian Revolution in 1979, which brought about a religious awakening within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. According to Masagos, when the local media reported the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the hands of Khomeini in 1979, it triggered a confused reorientation among the local Muslim masses.166 Muslims in Singapore including its local religious fraternity were unprepared to respond to this new reality. Thus, when the local English newspaper, the Straits Times, brought home news of the revolution and emphasised the differences between the Shi’a and Sunni, the local Malay/Muslim community was caught in the midst of trying to grasp the dynamics of these new realities.

This confused reorientation was due to the geopolitical reality associated to oil power, which was controlled by different ideological orientations found within the majority Muslim nations, especially in the Middle East. The Straits Times in its 12-part series in 1980 aptly quoted the former President of the United States, Richard Nixon’s The Real War: Oil is the lifeblood of modern industry, the Persian Gulf region is the heart that pumps it, and the sea routes around the Gulf are the jugular through which that lifeblood passes. The question of who controls what in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East is the key to who controls what in the world.167

As acknowledged by Masagos, this event in 1979 led to a global religious awakening in the Muslim world brought about by the oil powers of a Salafi/Wahhabi orientation, the intellectuals of the Ikhwan al-Muslimin, and the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran.168 According to Masagos, to add to the confusion was the emergence of the Salafi and Wahhabi thought brought about by returning local Singaporean students. These students, who had travelled and studied

165 Interview with Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014. 166 The Straits Times, “Pandora’s Box,” The Straits Times, March 8, 1979. 167 Richard Nixon, “Control of Oil Jugular Is Control of the World,” The Straits Times, April 15, 1980. 168 Ibrahim Noori, “Islamic Laws: Growing Call for Strict Application,” The Straits Times, February 28, 1979.

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in Saudi Arabia without any prior Madrasah education in Singapore, affected the local tradition of Islamic religious scholarship 169 with their extremist views.

5.5.1 Striking a wasaṭi position against today’s modern challenges Mahfuh Halimi, a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research in Singapore, asserted that to overcome both inter- and intra-faith challenges facing the Malay/Muslim community, a contextualisation of the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of the Malay/Muslim community is needed.170 He saw the role of adāb al-ikhtilāf (ethics of disagreement) as a feature of wasaṭiyyah in practice, in dealing with specific disagreements around issues of ‘aqīdah (belief) and fiqh (jurisprudence) by the different intra-faith groups in Singapore. He also alluded to the need to foster harmonious relation with different racial and religious communities in Singapore as a condition of putting wasaṭiyyah in practice in facing the challenges of inter-faith issues.171

The ability to strike a wasaṭi position today against these modern challenges resulting in a harmonious and peaceful Singapore of today, according to Masagos, are based on factors such as the ruling party’s core values, the role of local religious teachers, and ordinary Singaporean’s appreciation of harmony.

The first set of values that plays an important role, according to Masagos, is seen in the ruling People Action Party’s (PAP) four core values that have shaped Singapore today. They are self- reliance, meritocracy, integrity, and a model of multi-racial and multi-religious society.172 These core values are important values that helped develop Singapore today and have affected the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Masagos explained that while Singapore is secular and promote ethnic integration, and meritocracy, the government allows for the different faiths to practice religion as much as possible, in a way that does not disturb others. 173

Secondly, Masagos addresses the impact of his own learning of Islam from local religious teachers in Singapore who emphasised that what Islam is all about is on the message of ‘love

169 Interview with Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014. 170 Interview with Mahfuh Halimi on the 5th of February, 2014. 171 Interview with Mahfuh Halimi on the 5th of February, 2014. 172 Interview with Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014. 173 Interview with Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014.

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in life, iḥsān (mercifulness) and raḥmah (graciousness)’.174 In his early years of learning Islam from local religious teachers in Singapore, Masagos remembered how the Islamic scholars had emphasised in their teachings the importance of commendable values that Islam preaches as a core part of learning Islam. According to Masagos, local religious scholars must not only be able to helm religious leadership but need to be able to lead as political office bearers, with an encompassing sense of realpolitik and religious knowledge, which is enriched with a value- based paradigm founded on the values of iḥsān and raḥmah.

Thirdly, the need to continuously nurture an appreciation and a sense of gratefulness among Singaporean citizens for the harmonious lifestyle in Singapore today which is the result of the policies, mechanisms, and sacrifices that had been put in place. Masagos said: And I think, in our context, we have been very fortunate because the fact is, if you look carefully at everything, the reason why we have become so harmonious and peaceful is not because, and in this instance, I quote Teo Chee Hean [Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore], ‘it's not because everyone got what they wanted, it was because everyone gave up something important’.175

Therefore, according to Masagos, the values of wasaṭiyyah are found in the ruling party’s four core values for Singapore to be the ideal model of a multi-racial and multi-religious society, the role of local religious teachers in Singapore who taught and embodied Islam based on the values of iḥsān (mercifulness) and raḥmah (graciousness), and Singaporeans’ appreciation of the harmonious lifestyle in Singapore. These critical factors embody wasaṭiyyah today in Singapore against the challenges posed by changing local religious narratives and global geopolitics.

5.6 Conclusion The concept of wasaṭiyyah has evolved from the perspective of the Malay/Muslim political leaders in Singapore. This chapter has described in detail how today’s Malay/Muslim political leadership has evolved and how through this evolution, wasaṭiyyah has been surfaced, understood and applied by the Malay/Muslim political leadership.

174 Interview with Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014. 175 Interview with Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014.

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From the perspective of the early Malay/Muslim political leadership after 1819, the spirit of wasaṭiyyah was understood and applied based on the impact of intrinsic and extrinsic factors that affected the progress of the community living in secular and modern Singapore. The intrinsic factors as shown in this chapter included the assimilation of the Malay community with the Malay/Muslim migrants, the enactment of legal constitutions, birth of institutions and available resources within the community, the role of the Minister-in-charge of Muslim affairs, and President of MUIS in bridging the national and communal aspirations, the intra-faith ideologies, and the communal support attained. The extrinsic factors include the acculturation process of the Malay/Muslim community with the British and majority Chinese communities, change in government policies, the shared Singapore values and geopolitics of the Muslim world. The convergence of these two factors brought about the evolution of the spirit of wasaṭiyyah among the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today.

It is with the convergence of both the intrinsic and extrinsic factors that the understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah was nurtured. The nurturing of the values of wasaṭiyyah was based on the need to be harmonious and to strike a balance between national and communal aspirations in the name of progress.

In conclusion, today, there is a conscious effort among the Malay/Muslim political leadership in Singapore to use, understand and apply the concept of wasaṭiyyah. Wasaṭiyyah is understood by the political leadership as a tool to mould the identity of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today, and to harmonise between national and communal aspirations and progress. The values associated to wasaṭiyyah today include inclusivity, balancing between the application of common and Sharī‘ah laws, and maintaining the spirit of gotong-royong (volunteerism). The application of wasaṭiyyah today is coined under the vision of creating an excellent Muslim community. As excellence is in line with the term khiyār (best) which was projected by classical exegetes of the Qur’ān to be part of the definition of wasaṭ, the vision of creating a Muslim community of excellence reveals the application of wasaṭiyyah. Wasaṭiyyah within the understanding of excellence is understood as a community that is religiously profound and socially progressive based on knowledge, principle-centredness, progressiveness and inclusiveness.

The next chapter will analyse how the current religious leadership consisting of the ʻulamāʼ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers) in Singapore understand and apply

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wasaṭiyyah within the context of a minority Malay/Muslim community living in modern and secular Singapore.

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Chapter Six - Wasaṭiyyah from the Context of the ʻUlamāʼ and Asātidhah in Singapore Today

6.1 Introduction In this chapter, as part of ‘macro context 2’, we examine how the religious scholars (ʻulamāʼ) and religious teachers (asātidhah) understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of the minority Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today. This chapter explores the characteristics of ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore, and their role and position in the Malay/Muslim community.

A number of previous studies on the concept of wasaṭiyyah by several reputable ʻulamāʼ in the present Malay world have also been examined to understand how these scholars understood the concept within the context of the Malay/Muslim community. These ʻulamāʼ are Ustaz Haji Ahmad Sonhadji Mohamad (d. 2010) from Singapore,1 Prof Dr Haji Abdul Malik bin Syekh Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah, better known as Hamka (d. 1981) from Indonesia,2 and Prof Muhammad Quraish Shihab (b. 1944) from Indonesia.3 More than just being ʻulamāʼ, these highly regarded scholars are also called Mufassirs (scholars of Qurʼānic exegesis).

To aid with the analysis, this chapter will also look at the works of a renowned Islamic scholar from Malaysia, Mohd Kamal Hassan (b. 1942), the former Rector of the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) from 1999–2006, who was among the earliest of scholars today to write on the concept of wasaṭiyyah from Singapore’s perspective, for example, Al- Wasatiyyah as Understood and Defined by Islamic Scholars in Contemporary Singapore and Its Consistency with Ismail Al Faruqi’s Vision of Ummatan Wasatan. 4 Since then, Kamal Hassan has actively written and presented on the concept.5

1 Ahmad Sonhadji b. Mohamad Milatu, Tafsir Al-Quran tafsir Al-Quran di radio (Batu Caves: Pustaka Salam, 2012). 2 Haji Abdulmalik Abdulkarim Amrullah (Hamka), Tafsir Al-Azhar (Surabaya: Penerbit Pustaka Islam, 1983). 3 Moh. Quraish Shihab, Tafsir Al-Mishbāh: Pesan, Kesan, Dan Keserasian Al-Quran, Cet. 6 (Ciputat, Jakarta: Lentera Hati, 2005). 4 Kamal Hassan, “Al-Wasatiyyah as Understood and Defined by Islamic Scholars in Contemporary Singapore and Its Consistency with Ismail Al Faruqi’d Vision of Ummatan Wasatan,” American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 28, no. 3 (Summer 2011): 35–52. 5 Tan Sri Professor Dr Mohd. Kamal Hassan, “The Concept of Wasatiyyah and the Significance of Islamic Moderation,” Conference Report, International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation and Community Resilience (Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, March 26, 2013), accessed on November 25, 2017, https://www.rsis.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Report-International- Conference-on-Terrorist-Rehabilitation-and-Community-Resilience-2013.pdf.

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As mentioned previously, the religious affairs of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore are governed by the Administration of Muslim Law Act (AMLA) through a number of boards, organisations and institutions. The Office of the Mufti (OOM), the Asatizah Recognition Board (ARB), and the Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are such boards and entities that represent the community. This chapter features a first-hand account from the current ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity in Singapore based on interviews with the present Mufti – Dr Mohamed Fatris Bakaram; the President of the Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) – Ustaz Haji Mohamed Hasbi Hassan; the Chairman of the Asatizah Recognition Board and the Co-Chairmen of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) – Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed, and several other asātidhah. Via their insights, this research will highlight how they have understood wasatiyyah in the context of living as a Muslim minority in a secular nation like Singapore today.

This chapter concludes that the understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah within the present ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in the Malay/Muslim community is shaped by how they balance their roles as individual Malay/Muslim citizens of Singapore and as religious figures living within the context of a Malay/Muslim minority community in secular modern Singapore. This balancing act shapes their understanding of wasaṭiyyah.

6.2 The heritage of the past ʻulamāʼ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers) in Singapore Since the arrival of Raffles in 1819, Singapore has seen many ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah within its midst. The ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah have played a central role in shaping the religious understanding and consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community. Many ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah came from the neighbouring Malay states and different parts of the Muslim world, and migrated to Singapore during those early years, bringing about a change in the religious outlook of the Malay/Muslim community. The ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah have played a significant role within the socio-political life of the Malay community and have contributed significantly to shaping the akal-hati-budi of the community.6 Within the Singapore context, Khairuddin

6 List of recent works on the ʻulamāʼ in Singapore includes Norshahril Saat, Faith, Authority, and the Malays: The Ulama in Contemporary Singapore, Singapore Malays: Our Heritage and Legacy Series / The Malay Heritage Foundation (Singapore: The Malay Heritage Foundation : Select Publishing, 2015); Khairudin Aljunied, “The Ulama in Singapore and Their Contemporary Challenges” (Research Development, Pergas, 2015), http://www.pergas.org.sg/media/Comment-Working/The-Ulama-in-Singapore-and-their-Contemporary- Challenges.pdf; Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman, “The Religio-Political Activism of Ulama in Singapore,”

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Aljunied, Malaysia Chair of Islam in Southeast Asia at Georgetown University defined the ʻulamāʼ as: These were men and women of ideas who provided new interpretations of the faith and its precepts to suit the needs of changing times. The ulama also served multiple functions such as judges, counsellors, advisers and strategists, to name a few, in their endeavour to guide the masses towards maintaining a social order bounded by the rules of the syariah.7

Since the founding of modern Singapore in 1819, there have been numerous ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah who have played a significant role in carving the religious outlook and consciousness of the community in modern Singapore. The list of notable ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah who were in Singapore included Habib Noh bin Muhammad Al-Habshee (d. 1866), Raja Ali Haji bin Raja Haji Ahmad (d. 1873), Habib Abdullah bin Idrus Baroom Al-‘Alawi (d. 1940), Moulana Shah Muhammad Abdul Aleem Siddique Al-Qaderi (d. 1954), Habib Syed Abu Bakar bin Taha Alsagoff (d. 1956), Habib Syed Abdullah bin Sheikh bin Muhammad Balfaqih (d. 1962), Syekh Umar bin Abdullah Bagharib (d. 1968), Habib Syed Muhammad bin ‘Alwi Al-‘Idrus (d. 1969), Habib Muhammad bin Salim al-Attas (d. 1976), Kiayi Ahmad Zohri bin Mutamim (d. 1985), Ustaz Daud bin Ali (d. 1989), Ustaz Hussein bin Makhdom (d. 1989), Ustaz Muhammad Kamil bin Fadhlullah Suhaimi (d. 1990), Shaykh Haji Abdul Rashid bin Muhammad Sa’id Al Linggi (d. 1992), Ustaz Mohamed Sanusi bin Mahmood (d. 1995), Syeikh Umar bin Abdullah Al- Khatib (d. 1997), Professor Tan Sri Datuk Ahmad bin Mohamed Ibrahim (d. 1999), Ustaz Muhammad Taha bin Fadhlullah Suhaimi (d. 1999), Al-Habib Syed Abdullah bin Hasan Assyatrie (d. 1999), Moulavi M. H. Babu Sahib (d. 2002), Ustaz Syed Abdillah bin Ahmad Al- Jufri (d. 2003), Ustaz Abu Bakar bin Hashim (d. 2005), Ustaz Syed Ahmad bin Muhammad Semait (d. 2006), Ustaz Embek bin Ali (d. 2008), Ustaz Ahmad Sonhadji bin Mohamad Milatu (d. 2010), Ustaz Peer Mohamed bin Seeni Rawther (d. 2010), Ustaz Osman bin Jantan (d.

Indonesia and the Malay World 40, no. 116 (2012): 1–19; Ustaz Firdaus bin Yahya, “A Brief Commentary on the Article ‘The Ulama in Singapore and Their Contemporary Challenges,’” Pergas Research Development (PRD) Department, Commentaries & Analysis, no. 3/2015 (January 27, 2015), http://www.pergas.org.sg/media/Comment-Working/Commentary-on-Dr-Khairudin-Article-Ustaz-Firdaus.pdf. 7 Khairudin Aljunied, “The Ulama in Singapore and Their Contemporary Challenges” (Research Development, Pergas, 2015), 1, accessed January 3, 2018, http://www.pergas.org.sg/media/Comment-Working/The-Ulama-in- Singapore-and-their-Contemporary-Challenges.pdf.

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2011), Kiayi Kassim Adnan (d. 2011), Kiayi Haji Ahmad Shohibul Wafa Tadjul Arifin (d. 2011), Ustaz Ibrahim Kassim (d. 2014), and Ustaz Khairuddin Abdul Hamid (d. 2016).8

From this group of ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah who have been instrumental in shaping the religious outlook and consciousness in Singapore, several features and characteristics shape the identity of religious authority in Singapore. Firdaus Yahya, among the growing number of younger generation of asātidhah in Singapore who has attained a PhD in Islamic studies, characterised some salient characteristics of the ʻulamāʼ as follows: 1. They are knowledgeable but not keen in giving comments on everything. 2. They are humble and shy away from fame and worldly positions (i.e. not holding any official position in society, be it governmental or otherwise) 3. They despise praise. 4. They do not seek unnecessary debate.9

He pointed to the need to differentiate between the meaning of an ʻālim (a religious scholar) to an ustāz (a religious teacher). The ʻUlamāʼ (plural of ʻālim) represent scholars of the Islamic intellectual and religious tradition, while asātidhah (plural of ustāz) refer to religious teachers that teach and propagate Islam through different formal and informal means. While some have categorised the ʻulamāʼ in Singapore in their official and non-official roles within the socio- political dynamics of Singapore,10 this research relies on the akal-hati-budi framework to analyse the roles and contributions of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity in Singapore. To do so, we will first look at how titles and honours symbolise the religious scholars (ʻulamāʼ) and religious teachers (asātidhah) in Singapore today.

8 All these ʻulamāʼ and asātizah have had an effect upon the religious consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Some were migrants, while some were born in Singapore, and there were some such as Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique, Syaikh Sidi Rashid, and Kiayi Ahmad Shohibul Wafa Tajul Arifin who were foreigners but had made significant impact on the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore through their visits, teachings and efforts in Singapore. 9 Ustaz Firdaus bin Yahya, “A Brief Commentary on the Article ‘The Ulama in Singapore and Their Contemporary Challenges,’” Pergas Research Development (PRD) Department, Commentaries & Analysis, no. 3/2015 (January 27, 2015), 2, accessed January 3, 2018, http://www.pergas.org.sg/media/Comment- Working/Commentary-on-Dr-Khairudin-Article-Ustaz-Firdaus.pdf. 10 Refer to Norshahril Saat, Faith, Authority, and the Malays: The ʻulamāʼ in Contemporary Singapore, Singapore Malays: Our Heritage and Legacy Series / The Malay Heritage Foundation (Singapore: The Malay Heritage Foundation : Select Publishing, 2015).

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6.2.1 Titles and Honours Firstly, as discussed in chapter three, symbolism holds significant importance for the past Malay/Muslim community. The prefaces of letters, the royal regalia (cogan), and the royal stamp were important symbols that projected the status of the royals.11 While such royal symbols have lost their place in modern Singapore, the symbols associated with ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah are projected in their ‘illustrious titles and honours’.12 These titles and honours symbolise the diversity of thought and influence that these ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah have contributed to the religious consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community.

An understanding of this religious symbolism provides an insight into the honour bestowed upon the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah that still exists within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Attached to these ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah are titles and honours such as Habib, Ustaz or Ustazah, Kiayi, Maulana, Moulvi, Syaikh/Syeikh, and more recently, Professor.13

The title ‘Habib’ is linked to a person with Prophetic ancestry who has acquired religious knowledge mostly from the region of Hadramaut in Yemen. The influence of Arabs from Hadramaut inYemen can be traced to the early settlers who arrived in the Malay lands and played a central role in introducing Islam to the Malay Sultanate.14 Since the founding of modern Singapore in 1819 coincided with the arrival of the revered ‘saint’, Habib Noh to Singapore, the Ḥabā’ib (pl. Ḥabῑb) community has had significant religious influence on the Malay/Muslim community.

Another example of a ‘Habib’ was the charismatic Muhammad bin Salim al-Attas, the founder of Ba’alwie Mosque in Singapore. Though he has passed away in 1976, his legacy still wields great influence, especially amongst his students who continue to attend rātib15 (remembrance) sessions conducted at the mosque every Thursday night.16 The Ba’alwie Mosque is a famous

11 Syahri and Murad, Cogan: Regalia Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-Dan Pahang. 12 Khairudin Aljunied, “The ʻulamāʼ in Singapore and Their Contemporary Challenges” (Research Development, Pergas, 2015), accessed January 3, 2018, http://www.pergas.org.sg/media/Comment-Working/The-ʻulamāʼ-in- Singapore-and-their-Contemporary-Challenges.pdf. 13 All the italicised titles are spelled in the Malay language. 14 Ameen Ali Talib, “Hadramis in Singapore.,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 17, no. 1 (April 1997): 89. 15 Rātib is a collection of prayers based on verses from the Qur’ānand the Hadith which was compiled by a respected scholar/saint such as al-Habib 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Rahman al-'Attas (d. 1072/1660), and Imām ‘Abdallāh bin ‘Alawī al-Haddād (d. 1132/1720). 16 Mona Abaza, “A Mosque of Arab Origin in Singapore: History, Functions and Networks,” Archipel 53 (1997): 61–83.

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destination for political and religious figures in Singapore until today, where Habib Syed Hassan al-Attas, the son of Habib Muhammad, currently plays an influential role in continuing the tradition of the Ḥabā’ib community in Singapore.17

The title ‘Kiayi’ (or Kyai) is a title conferred on a scholar linked to an Indonesian educational upbringing based on the pondok and pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) system. Both institutions have greatly contributed to moulding the religious consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community throughout the Malay Nusantara since the coming of Islam.18 While Islamic institutions in the Arab world were a distant reality in the past due to the difficulty and cost of travel, Indonesia being the most populous Muslim nation with thousands of pondok and pesantren had provided religious education to the Southeast Asian students including those from Singapore.19

The continuous migration of the Malays throughout the Malay world in the past has continued this tradition of the arrival of religious scholars and preachers who educated the masses on the faith. These religious scholars who came from within the Indonesian peninsula are fondly termed as kiayi. The term is Javanese which consists of two parts; ‘ki’ meaning a respectable man, and ‘yai’ is a show of respect to one who possesses ‘kewaskitaan dan kewibawaan’20(clairvoyance and authority).

Kiayi Ahmad Zohri and Kiayi Kassim were prominent figures in Singapore who had cemented the institution of religious education and helped shaped religious consciousness among their students. Kiayi Zohri had been instrumental in founding PERGAS and the Raden Mas Religious School. He authored many books, and performed various roles including Headmaster of Madrasah Alsagoff, and acted as Qadhi and Naib Qadhi. Madrasah Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyah, one of Singapore’s fulltime Madrasah, is renamed Madrasah Irsyad Zuhri Al-Islamiah to

17 Norshahril Saat, Faith, Authority, and the Malays: The ʻulamāʼ in Contemporary Singapore, Singapore Malays: Our Heritage and Legacy Series / The Malay Heritage Foundation (Singapore: The Malay Heritage Foundation : Select Publishing, 2015), 74. 18 Howard M., “Pesantren,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, accessed February 1, 2018, http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t236/e0632. 19 Gerhard Böwering, Patricia Crone, and Mahan Mirza, The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. [Electronic Resource], (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013), 521. 20 Zia ul Haq, “Panggil Saya ‘Ustadz’! Memahami Istilah: ʻulamāʼ, Habib, Kiai, Dan Ustadz,” Kompasiana, March 8, 2014, accessed January, 20, 2018, http://www.kompasiana.com/alfaqirziaulhaq/panggil-saya-ustadz- memahami-istilah-ʻulamāʼ-habib-kiai-dan-ustadz_552a51f8f17e61ca79d623a8.

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honour his contributions.21 Kiayi Haji Ahmad Shohibul wafa Tajul Arifin or known as Abah Anom was another Kiayi figure based in Indonesia whose teachings, charisma and missionary efforts reached devotees in Singapore. His way of rehabilitating drug addiction based on zikrullāh (remembrance of God) was adopted and used in drug rehabilitation centres in Singapore.22

Syaikh/Syeikh is an Arabic term synonymous to Kiayi in its stature for one who has reached the stature of ahl al-faḍl (people of excellence)23 in terms of their religious scholarship and contribution. One such prominent figure in Singapore was the late Syekh Umar bin Abdullah al-Khatib who attained such excellence in knowledge that many religious teachers including the Mufti of his time, and students from across the globe would attend his classes conducted in his kampong (wooden hut) in Jalan Melayu.24 He was well-known for his impeccable memorisation of classical texts including al-Ghazali’s Iḥyāʼ ʻUlūm al-Din. Today, the longest- serving former Mufti of Singapore (1972 – 2010) has been conferred the honour of being called Syaikh Syed Esa Semait.

Maulānā or Moulvi is a term relatable to South Asian religious influence. Maulānā is an Arabic term that means our master denoting the mastery of the person in the religious sciences and in turn the student bounds himself to the master to guide his religious quest. One of the most influential Maulānā that has shaped the religious consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore was the renowned Maulānā Abdul Aleem Siddique. He was instrumental in founding the Inter-Religious Organisation (IRO) which forged a united front representing the multi-religious faiths in Singapore towards a common peaceful front.25 He was also instrumental in purchasing land as waqf (religious endowment) for the building of a mosque. The Abdul Aleem Siddique Mosque still stands at Lorong K as a testament of his contribution to the religious consciousness of Singaporeans.

21 Mohamed Yusuf bin Zuhri bin Mutamim, “Ahmad Zohri Bin Mutamim,” Singapore’s Past ʻulamāʼ, accessed January 3, 2018, http://ibnyahya.com/1985/kiyai-ahmad-zohri-bin-mutamim/. 22 Berita Harian, “Kaedah Inabah Kian Luas Digunakan Bagi Pulih Penagih,” Berita Harian, September 15, 1995. 23 Falih bin Mahdi, al-Tuhfah al-Mahdiyyah sharh al-Aqidah al-Tadmiriyyah, vol. 1, (Matabi' al-Jami'ah al- Islamiyyah bi al-Madinah al-Munawwarah, 1413) accessed January 3, 2018, http://shamela.ws/browse.php/book- 7260/page-9. 24 Ibn Yahya, “Umar bin Abdullah al-Khatib,” Singapore’s Past ʻulamāʼ, accessed January 3, 2018, http://ibnyahya.com/1997/syeikh-umar-bin-abdullah-al-khatib/. 25 Inter-Religious Organisation, Singapore (IRO), “Inter-Religious Organisation, Singapore (IRO),” Inter- Religious Organisation, Singapore (IRO), accessed January 4, 2018, http://iro.sg/.

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Ustāz (m.) (pl asātidhah) or Ustāzah (f.) is a generic term used in the context of the Malay world as one who qualifies to be a religious teacher. The root of the term could be found in both Arabic and Persian sources. The term is widely used in the Islamic world from Persia, Arabia to South Asia; however, its usage varies.26 The Malay world has embraced the definition of the term to denote one who qualifies to be a religious teacher. There are currently more than 1000 accredited asātidhah in Singapore.27

6.2.2 Religious symbolism and its impact on the wasaṭiyyah of the past ʻulamāʼ in Singapore To understand the presence of the values of wasaṭiyyah among these past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore, this section will look at their akal-hati-budi (rationality-belief- mannerism) framework. Through this framework, these past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore shared some general features and commonalities that projected their understanding of wasaṭiyyah.

Firstly, education was key in these past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore. Their religious education were based on a mixture of both traditional and modern Islamic education, both in local schools and foreign universities or colleges. What differentiated their religious education was the educational system that they attended. Many attended traditional madrasah education through madrasahs and pondoks which were the available means to acquire knowledge at the time. As many of these scholars were migrants who came to Singapore, their early education started from their respective homelands in Yemen, India, Malaysia and Indonesia. The influence of the religious education of the Muslim community in Singapore was thus rooted in these different schools and countries.

There were also those amongst these generation of ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah who were born locally in Singapore, and received their early education from the madrasahs and pondoks available in Singapore then. This generation became the first cohort of Singaporean students who travelled overseas to continue their religious education in Islamic universities abroad, mostly al-Azhar in Cairo. The exceptions were Prof Ahmad Ibrahim and Ustaz Mohd Kamil who studied at Oxford and Cambridge respectively, to further their tertiary religious education under Western philosophies studied in these universities.

26 Hans Wehr and J. Milton Cowan, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: (Arabic - English), 4. ed., (Urbana, IL: Spoken Language Services, 1994), 18. 27 See https://www.muis.gov.sg/ARS-and-IECP/Asatizah-Recognition-Scheme-ARS/ARS-certified-Teachers

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This above generation became the trendsetters for the current generation of Singaporean students who are choosing to further their education in both Islamic and Western universities abroad. The importance of continuous education became a cornerstone that shapes the religious education of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. This emphasis on knowledge acquirement is a fundamental factor in educating the akal of the religious elites in Singapore today, which in turn shape their wasaṭi outlook.

While, akal shaped their wasaṭi outlook, two distinct features shaped the hati (heart, belief) of this earlier generation of religious scholars. These features could be seen in their charismatic presence (haibah) and their emphasis on sincerity (ikhlāṣ) as part of the criteria of being an ʻulamāʼ. Habib Noh, Syekh Omar al-Khatib, and Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique’s haibah continue to be respected and admired until today. These great religious scholars are still being presented and referred to in books, syarahan (religious talks), haul (annual remembrance), and video documentaries. 28 The annual haul of Habib Noh, in its 154th year in 2017, has attracted thousands of attendees including local and foreign ʻulamāʼ and dignitaries.

The budi of these ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah is found in their proactive role in cementing religious presence through educational institutions, community organisations and publications. Ustaz Sanusi served as the first Mufti of Singapore,29 Prof Ahmad Ibrahim was the first Attorney- General in Singapore post-independence and was instrumental in drafting the AMLA,30 Ustaz Syed Ahmad Semait authored and translated many religious texts into the Malay language,31 Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique was instrumental in the formation of the Inter-Religious Organisation (IRO),32 Habib Muhammad bin Salim built the Ba’alwie Mosque,33 Kiayi Haji Ahmad Shohibul Wafa Tajul Arifin introduced the Inabah program for rehabilitating drug

28 Berita Harian, “Habib Noh Terkenal Dgn Kesalihannya,” accessed February 16, 2017, eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/beritaharian19850830-1.2.36.1; Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee and The Outreach Unit of Al-Firdaus Mosque, The Grand Saint of Singapore. 29 Berita Harian, “Masyarakat Banjar Di Singapura ...’Perantau Menghilang’,” BeritaHarian.Sg, last modified October 20, 2014, http://www.beritaharian.sg/setempat/perantau-menghilang. 30 Nurul Liyana Yeo, “Big Dreams, Bigger Actions,” Malay Pioneers of Early Singapore, accessed May 9, 2017, http://pioneersofearlysingapore.com/pioneers/professor-ahmad-ibrahim/. 31 Pustaka Nasional, “Syed Ahmad Semait,” Penulis Kami, accessed May 9, 2017, http://www.pustaka.com.sg/Synopsis_files/Penulis_Kami/Syed_Ahmad_Semait.html. 32 Inter-Religious Organisation, Singapore (IRO), “Inter-Religious Organisation, Singapore (IRO).” 33 Ibn Yahya, “Mohammad Bin Salim Al-Attas,” Singapore’s Past ʻulamāʼ, accessed May 9, 2017, http://ibnyahya.com/1976/habib-mohammad-bin-salim-al-attas/.

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addiction,34 and Syekh Umar al-Khatib conducted religious classes attended by both local and foreign students.35 The budi of the past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore sowed the wasaṭi tradition of ‘serving the community’ as part of the roles of ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore till today.

Based on the collective akal-hati-budi framework of the past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore as described above, the values of wasaṭiyyah exemplified by these past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah made up of local and foreign personalities honoured with different religious titles were based on the importance of their traditional and modern education, their charisma and sincerity, and their contributions to the community and nation based on their specialities and capabilities.

6.3 Wasaṭiyyah discourse among ʻulamāʼ in the Malay world today Several ʻulamāʼ in the Malay world today have contributed to the wasaṭiyyah discourse with their written works. This section focuses on the four prominent religious figures in the contemporary Malay world: Ustaz Haji Ahmad Sonhadji Mohamad (d. 2010) from Singapore, Prof Dr Haji Abdul Malik bin Syekh Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah, better known by the nickname Hamka (d. 1981) from Indonesia, Prof Muhammad Quraish Shihab (b. 1944) from Indonesia, and Prof Mohd Kamal Hassan (b. 1942) from Malaysia.

6.3.1 Wasaṭiyyah according to Ustaz Haji Ahmad Sonhadji Mohamad Ahmad Sonhadji Mohamad (d. 2010) was born in Solo, Indonesia. He was brought to Singapore in 1927 by his parents. He is the only one in Singapore’s modern history until today to have published a complete Qur’ānic exegesis work in the Malay language in Singapore.36

In his Malay language tafsīr work called ‘Abr al-athīr, he translated ummah wasaṭ as ‘umat yang wasatan (pertengahan)’, which means the ‘middle community’. 37 He explained that the term ummah wasaṭ characterises the Muslim community as the best and most honourable (umat

34 Berita Harian, “Kaedah Inabah Kian Luas Digunakan Bagi Pulih Penagih.” 35 Amri Amrullah, “Syekh Umar Bin Abdullah Al-Khatib Penegak Dakwah Islam Di Singapura,” Republika.Co.Id, last modified August 23, 2015, http://www.republika.co.id/berita/koran/islam-digest- koran/15/08/23/ntjdr71-syekh-umar-bin-abdullah-alkhatib-penegak-dakwah-islam-di-singapura. 36 Nurhaizatul Jamila Jamil, “Ustaz Ahmad Sonhadji Mohamad Milatu | Infopedia,” National Library Board, Singapore, accessed February 11, 2017, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_1468_2010-08- 13.html. 37 Ahmad Sonhadji b. Mohamad Milatu, Tafsir Al-Quran tafsir Al-Quran di radio juz 2, 18–19.

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yang terbaik dan mulia).38 One needs to understand the richness of the term wasaṭ to understand the reality of the concept of ummah wasaṭ. If the richness of the term is lost, the idea of being in the middle might just project normalcy and a sense of moderateness. To understand the reality, he alluded to the example of the weighing scale. According to Sonhadji, only when the scale is in the middle, will it project its equal value and thus produce justice. As justice is attained in the middle of the scale, justice prevails as a middlemost quality. This justice is what makes the idea of ummah wasaṭ great. 39

Sonhadji alluded to a Malay proverb ‘buat baik berpada-pada, buat jahat jangan sekali’ which means that in doing acts of goodness, one needs to do it at its rightful middlemost position, while evil deeds are not to be done even once. 40 He explained that this proverb projects that even extreme acts of goodness do not equal to perfection. One is to adhere to the middle to be the best. Sonhadji quoted the Prophet as saying: خ ْي ر ا ْْل مو ﺭ أ ْﻭ س ط ها The best of affairs is in the middle.41

He asserted that the Islamic ummah is described as ummah wasaṭ because the ummah in the time of the Prophet was not extreme like the Jews who neglected their faith to a level of antipathy, or like the Christians who elevated their adoration of their Prophet to godly status.42

6.3.2 Wasaṭiyyah according to Prof Dr Haji Abdul Malik bin Syekh Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah (Hamka) Hamka, is a reputable figure in Indonesia, who is well read and is a prolific author of many books in the Malay language. He also has many followers in Malaysia and Singapore. In his Tafsir al-Azhar, ummah wasaṭ is translated as a middle ummah - ‘suatu ummat yang di tengah’. 43 He explained that Islam was founded as ‘a middle way’ that possesses both qualities of managing a Muslim’s physical and spiritual needs. He described the significance of the ummatan wasaṭan verse (Q. 2:143) as:

38 Ahmad Sonhadji, Tafsir Al-Quran tafsir Al-Quran di radio juz 2, 18–19. 39 Ahmad Sonhadji, Tafsir Al-Quran tafsir Al-Quran di radio juz 2, 18–19. 40 Ahmad Sonhadji, Tafsir Al-Quran tafsir Al-Quran di radio juz 2, 18–19. 41 The status of this hadith is contested today. Among others, it is reported by al-Baihāqī in al-Sunan al-Kubrā, Abu Nu‘aim in al-Ṣaḥābah, and al-Ṭabarī in his Tafsīr. 42 Ahmad Sonhadji, Tafsir Al-Quran tafsir Al-Quran di radio juz 2, 18-19. 43 Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, vol. II (Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 2002), 6.

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Maka sekarang datanglah ayat ini memperingatkan kembali, ummat Muhammad bahwa mereka adalah suatu ummat yang di tengah, menempuh jalan lurus; bukan terpaku kepada dunia sehingga diperhamba oleh benda dan materi. Dan bukan pula hanya semata-mata mementingkan rohani, sehingga tidak bisa dijalankan, sebab tubuh kita masih hidup. Islam datang mempertemukan kembali di antara kedua jalan hidup itu.44 Meaning: Now this verse came to remind the Muhammadan community of their middlemost position who are journeying on on the straight path; they are not transfixed to the world that they became enslaved to physical objects and materials. And they do not emphasise only on the spiritual, until they are unable to move, as our bodies are alive. Islam came to reunite both physical and spiritual lives.

Hamka sees ummah wasaṭ as the ‘middle faith’ between the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam). 45 For examples he used the scenarios of the Jews who were too attached to their worldly possessions and the Christians who preferred the monastic life, away from the realities of the real world. He further provided instances within the Islamic faith of the qualities of wasaṭ quantified through acts of worship of how prayer (shalat) is being performed by the bodily movement aligned to the contemplative nature of the heart (khusyuk) and in the distribution of obligatory alms (zakat), where material gains need to be shared with those in need.

He also made comparisons between Western and Indian school of thoughts, where ummah wasaṭ is the middle path between Western thought based on classical Greek philosophy that gave ultimate prominence to only the mind and the classical Indian thought that was based on the Upanishad and Veda,46 which focused only on the immaterial, innate body. He concluded by emphasising that the advent of Prophet Muhammad in the Arabian desert is to bring forth the teachings of such ummah wasaṭ that accepted the reality of living in this world. The ummah is one that: Percaya kepada akhirat, lalu beramal di dalam dunia ini. Mencari kekayaan untuk membela keadilan, mementingkan kesihatan rohani dan jasmani, karena kesihatan yang

44 Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, vol. II (Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 2002), 6. 45 Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, 7. 46 The Upanishad and Veda are a collection of texts that contain the central philosophical concepts of Hinduism.

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satu bertalian dengan yang lain. Mementingkan kecerdasan fikiran, tetapi dengan menguatkan ibadat untuk menghaluskan perasaan. Mencari kekayaan sebanyak- banyaknya, karena kekayaan adalah alat untuk berbuat baik. Menjadi Khalifah Allah di atas bumi, untuk bekal menuju akhirat. Karena kelak akan dipertanggungjawabkan di hadapan Allah. Selama ummat ini masih menempuh Shiratal-Mustaqim, jalan yang lurus itu, selama itu pula mereka akan tetap menjadi ummat jalan tengah.47 Meaning: Believe in the hereafter, do acts of good in this world. Seek richness to uphold justice, give importance to the spiritual and physical wellbeing, as the wellbeing of one affects the other. Give importance to cultivate the intelligence of the mind but strengthen acts of worship to smoothen the emotions. Seek as much wealth, as wealth is a means to perform goodness. Become a vicegerent of God on earth, to make provision for the hereafter. Later, all will be held responsible in front of God. As long as this ummah is on the straight path (ṣirāṭ al-mustaqīm), they will continue to be the ummah wasaṭ.

In one of his books entitled Falsafah Hidup (Philosophy of Life), Hamka discussed further his conception of wasaṭiyyah.48 In his unique style of writing that portrays the akal-hati-budi of a Malay living in the context of Indonesia in the 1960s, Hamka followed al-Ghazali’s virtue-trait conception of wasaṭiyyah.49 He emphasised the need to acquire the trait of sederhana (middlemost, moderate) in different aspects of life affecting the Muslims in the context of living in Nusantara (Malay world) at the time. He justified the need for sederhana in man’s intention and mission, thinking, needs, happiness, wealth, name, position and training.50 Sederhana encompasses balance between excessiveness and laxity, justice which means to give the right to whom it deserves, and istiqamah, which means to be dutiful and not be misled by desires.51

6.3.3 Wasaṭiyyah according to Prof Muhammad Quraish Shihab Quraish Shihab, an Indonesian Muslim scholar in the sciences of the Qur’ān, an author, a scholar, and former Minister of Religious Affairs defines wasaṭ as ‘the middle position between

47 Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, 6. 48 Hamka, Falsafah Hidup (Penerbitan Pustaka Antara, 1967), 49 Refer to Chapter 2. 50 Fatimah Abdullah and Amira Adnan, “Hamka’s Concept of Moderation: An Analysis,” Journal of Islam in Asia Special Issue 2 (2011), 362. 51 Abdullah and Adnan, “Hamka’s Concept of Moderation: An Analysis.”

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two opposing positions’. He also understood wasaṭ as ‘all that is good and praiseworthy in line with its objective’. 52 He cited the example of the virtue of bravery as the middle between being reckless and fearful, and generosity as in the middle between being extravagant and miserly to explain this middle position. He elaborated that in all its forms of wasaṭ that appeared in the Qurʾān, they projected a sense of being in the middle, just and chosen. 53 As a chosen community, the community needs to step forward as witnesses or are seen as exemplary and exemplified and uphold the criteria of truthfulness.

Shihab also highlighted the fact that the usage of ummah wasaṭ in the Qurʾān projects that Islam does not produce extremists. Extremism breeds rigidity and exclusiveness in facing trials. In contrast, the Islamic ummah is a community with a balanced outlook, which differs from other communities that are lost in materialism and do not heed the spiritual side of life. He also emphasised that ummah wasaṭ on the other hand, does not only focused on the aspect of spirituality and discard the physical aspect. 54

Shihab concluded that this middle path pushes the ummah to step forward to interact socially, involve in dialogue, and is open to all sides from different religious, cultural, and civilizational backgrounds so they can be fair and become a just witness.55

6.3.4 Wasaṭiyyah according to Prof Mohd Kamal Hassan According to Kamal Hassan, a Malaysian scholar and former Rector of the International Islamic University in Malaysia, the foundation of wasaṭiyyah is based on the main sources of knowledge in Islam which are the Qurʾān and the Sunnah of the Prophet. Based on them, he built the concept of wasaṭiyyah on three Islamic values of faith (īmān), knowledge (‘ilm), and God-consciousness (taqwā). Figure 6.1 below shows Kamal Hassan’s diagram of the meaning of wasaṭiyyah which is founded upon three values which are justice, excellence, and balance.56

52 Moh. Quraish Shihab, ed., Ensiklopedia Al-Qurʾān: Kajian Kosakata, ed. 1 (Jakarta: Lentera Hati, Pusat Studi al-Qurʾān, dan Paguyuban Yayasan Ikhlas, 2007), 1070-1071. 53 Moh. Quraish Shihab, Ensiklopedia Al-Qurʾān: Kajian Kosakata, 1070-1071. 54 Moh Quraish Shihab, ed., Ensiklopedia Al-Qurʾān: Kajian Kosakata, 1070-1071. 55 Moh Quraish Shihab, ed., Ensiklopedia Al-Qurʾān: Kajian Kosakata, 1070-1071. 56 Tan Sri Prof Dr Mohd. Kamal Hassan, “Moulding a Wasaṭiyyah Community Today” (The Religious Rehabilitation Group Talk Series, Khadijah Mosque, Singapore, May 5, 2012); Ustaz Muhammad Haniff Hassan, “Konsep Wasatiyah Dari Sudut Pandangan Prof. Kamal Hassan,” Wasat Online, February 2015, accessed January 10, 2018, https://wasatonline.wordpress.com/2015/02/12/konsep-wasatiyah-dari-sudut-pandangan-prof-kamal- hassan/.

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Figure 6.1 Kamal Hassan’s Diagram on the Meaning of Ummah Wasaṭ

Ummah wasaṭ, according to Kamal Hassan, is built upon the foundation of justice. Justice, attained through knowledge (‘ilm), is a criterion of strength, power and dignity that upholds the integrity of the community. With justice comes excellence in fostering goodness and avoiding evil (amr bi’l-ma’ruf, nahy ‘an al-munkar). Justice and excellence prelude to the attainment of balance and moderation as the third criterion of an ummah wasaṭ.58 Balance and moderation allow the community to exercise inter-religious tolerance and live in peaceful co- existence. He argued against the misunderstanding of the concept among some political elites that justify wasaṭiyyah as a platform to take the issue of faith lightly or deliberately omitting the calls of the faith. Wasaṭiyyah cannot be a platform to mediocrity. He asserted that being in the middle means to be against excessiveness and laxity. If such a balance is attained, a Muslim will achieve success (al-falāḥ) which will provide blessings (barakah), acceptance (riḍwān), mercy (raḥmah), and guidance (taufīq).59 Wasaṭiyyah as illustrated in figure 6.2 is the benchmark for human civilization to manifest the concept of being a blessing to all (raḥmatan lil ‘ālamīn), and the best community (khair ummah).60

Figure 6.2 Kamal Hassan’s Structure of Wasaṭiyyah61

57 Hassan, “Konsep Wasatiyah Dari Sudut Pandangan Prof. Kamal Hassan.” 58 Tan Sri Prof Dr Mohd. Kamal Hassan, “Moulding a Wasaṭiyyah Community Today.”. 59 Hassan, “Moulding a Wasaṭiyyah Community Today”; Hassan, “Konsep Wasatiyah Dari Sudut Pandangan Prof. Kamal Hassan.” 60 Tan Sri Professor Dr Mohd. Kamal Hassan, “The Concept of Wasatiyyah and the Significance of Islamic Moderation.” 61 Hassan, “Konsep Wasatiyah Dari Sudut Pandangan Prof. Kamal Hassan.”

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Based on these four reputable Nusantara (Malay world) scholars, wasaṭiyyah is understood to have several characteristics. Firstly, it is the ‘middle path’ based on the Qur’ān and exemplified by the Prophet. Secondly, to be in the middle is to be in a dignified (mulia) position, and this position projects the best virtue. Thirdly, being wasaṭ does not mean being mediocre. Fourthly, there are certain innate characteristics of wasaṭiyyah such as justice, balance, and dutifulness (istiqāmah) that are to the concept. Finally, wasaṭiyyah aims towards success (falāḥ) in this life and the hereafter. Both Sonhadji and Hamka explained the concept within a traditional context using Malay pantun (prose) and lifestyle, while both Shihab and Hassan explained the concept in a modern illustration of the concept.

6.4 Institutionalising guidance – the role of the Mufti in the context of Singapore The Mufti plays a central role in Islamic intellectual tradition in Singapore. Without a central papal figure, the authority of the Mufti is fundamental in determining the nuances of faith and its legal tradition. By definition, a Mufti is the authority among people in the affairs of the religion, who is learned in the Islamic sciences revolving around the Qurʼān and the Sunnah, in its generalities (al-‘umūm) and specifications (al-khusūs), its abrogation (al-nāsikh wa al- mansūkh) and its meaning and application (istinbāṭ).62 From a theological angle, several conditions define a Mufti, which include possession of knowledge (al-‘ilm), specialization (al- takhaṣṣuṣ), being able to be just (al-‘adālah), ability to interpret issues based on the context of place and time (al-ijtihād), excellence in natural disposition (jūdah al-qarīhah), vision and awareness (al-faṭānah and al-tayaqquẓ), and ethical predisposition (al-adab).63

62 Dar al-Ifta al-Misriyyah, “Man huwa al-Muftī," Dar al-Ifta al-Misriyyah, accessed July 24, 2017, http://www.ifta-learning.net/mofti21?page=2. 63 Dar al-Ifta al-Misriyyah, “Man huwa al-Muftī,".

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The role of the Mufti in Singapore has been defined within the constitution of the Administration of Muslim Law Act of Singapore (AMLA). The Mufti in Singapore is elected by the President of Singapore and plays a unique role in advising the President of Singapore on Muslim affairs. He also chairs the Fatwa Committee, which sits under the Office of the Mufti within the Islamic Council of Singapore (MUIS).64

A Mufti within the context of a minority Muslim community faces two different expectations from the government and the Muslim community. He is elected by the President of Singapore based on the Administration of Muslim Law Act (AMLA). The AMLA is crafted to administer the affairs of the Malay/Muslim community. The Mufti plays a leading role in advising the government on matters pertaining to Islam. While the government seeks the Mufti’s advice on issues relating to Islam and the Muslim community, he also plays a role in addressing the government’s concern and wishes to the minority Muslim community.65 The Mufti guides the religious life of the minority community. While representing the Muslim community, he also provides guidance in all aspects of life in Singapore’s multi-religious, multiracial nation. The expectation from the community is greater than what is specified in the law. In dealing with these expectations, the Mufti plays a critical role in ensuring that the Muslim community does not tread an exclusive path away from the national multicultural policy.

6.4.1 The Current Mufti of Singapore – Sohibus Samaha Dr Md Fatris Bakaram The current Mufti of Singapore, Dr Mohd Fatris Bakaram (b. 1970) is the third Mufti of Singapore since its independence in 1965.66 Since taking office in 2011, the Mufti has been instrumental in playing his role in the religious leadership in Singapore. However, being the Mufti of a minority community, his role in Singapore differs from that of a Mufti in a Muslim majority nation. The key function of a Mufti in disseminating, understanding and applying the divine revelation is contextualised, based upon the minority status of the Muslim community.

In dealing with these dual expectations, Dr Fatris subscribes to the notion that the Muslim community is intrinsically shaped through faith to serve for the cause of goodness.67 The role

64 Singapore Parliament, “Administration of Muslim Law Act.” 65 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 66 Sumiko Tan, “Lunch with Sumiko: When the Going Gets Tough, Mufti Fatris Bakaram Writes Poetry,” Straits Times, accessed February 2, 2018, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/lunch-with-sumiko-when-the-going- gets-tough-mufti-fatris-bakaram-writes-poetry. 67 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014.

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of the Mufti is to play a proactive role in shaping a religious lifestyle that balances the communal needs with the bigger national aspirations. Within the Singapore context, the Mufti is fundamental in crafting religious programmes, constructing religious content and messaging, assisting in mosque building efforts, and addressing sensitive communal issues.

This role is unique and different from the conventional role of a Mufti that is limited to issuing of religious edicts (fatwa). In Singapore, several religious issues in the past had become national issues such as the tudung issue,68 compulsory education involving Madrasah students,69 the Pinkdot movement,70 and the involvement of Singapore’s air force against ISIS.71 These issues have brought the Mufti into a mitigating role in balancing his religious leadership within the national expectations. Key to finding a solution in mitigating these issues is the ability of the Mufti to balance between the need to interpret, understand and apply religious texts within the values that represent both the communal and national contexts.72

6.4.2 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of the Mufti To achieve a balance between communal and national issues, the Mufti opines that the concept of wasaṭiyyah is critical in balancing the needs of both contexts. He defines wasaṭiyyah from two different angles: vertical wasaṭiyyah and horizontal wasaṭiyyah. By vertical wasaṭiyyah, he means that the Muslim community must be progressive as it is categorised as the best of community (khaira ummah) in the Qurʼān.73 By being the best, the Muslim community must be progressive and not fall back to be seen as mediocre. ‘Trying to be the best’ allows the Muslim community to be a positive force to the nation and the world.74

According to the Mufti, horizontal wasaṭiyyah refers to the fact that the Muslim community needs to achieve a balance between the different needs of the community vis-à-vis the

68 Tham Yuen-C, “Mufti Criticises Online Vitriol over Tudung Issue,” The Straits Times, accessed January 10, 2018, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/mufti-criticises-online-vitriol-over-tudung-issue. 69 Dr Aline Wong, “Report of the Committee on Compulsory Education in Singapore” Ministry of Education, Singapore, July 2000, 36, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.moe.gov.sg/docs/default- source/document/initiatives/compulsory-education/files/ce-report.pdf. 70 Laura Elizabeth Philomin, “MUIS Urges Mosques Not to Take Confrontational Stand on LGBT Lifestyles,” Today, accessed January 12, 2018, http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/muis-urges-mosques-not-take- confrontational-stand-lgbt-lifestyles. 71 Dr Ng Eng Hen, “Reply by Minister for Defence Dr Ng Eng Hen to Parliamentary Question on Joining the Coalition to Combat ISIS” Ministry of Defence, Singapore, accessed January 11, 2018, https://www.mindef.gov.sg/imindef/press_room/official_releases/ps/2014/03nov14_ps.html. 72 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 73 See Qurʼān 3:110. 74 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014.

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mainstream. ‘We need to balance this; we can’t only focus on the needs of the community or only to the needs of the larger community’, he said.75

Based on such a definition of wasaṭiyyah, the Mufti stresses that sharing of concerns between the Muslim community and the bigger masses is a critical criterion of wasaṭiyyah. To him, religious issues cannot be addressed solely from the lenses and perspective of the minority Muslim community; it needs to also reflect the impact on the majority community and take into account their perspectives. Citing an example from the life of the Prophet when he was in Mecca living as a minority Muslim community, he said the Prophet did not cease from upholding the responsibility of safeguarding the wealth of the non-Muslim majority entrusted upon him. This reality of the Prophet’s role in Mecca becomes a critical guideline for the Mufti within a minority context.76

6.4.3 Challenges in applying wasaṭiyyah The Mufti points to several challenges faced in applying this dual understanding of the concept of wasaṭiyyah. Firstly, there is a sense of low esteem (kurang keyakinan diri) within the community to try to be the best community (khaira ummah) as a criterion of vertical wasaṭiyyah. He highlights that the cause for such low esteem is due partly to misunderstanding of religious concepts. For example, he points to the limited understanding among some within the community that religion is meant only for otherworldly (akhirah) purpose. The wrongful understanding of concepts such as of fate and predestination (qadha and qadar), and the notion of sustenance (rezeki) has limited the need to achieve excellence in worldly affairs.77

The Mufti underlines several factors that have contributed to such misunderstandings, for instance, the impact of the past from unfavourable colonial policies in limiting educational and administrative possibilities for the Malays, to the coming of rich migrants in the British era which led to the marginalisation of the indigenous Malay community.78 The Malays thus had to apply religious narratives of patience (sabar), acceptance of fate and predestination (redha atas qadha qadar) and envision their achievement of greater otherworldly gains in order to endure the hardships of colonization. To overcome these inherited misperceptions, the Mufti

75 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 76 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 77 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 78 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014.

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stresses on the need to elevate the community’s self-esteem and help them understand that Islam as a religion promotes attainment of excellence in this world as a bridge to otherworldly success.79

Secondly, the challenges faced in trying to attain horizontal wasaṭiyyah where the minority Muslim community should balance its needs alongside mainstream needs include the misreading of religious guidelines with regards to living with non-Muslims. A defensive outlook based on prejudice and distrust also affects relationships with non-Muslims. Such an outlook encompasses issues of allegiance to non-Muslim leadership and non-Muslim states, and relationship with people of other faiths such as Christians and Jews. These issues need to be addressed by applying an understanding of horizontal wasaṭiyyah where balance is attained.80

Another challenging issue revolves around intra-faith sensitivities and opinions. The different understanding of texts within the Muslim community has contributed to the emergence of a range of schools of thought among Muslims. While this diversity enriches the Muslim’s religiosity, it also creates schism within the community. This schism divides the community into different schools of thought (Sunni-Shi’i) and opinions (Wahhabism, Salafism, and Sufism). The Mufti opines that part of this schism lies in how the hadith literature has been interpreted. To overcome this internal challenge, he emphasises on the need to educate the Muslim masses to a tripartite understanding of the Ḥadīth-Shamā’il-Sīrah (Prophetic words- attributes-life-narrative) framework.81 This will allow a balance in disseminating, understanding and application of the faith towards a consensus to build unity and not create further divisions.

Nevertheless, according to the Mufti, educating Muslims to understand the importance of this balance is difficult.82 While all Muslims agree on the importance of knowledge, many fail to understand the objective of knowledge. Religious knowledge has been seen as relating only to

79 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 80 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 81 Ḥadīth is an Arabic term used in the Islamic intellectual tradition to represent the corpus of the Prophet’s sayings, actions and agreements/disagreements. Shamā’il is an Arabic term used in the Islamic intellectual tradition to highlight The Prophet’s physical features, moral values, and attributes. Sīrah is an Arabic term used in the Islamic intellectual tradition to study the Prophet’s history, his life, and important events that occurred during his prophethood. 82 Interview with Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014.

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faith, otherworldly and ritualistic aims. When MUIS has introduced a program for discussing matters relating to current issues through khuṭbahs, there were objections based upon the notion that the religious sanctity of the khuṭbah should not be used as a means for secularisation. The Mufti opines that separating religion from worldly matters is in actual fact secularisation. The above challenges project the difficulty to push the agenda for the creation of a community of excellence based on the importance of the acquisition of knowledge.

6.5 Rehabilitating terrorists and extremists – the role of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community in Singapore Since Sept 11, 2001, throughout the world, terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda, al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, Taliban and Jemaah Islamiyyah have continued their program of terrorist acts. 83 These violent acts of terrorism occupied mainstream media daily. In addition to the catastrophic civilian deaths at New York’s World Trade Centre on that unfortunate day of September 11, 2001, the world saw the massacres of villages and towns, suicide acts in city centres and schools targeted by such extremist groups, calling their acts of murder and carnage as jihad. America’s ‘War on Terror’ as a direct reaction to eradicate al-Qaedaism took centre stage, turning many parts of the world, especially the Middle East into war zones. In retrospective, September 11, 2001 initiated the new era of identifying the true message of Islam against the ideology of al- Qaedaism, especially within the Muslim world.84

Singapore was not left unscathed by this wave of extremism post September 11, 2001. The representation of al-Qaedaism appeared on Singapore’s shores in the form of a clandestine group called Jemaah Islamiyah.85 The appearance of Jemaah Islamiyah in Singapore was solely to disrupt the peace and prosperity in Singapore through violent acts in the form of bombings and killings under the guise of creating an Islamic State (Daulah Islamiyah) in Southeast Asia. Several possible targets including public spaces, the water pipelines, and embassies were identified as potential targets of mass terrorism. Fortunately for Singapore, the plans and the existence of the group were made known to the relevant security agencies culminating in an island wide arrest of Jemaah Islamiyah members and its affiliated groups. Their misguided

83 The Washington Times, “9/11 Report Details Saudi Arabia Funding of Muslim Extremists in U.S.,” The Washington Times, accessed January 29, 2017, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/jul/19/911-report- details-saudi-arabia-funding-of-muslim-/. 84 Edwin Bakker and Leen Boer, The Evolution of Al-Qaedaism Ideology, Terrorists, and Appeal (The Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, 2007), 4. 85 Ministry of Home Affairs, Republic of Singapore, The Jemaah Islamiyah Arrests and the Threat of Terrorism: White Paper, Cmd.: 2 of 2003 (Singapore : Ministry of Home Affairs, Republic of Singapore, 2003).

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plans were disrupted and group members arrested and placed under the Internal Security Act (ISA). The ISA authorises the Minister for Home Affairs (MHA), with the consent of the President, to order detention without judicial trial or review if it is determined that a person poses a threat to national security.86

The initial detention, under the ISA, may be up to two years, and the MHA may renew the detention for an unlimited number of additional periods up to two years at a time with the President’s consent.87 However, the ‘spike in ISA arrests’88 in relation to violent al-Qaedaism continued, involving other terrorist groups, self-radicalised individuals,89 and ISIS-related persons.90 By 2016, the impact of radicalisation and extremism had affected foreign workers working in Singapore leading to several arrests of Bangladeshi91 workers and Indonesian maids92 who professed allegiance to such violence and terror.

6.5.1 The role of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) in countering radicalism in Singapore The ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community has taken a pragmatic approach in countering such violent ideologies. The founding of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) which focuses its efforts in providing voluntary religious rehabilitation to those involved with terrorism- related crimes, and community engagement initiatives to educate the masses, Muslims and non- Muslims alike, as well as citizens and foreigners, of the perils of al-Qaedaism and its related issues was established. Among the key message of the RRG is in advocating wasaṭiyyah as a key element of fighting terrorism. In its webpage, RRG aims to counter radicalisation and extremism with the ideals of moderation (wasaṭiyyah) through the spirit of loving, caring and

86 United States Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2015 - Singapore, 2 June 2016, accessed January May 29, 2018, http://www.refworld.org/docid/57518d8910.html 87 United States Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2015 - Singapore. 88 Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh, “Spike in ISA arrests a reminder of threat,” The Straits Times, accessed January 29, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/spike-in-isa-arrests-a-reminder-of-threat. 89 Channel NewsAsia, “Self-Radicalised Singaporeans a ‘stark Reminder’ of Risks in Society: Yaacob,” Channel NewsAsia, accessed January 29, 2017, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/self- radicalised/2997168.html. 90 Channel NewsAsia, “Radicalisation Threat Has Grown Larger with Islamic State, PM Lee Says,” Channel NewsAsia, accessed January 29, 2017, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/radicalisation-threat- has/2656342.html. 91 Lee Min Kok, “27 radicalised Bangladeshis arrested in Singapore under Internal Security Act: MHA,” The Straits Times, accessed January 29, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/courts-crime/27-radicalised- bangladeshis-arrested-in-singapore-under-internal-security-act. 92 Seow Bei Yi, “Five maids working in Singapore radicalised,” The Straits Times, last modified December 19, 2016, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/five-maids-working-in-singapore-radicalised.

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sharing for a cohesive Singapore.93 According to Rohan Gunaratna, Professor of Security Studies at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, promoting moderation is the winning part of fighting terrorism, while countering ideology is in fighting the ideology.94

The RRG was founded by two religious scholars (ʻulamāʼ) in Singapore after their initial meetings with Jemaah Islamiyah members. In 2001, when members of the Jemaah Islamiyah were apprehended in Singapore for terrorist plots planned in Singapore, the government had approached Ustaz Hj Ali and Ustaz Hasbi Hassan, the President of PERGAS, to seek their insights on the religious ideology of those detained. After meeting the detainees, Ustaz Hj Ali and Ustaz Hasbi decided to form the RRG as a voluntary group to provide religious rehabilitation against the misguided ideologies of those detained. Since then, RRG has grown till today and continue to provide religious rehabilitation to members of JI and ISIS, as well as self-radicalised individuals. The RRG engages in community engagement programs focusing on educating the masses about the dangers of terrorism related to the misunderstanding of Islamic concepts.95

Today, RRG is comprised of more than 40 religious teachers (asātidhah) who assist in such matters. The RRG was formed in 2004 and currently has a Resource and Counselling Centre at Khadijah Mosque in Singapore. In dealing with extremist ideologies, the RRG has conducted more than 1000 counselling sessions which focuses ‘on the area of ideological response to correct these misconceptions’. RRG’s role is to respond effectively to counter their violent ideologies which stem from a misinterpretation of military concepts in Islam.’96

After the official formation of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) in Singapore to assist the government in its primary role of rehabilitating JI members and self-radicalised individuals

93 Religious Rehabilitation Group, “Our Message,” Religious Rehabilitation Group, accessed April 11, 2018, https://www.rrg.sg/our-message/. 94 Interview with Rohan Gunaratna on the 4th of February, 2014. 95 Refer to Religious Rehabilitation Group, “Religious Rehabilitation Group,” Religious Rehabilitation Group, accessed November 20, 2013, http://www.rrg.sg/; Hassan and Pereire, “An Ideological Response to Combating Terrorism - The Singapore Perspective”; R. Gunaratna and M. F. B. M. Hassan, “Terrorist Rehabilitation: The Singapore Experience,” ed. L. Rubin, R. Gunaratna, and J. Jerard, International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation; Terrorist Rehabilitation and Counter-Radicalisation; New Approaches to Counter-Terrorism (London, Routledge, 2011), 36–58; Muhammad Haniff Hassan, “Singapore’s Muslim Community-Based Initiatives against JI,” Perspectives on Terrorism 1, no. 5 (November 18, 2010), http://terrorismanalysts.com/pt/index.php/pot/article/view/17. 96 Religious Rehabilitation Group, “Our Message,” Religious Rehabilitation Group, accessed Januray 20, 2018, www.rrg.sg/our-message/.

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in 2003, the voluntary group has produced numerous books, articles, brochures and pamphlets, mobile application, a helpline, and a dedicated website to address its deradicalisation initiative. The RRG’s efforts have gained them much attention due to the collaborative effort of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in assisting the nation in countering extremism and radical ideologies.97 The RRG continues to receive frequent invites from internal and external parties to share its initiatives and methods. 98

6.5.2 The Co-Chairmen of the RRG - Ustaz Hj Ali Hj Mohamed Ustaz Hj Ali Hj Mohamed (b. 1947) is an example of a wasaṭi ʻālim in the context of a minority Muslim community today. He is a respected elder within the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity in Singapore. Ustaz Ali continues with the tradition of the role of ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore who had helped shape the wasaṭi religious tradition of living Islam as shown in chapter four since the time of Habib Noh in 1819.

The wasaṭi role that Ustaz Ali plays is multi-faceted. Firstly, Ustaz Ali has been volunteering as the chairman of the Khadijah Mosque Management Board since 1993 where he oversees the running of the 100-year old Mosque. He was instrumental in the rebuilding and restoration of the mosque.99 He also leads the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) as its co-chairmen. Ustaz Hj Ali is also a Council member of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS). The MUIS Council is the overall decision-making body responsible for the formulation of policies and operational plans in relation to issues relating to the Muslim community in Singapore.100 He is also a member of MUIS Fatwa Committee that deliberates and produces fatwa (religious edicts) in Singapore.

Ustaz Ali is the Chairman of the Asatizah Recognition Board (ARB), where he oversees the accreditation process for local asātidhah. The accreditation of local asātidhah ‘recognises teachers and scholars who meet the minimum standards of qualification to preach and teach

97 Simon Montlake, “U.S. Tries Rehab for Religious Extremists,” Christian Science Monitor, last modified October 9, 2007, http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/1009/p01s04-woap.html. 98 Gunaratna and Hassan, “Terrorist Rehabilitation: The Singapore Experience.” 99 Khadijah Mosque, “About Us,” Khadijah Mosque, accessed January 20, 2018, http://www.khadijahmosque.org/aboutus/index.htm. 100 The members of the Council are appointed by the President of Singapore and comprise of the President of Muis, the Mufti of Singapore, the Chief Executive, as well as members recommended by the Minister-in-Charge of Muslim Affairs and nominated by Muslim organisations. Refer to https://www.muis.gov.sg/About/council-of- muis.html

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Islamic religious knowledge.’101While recognising the diversity of thoughts within the asātidhah fraternity, the ARS requires the asātidhah to be able to adapt and implement what is relevant to Singapore’s context.

The impact of Ustaz Ali’s contribution to the community and the nation has accorded him several recognitions from the country’s leadership and the community. He was given the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore's (MUIS) Outstanding Award for his decades of volunteerism, lifelong achievements and contribution to Singapore's Muslim community.102 As one of the founding members of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG), he was recently awarded with Anugerah Jauhari by the Prime Minister of Singapore for his rehabilitation efforts and contributions in RRG. During the ceremony the PM lauded RRG’s efforts: The RRG has fulfilled our hopes, though its mission continues. I thank all RRG members for their tremendous contributions. Special thanks go to Ustaz Ali and Ustaz Hasbi, who have co-chaired the RRG since its inception. They steered the RRG through uncharted waters, and established a strong foundation for its continued success.103

6.5.3 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of Ustaz Hj Ali In explaining wasaṭiyyah, Ustaz Ali emphasises three critical points that need to be applied in understanding wasaṭiyyah within a minority context.104 Firstly, one needs to apply critical thinking as a basis to understand, disseminate and apply the concept to practice. By critical thinking, he means the need to research the rich Islamic intellectual tradition with an eye to find pragmatic solutions for the progress and enrichment of the individual and community particularly in the context of understanding the nuances of living as a minority community. The introduction of the Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) is an example of this.

101 Lianne Chia, “Asātizah Recognition Scheme to Become Compulsory from January 2017: Yaacob,” Channel NewsAsia, accessed February 6, 2017, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/asātizah-recognition- scheme-to-become-compulsory-from-january/3122772.html. 102 Charissa Yong, “11 Honoured for Their Contributions to the Singapore Muslim Community.” The Straits Times, accessed February 6, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/11-honoured-for-their-contributions- to-the-singapore-muslim-community 103 Lee Hsien Loong, “Speech by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong at the International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation and Community Resilience” Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore, accessed February 6, 2017, http://www.pmo.gov.sg/newsroom/speech-prime-minister-lee-hsien-loong-international-conference-terrorist. 104 Interview with Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed on the 10th of August, 2017.

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Secondly, Ustaz Ali points to the need to reform and affect change to the community for the sake of what is good and necessary in the context of changing needs and time.105 The formation of RRG is an example of the need for the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community to move forward and work closely with the secular government to deal with the misinterpretation of the Islamic concepts adopted by those involved in terrorism and extremism. The dire need for these reformative efforts pushes the asātidhah community to unite together for the cause of the religion and nation. However, RRG also has its critics, resulting in Ustaz Ali and members of the RRG being termed as ‘lackeys of the government’.106 Ustaz Ali opines that such criticisms are part and parcel of the challenges faced to affect change in order to provide pragmatic solutions to contemporary real problems that beset the community and the nation.107

Thirdly, Ustaz Ali stresses on the importance of sincerity as a criterion that propels one’s actions towards achieving what is beneficial for the religion, community and nation.108 These tripartite aspects, according to Ustaz Ali, are the key towards understanding, applying and disseminating the values of wasaṭiyyah within the community.

6.6 Uniting the ʻulamāʼ – the role of the Singapore Islamic scholars & religious teachers association (PERGAS) The Singapore Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) is a non- governmental organisation, which has played a significant role in representing the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity in Singapore since 1957.109 PERGAS focuses on asātidhah development and training, community outreach, research and publication, Islamic education, and zakat services. Amongst PERGAS’ active contributions include its online publication entitled Wasat which focuses on the theme of wasaṭiyyah. PERGAS’s contributions and efforts to shape the Islamic consciousness of the Malay/Muslim community through encouraging wasaṭiyyah as a pivotal feature of the community have earned them national recognition.110

105 Interview with Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed on the 10th of August, 2017. 106 Lee Hsien Loong, "Speech by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong at the International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation and Community Resilience.” 107 Interview with Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed on the 10th of August, 2017. 108 Interview with Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed on the 10th of August, 2017. 109 Refer to https://www.pergas.org.sg/about-us.html. 110 Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh, “Masagos Calls on Islamic Teachers to Strengthen Moderation, Work with Other Groups in Society,” The Straits Times, accessed December 10, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/masagos-calls-on-islamic-teachers-to-strengthen-moderation-work-with- other-groups-in.

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6.6.1 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of PERGAS The Singapore Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) compiled an anthology of working papers presented in its ʻulamāʼ Convention held on 13th-14th September 2003 on Moderation in Islam in the Context of the Muslim Community in Singapore.111 In its compilation, PERGAS outlines the parameters of moderation as a guide for the life and religious practice of the Muslim community in Singapore. These parameters are labelled as the ‘Charter of Moderation in Religious Practice’. According to Ustaz Yusri Yubhi, chief executive officer of PERGAS, PERGAS’s Charter aims to implement Islam truthfully not perfunctorily, within the parameters of wasaṭiyyah between the extremes of liberal and extreme interpretations of Islam in the context of challenges faced in Singapore.112

The Charter is divided into three parts and outlines PERGAS’ mission to inculcate wasaṭiyyah in its da‘wah (missionary work) in the context of Singapore. 113 The first part relates to its policy statement, the second highlights its guidelines, and finally, is its charter of wasaṭiyyah. Its policy statement details six basic characteristics of extremism in areas of ‘aqīdah (faith), ‘ibādah (worship), mu‘āmalah (transaction) and da‘wah (missionary work). It deals with issues of interpreting text, religious practices, issues of ḥalāl (permissible) and ḥarām (forbidden), and human relations.114

Its 27-point guideline addresses areas ranging on issues such as identifying Islamic values for a minority community, its position of the objectives of Sharī’ah (maqāṣid sharī‘ah), its views on ‘aqīdah, its stand on takfīr, management of conflict and diversity within the different schools, as well as the importance of context and adab (respect).115

Table 6.1 PERGAS’ Guidelines in Charting Wasaṭiyyah116

No. Categories Guidelines

111 Refer to Pergas, Moderation in Islam in the Context of Muslim Community in Singapore (Singapore: Pergas, 2004). 112 Interview with Yusri Yubhi on the 6th of February, 2014. 113 Interview with Yusri Yubhi on the 6th of February, 2014. 114 Interview with Yusri Yubhi on the 6th of February, 2014. 115 Pergas, Moderation in Islam in the Context of Muslim Community in Singapore. 116 Pergas, Moderation in Islam in the Context of Muslim Community in Singapore.

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A. In line with 1. Respecting principles of democracy; national 2. Safeguarding peace; aspirations 3. Enhancing diversity; 4. Positive role of religion in a secular state; 5. Love of the country. B. Upholding 6. Upholding maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah (objectives of Islamic maqāṣid al- law which revolve around preservation of religion, sharī‘ah life, mind, property/wealth and posterity). (objectives of Islamic law) C. Uniting madhhab 7. Recognising the different Madhāhib (schools of (school of thought) in Fiqh of the Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamā‘ah thought) and (Sunnis) while officially subscribing to the al-Shāfi‘ī ‘aqīdah (faith) school of thought; 8. Acknowledging the schools of al-Ash’ārī and Abu Manṣūr al-Māturīdī in matters of ‘aqīdah (faith); 9. Khilāf (differences in opinions) will occur; Khilāf to be consistent with methodology enhanced in Uṣūl Fiqh (principles of Islamic jurisprudence); Prayers valid among different Madhhab; No exclusive claim of the superiority of a particular Jamā‘ah; No exclusive claim to ijtihād (independent reasoning); The position of ma‘ṣūm (infallibility) is only preserved for the Prophet. D. Invalidating takfīr No disassociation (barā’) fom the mainstream Muslim (pronouncement community; of unbelief) Labeling kāfir (unbeliever) not accepted; A person does not become kāfir (unbeliever) because of: • Committing sin, • Holding political positions in a non-Islamic government, • Living under a non-Islamic government, • Not being in certain organisations.

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E. Managing Taqlīd (following the opinion of a particular imam/madhhab) differences is acceptable for the public, while ijtihad not obligatory for everyone; Khilāfiyyah (difference of opinions) issues should not be a source of conflicts in society; Character bashing and labelling not acceptable; Triviality to be avoided; Bid‘ah (innovation) should not be made a source of conflict. F. Structuring Uzlah (isolation) rejected as Islam is a religion of da‘wah and sufism reformation; Sufism accepted; Kashf (inner voice or dream) is a gift but may not be the basis for religious rulings. G. Contextualising Fatwā is based on the context of time, conditions and fatwā environment. H. Cementing adab Respecting authorities and courtesy in voicing disagreements are part of Islam.

This Charter provides an overview of PERGAS’ understanding of wasaṭiyyah within the context of a religious organisation representing the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity. It covers issues based on the context of a Muslim minority living in Singapore today. This is reflected through the different national, communal, and individual interests as shown above.

PERGAS hopes to engage the Muslim community in promoting its concept of wasaṭiyyah through: 1. educating the community on Taṣawwur Islam (worldview), 2. popularising learning of the sharī’ah decision-making tools and processes, 3. popularising learning of comparative fiqh, 4. popularising contemporary fiqh views, 5. streamlining ʻulamāʼ’s views, 6. engaging and interacting with extremist groups through dialogues and discussions, 7. narrowing the gap between ʻulamāʼ, leaders and youth,

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8. clarifying issues that arise, 9. refraining from harshness, 10. safeguarding manhaj sharʻī (correct methodology), 11. staying clear of controversies, and 12. staying clear of actions which can create controversies.117

In his analysis of PERGAS’ conception of wasaṭiyyah, Kamal Hassan pointed out that PERGAS’ concepts are in line with al-Faruqi’s conception of ummatan wasaṭan. Kamal Hassan remarked: Many of the ideas and stands made by PERGAS’ intellectuals are in harmony with the views and standpoints of Professor Al Faruqi, including his rejection of modern secularism and his idea of the integration of political power with religious values.118

In other words, wasaṭiyyah according to PERGAS relies on the notion of balancing between the different needs and aspirations of the community and nation. In this regard, PERGAS’ ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity has been entrusted to assist with this process. Hence, PERGAS’ understanding of wasaṭiyyah uses a juristic framework of balancing national aspirations for the community. This is achieved through managing ikhtilāf (differences of opinions), uniting consensus and instituting ethical values within PERGAS’ da’wah mission and organisational goals.

In an interview with Ustaz Md Haniff Hassan, one of the key contributors to the formation of PERGAS’ conception of wasaṭiyyah, he called attention to the need to devise a master theory of wasaṭiyyah which to him was lacking in the current wasaṭiyyah discourse.119 Consequently, as of February 2015, PERGAS has produced a bimonthly online journal called al-Wasaṭ, which aims to ‘menyebarluaskan idea dan menggalakkan wacana wasatiyah dalam kefahaman dan amalan Islam dalam konteks masyarakat Islam Singapura’120 (spread the idea and encourage the wasaṭiyyah discourse within the understanding and practise of Islam in the context of the Muslim community in Singapore). The contents of the online journal revolve around PERGAS’

117 Pergas, Moderation in Islam in the Context of Muslim Community in Singapore, 374-375. 118 Kamal Hassan, “Al-Wasatiyyah as Understood and Defined by Islamic Scholars in Contemporary Singapore and Its Consistency with Ismail Al Faruqi’s Vision of Ummatan Wasatan,” American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 28, no. 3 (Summer 2011): 50. 119 Interview with Md Haniff Hassan on the 5th of February, 2014. 120 Pergas, “Mengenai Wasat,” Pergas, accessed July 17, 2017, https://wasatonline.wordpress.com/about/.

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Moderation Charter. Writers included ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah from within the Malay/Muslim community. Many of the articles both in English and Malay are based on PERGAS’ conception of wasaṭiyyah as highlighted above through presenting the views of classical and contemporary ulama’s understanding of the concept and analysing different contemporary issues relating to ikhtilāf (differences of opinions). Matters relating to theological, jurisprudential and national concerns are discussed as well.

6.6.2 The current President of PERGAS – Ustaz Hj Mohamad Hasbi Bin Hassan Having had his early education at Madrasah Aljunied Al-Islamiah in Singapore and al-Azhar in Cairo, Ustaz Hasbi (b. 1960) asserted that the ʻulamāʼ he had studied with were prime examples of ʻulamāʼ who possessed wasaṭi qualities. To him, an ʻālim who possesses wasaṭi qualities is one who fears God, inherited the knowledge disseminated by the prophets, and has a role to play in disseminating the Prophetic traditions which includes preserving and disseminating its moral values and legal injunctions.121 And so Ustaz Hasbi stressed on the importance of the role of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore and PERGAS’ role in the pragmatic application of knowledge within the context of Singapore as a secular nation.

6.6.3 Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of Ustaz Hj Mohamad Hasbi Ustaz Hasbi defines wasaṭiyyah as kesederhanaan (moderation), pertengahan (middlemost), and keseimbangan (balanced).122 He emphasized the need for wasaṭiyyah to be seen as a foundational value in order to live in Singapore. Most importantly, he stressed that the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah need to understand this concept and apply it within their teachings: We need wasaṭiyyah as a foundational value so as to live in Singapore. If our ʻulamāʼ do not understand this, instability and chaos might happen in Singapore. Therefore, wasaṭiyyah will enable the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah to contextualise the teachings of the faith within a minority, in a secular nation.123

In addition, Ustaz Hasbi reiterated the need to instill kefahaman (understanding), pengertian (meaningfulness), and penjiwaan (passion) in applying wasaṭiyyah within the context of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore today. 124 He also emphasized on ‘ease and flexibility’ as the guiding principles in the application of wasaṭiyyah. Such an application however needs

121 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 122 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 123 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 124 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014.

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patience as the different educational and religious upbringing of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah affects their ability to embrace a unified understanding of wasaṭiyyah. 125

From the perspective of the President of PERGAS, the key to understanding, disseminating and applying wasaṭiyyah in the context of Singapore lies in these few factors which are: a. embracing unity as a key value among the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity; b. understanding the importance of iḥsān as a key foundation of the Islamic faith and its centrality in the Malay world; and c. khidmat (service) as a key contributor to forging a wasaṭi community in Singapore.

6.6.3.1 Embracing unity According to Ustaz Hasbi, the strength of PERGAS as the premier organisation representing the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community lies in its members. As a knowledge-based organisation that represents the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah, PERGAS’ members consist of Singaporeans who have undergone religious education from different countries representing diverse schools of thought. Since the early 1990s, there is an increase in Singaporean Malay/Muslim religious students enrolling in overseas universities. Examples of such universities include al-Azhar University, Islamic University of Medina, University of Jordan, International Islamic University of Malaysia, and in different pesantrens and universities in Indonesia. There is also a growing number of religious students who are enrolled in traditional religious institutions such as those in Yemen, Syria, and Morocco. However, such educational diversity might result in different religious orientations that will affect the dissemination, understanding and application of religious thought in Singapore.126

PERGAS therefore plays an important role in unifying this diversity in religious upbringing and orientations. In embracing unity as a key value within the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity, Ustaz Hasbi reiterates the importance of wasaṭiyyah in finding a common agreeable front such as that of PERGAS in accomplishing its goals and programs. Wasaṭiyyah is embraced through realising and understanding the context of Singapore in overcoming the differences in thinking and mitigating the ikhtilaf within its diverse membership.127

125 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 126 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 127 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014.

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In a recent seminar in 2017 organised by PERGAS to address this issue, a closed-door discussion centred on the different religious fundamentals represented by the Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamā‘ah and Salafi schools of thought was conducted.128 The representatives from both schools presented their fundamentals and the seminar concluded citing the need to mitigate these differences through wasaṭiyyah in accepting the diversity, and not through exclusivity and disagreements. Members are encouraged to see the different viewpoints and accept the evidence for different textual interpretation of issues. This wasaṭi approach of accepting the differences is a fresh move taken by PERGAS to emphasize the greater need to unite its diversified members.

6.6.3.2 Understanding the importance of Iḥsān Iḥsān is understood by Ustaz Hasbi as the foundation of an integral part of Islamic intellectual and spiritual heritage which is taṣawwuf (Sufism). Ustaz Hasbi reiterated the need to recognise taṣawwuf as a Prophetic tradition based on the notion of iḥsān as outlined in the Ḥadīth of Jibril.129 The Ḥadīth based on the Prophet’s reply to Jibril’s queries stated that the fundamentals of Islam are based on three principles which are Islām, Īmān and Iḥsān. According to Ustaz Hasbi, through Islamic scholarship, the principle of Islām has given birth to the science of fiqh, the principle of Īmān to the science of tauḥīd, and the principle of Iḥsān has given birth to the science of taṣawwuf. Islamic sciences revolve around these three fundamental subjects which are Fiqh, Tauḥīd and Taṣawwuf.

Based on these fundamentals, Ustaz Hasbi acknowledged the important role of the Sufis who have propagated Islam in the Malay world including Singapore. The role of the Wali Songo in Indonesia and Habib Noh in Singapore are historical examples of the role Sufis and Taṣawwuf played in moulding the Muslim consciousness. Ustaz Hasbi reiterated that among the lessons in Sufism that have made its impact on the Malay/Muslim community is the ability of the Sufis to adapt and balance Islamic principles within the context of place and time. He quoted a maxim that states that the Sufi is a son of the times (al-Sufī ibn al-Zamān) which relates to the ability

128 Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh, “Masagos Calls on Islamic Teachers to Strengthen Moderation, Work with Other Groups in Society,” The Straits Times, accessed September 12, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/masagos-calls-on-islamic-teachers-to-strengthen-moderation-work-with- other-groups-in 129 Ibn Daqiq al-’Id and Mokrane Guezzou, A Treasury of Hadith: A Commentary on Nawawi’s Selection of Prophetic Traditions., The Treasury Series in Islamic Thought and Civilization: I (Leicestershire, [England]: Kube Publishing, 2014), 20-21.

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of the Sufi to contextualise Islamic principles to the reality of the time and place that he lives in.130

6.6.3.3 Khidmat (service) to community According to Ustaz Hasbi, another key aspect of applying wasaṭiyyah in the context of Singapore is in the need to do khidmat (provide service) to the community, society, and nation. 131 This aspect was a feature of the past ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore, where their services to the faith and community were not for monetary gains, but because of their insistence on khidmat in creating programs, building madrasahs and, associations that define the Malay/Muslim community today.

Ustaz Hasbi recollected that the teachers that had taught him in Madrasah were not paid much but were instilled with a sense of community service and a belief in barakah (divine grace) in the services that they rendered to the community. This notion of khidmat is more challenging today due to the demands of living in a developed country like Singapore.

Economic needs seem to be at the forefront in the minds of many teachers, and this current reality must be addressed within the context of wasaṭiyyah. Being a religious teacher, one needs to be instilled with a sense of purpose that his role is needed even if it is not remunerated with equal monetary benefits. This sense of balance in providing service and acquiring equal remuneration is a crucial wasaṭi position that a religious teacher needs to understand and apply in playing his role.

6.7 Conclusion This chapter shows that the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community in Singapore plays an integral role in the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. Their role is integral because the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah community is regarded by both the government and the community as an important source of religious guidance. The ʻulamāʼ plays a critical role in the interpretation (tafsῑr), application or implementation (taṭbῑq), and dissemination (tablῑgh) of the divine revelation. They are the accredited authority who facilitate the contextualisation of the faith based on their understanding of both the Islamic text and the Singaporean context. In this chapter, we have shown that the responsiveness of the ʻulamāʼ fraternity in dealing with the

130 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 131 Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014.

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community and nation is shaped by their notion of combining both traditional and modern education and continuous learning, their charismatic presence (haibah) and emphasis on sincerity (ikhlās), and their contribution in the building of educational institutions, community development, and nation building.

Their facilitation in contextualising the text within the Singaporean context projects their central role in determining the concept of wasaṭiyyah is interpreted (tafsῑr), applied or implemented (taṭbῑq), and disseminated (tablῑgh) in the context of Singapore. The degree of pervasiveness of the wasaṭiyyah discourse from within the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity in Singapore today is found, firstly, in published works written by the Nusantara Malay scholars from Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia such as Ahmad Sonhadji, Hamka, Quraisy Shihab, and Kamal Hassan. Secondly, the wasaṭiyyah discourse is consciously addressed by the local ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah representing their specific religious institutions such as MUIS, PERGAS, and RRG. As highlighted in this chapter, a conscious effort is undertaken by the Mufti, the President of PERGAS, and the Co-chairmen of the RRG to interpret (tafsῑr), implement (taṭbῑq) and disseminate (tablῑgh) the concept of wasaṭiyyah. This is due to their realisation of the need to provide guidance for the community and nation from the context of living Islam as a Malay/Muslim minority community in Singapore today.

Within the understanding of the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore today, as found in this chapter, wasaṭiyyah is a dignified (mulia) middle path based on the Qurʼān and exemplified by the Prophet to attain success (falāḥ) in this life and the hereafter. Wasaṭiyyah, according to the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah in Singapore today, is characterised by the values of progressiveness, critical thinking, reformation for goodness, sincerity and embracing unity. The values of wasaṭiyyah includes being understanding and merciful (iḥsān) and contributing (khidmat) for the community and nation. These wasati values are pursued in applying justice, balance, and dutifulness (istiqāmah) based on the aspirations and progress of the community and nation.

The application and dissemination of the wasaṭiyyah discourse from the perspective of the ulama and asātidhah community is found in their active participation in issuing fatwā, and guidance through community and national initiatives, writing articles in mainstream newspapers, interviews, discussions and paper presentations in talks, syarahan (religious talk), khuṭbah, forums, seminars and conferences. Their understanding and application of the concept of wasaṭiyyah is also affected on intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Intrinsic factors include their

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educational background and experiences, their personal charisma and values such as sincerity and mercy, the unity from within the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity, and the limitations projected through constitutional legislation such as the AMLA.

Extrinsic factors that affect the ulama in implementing the wasaṭiyyah agenda include the need and ability of the ulama and the government to work together for a common cause, and the impact of global phenomenon that affect the Muslim community. As shown in this chapter, the formation of the Religious Rehabilitation Group through the partnership between the ulama and the government in trying to address the threat of terrorism and radicalization proves the importance of mitigating and balancing different worldviews for a common cause. The RRG is an example of the ʻulamāʼ fraternity understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah.

The next chapter will look at the final aspect of ‘macro context 2’ in this research which is Islamic education in Singapore today. The chapter will provide an analysis on how Islamic education in Singapore today projects the concept of wasaṭiyyah to the Malay/Muslim community.

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Chapter Seven - Framing Wasaṭiyyah within Islamic Religious Education in Singapore Today

7.1 Introduction This chapter deals with the final feature of ‘macro context 2’ focusing on the understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah in Singapore’s Islamic religious content and education today. Singapore’s accommodative secularism as discussed in chapter five draws upon the nation’s shared national values to facilitate its multi-cultural and multi-religious realities. Just like all other religious communities in Singapore, the Singaporean Malay/Muslim community’s interaction with Singapore’s accommodative secularism is based on these shared national values. The government implements policies as a guideline for Islamic religious education and provides directives to the Madrasahs in Singapore to develop an inclusive curriculum that accommodates to the needs of living as Muslims in secular Singapore.132

This chapter will explore how the Madrasah (religious schools), the Masjid (mosque), the Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) and the khuṭbah (Friday sermons) provide an inclusive curriculum in line with Singapore’s shared values. This chapter argues that the concept of wasaṭiyyah is found within these efforts of nurturing an inclusive curriculum so as to strike a balance between Islamic education and national aspirations.

7.2 The contemporary Madrasahs of Singapore: A wasaṭi pragmatic model for Islamic religious education in Singapore The Madrasahs in Singapore have undergone numerous changes since the first Madrasah, Madrasah as-Sibyan, was founded during the era of colonial Singapore in 1905.133 Today, there are six full-time madrasahs, three registered private madrasahs134 and 37 part-time mosque madrasahs in Singapore.135 The full-time madrasahs aim to produce religious scholars and teachers (‘ulamā’ and asātidhah) to lead the community on religious matters, while part-time mosque madrasahs provide basic Islamic education to students who attend government

132 Parliament of the Republic of Singapore, White Paper on Shared Values, Paper cmd. 1 of 1991 (Singapore: Parliament, Republic of Singapore, 1991), 8. 133 Intan Azura Mokhtar, “Madrasahs in Singapore: Bridging between Their Roles, Relevance and Resources.,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30, no. 1 (March 2010), 113. 134 Ministry of Education, “List of Private Schools,” Ministry of Education, SIngapore, accessed March 2, 2018, https://www.moe.gov.sg/education/private-education/list-of-private-schools. 135 Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS), “Strengthening Our Institutions, Harnessing Our Assets: Annual Report 2016,” (Singapore: Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS), June 22, 2017), 40, accessed March 2, 2018, https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/Corporate-Site/Annual-Reports/MUIS-AR16-Full-FA- LR.pdf.

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schools. Both religious and secular subjects such as Islamic education and Arabic language, as well as English and Mathematics, are taught in the madrasahs.

Students who enrol in these madrasahs sit for the national examinations, such as the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), set by the Ministry of Education (MOE) at the end of the primary school, and the Cambridge Board General Certificate of Education (GCE) examinations for secondary and pre-university students. 136 On the other hand, mosque madrasahs offer the a LIVE (Learning Islamic Value Everyday) programme with the ‘aim to develop soleh/solehah (pious/righteous) children who are nurtured with taqwa (God- consciousness) and good akhlak (character), knowledgeable in Islam, become practising Muslims, and show care and concern towards others.137 In 2016, 18,750 students registered to attend the mosque madrasah programs conducted by MUIS.138

The full-time madrasahs in Singapore also enjoy a good level of enrolment but have had to face several major challenges, especially at the beginning of the 21st century due to the government’s concerns on whether madrasahs could remain relevant and competitive in line with national educational goals.139 The government insisted that the madrasahs’ ability ‘to achieve their aims through a ‘balanced’ curriculum incorporating both academic subjects from the national school system and religious studies’ was paramount.140 This major challenge questioned the ability of the madrasahs to stay relevant and competitive in a knowledge-based economy and pushed for reforms of the madrasah education.141

This need for reform was spelt out in a report of the Committee on Compulsory Education (CE) published in July 2000 in Singapore.142 Based on the report, the government after consulting

136 Charlene Tan, “Islam and Citizenship Education in Singapore: Challenges and Implications,” Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 24–25. 137 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Islamic Education,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, last modified January 16, 2018, https://www.muis.gov.sg/ie/About/What-is-aLIVE/Introduction. 138 Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS), “Strengthening Our Institutions, Harnessing Our Assets: Annual Report 2016,” 40. 139 Noor Aisha Abdul Rahman and Ah Eng Lai, Secularism and Spirituality: Seeking Integrated Knowledge and Success in Madrasah Education in Singapore. (Singapore: Institute of Policy Studies: Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2006), 1. 140 Noor Aisha and Eng Lai, Secularism and Spirituality:, 1. 141 Kertin Steiner, “Madrasah in Singapore: Tradition and Modernity in Religious Education,” Intellectual Discourse 19, no. 1 (2011): 54. 142 Dr Aline Wong, “Report of the Committee on Compulsory Education in Singapore” Ministry of Education, Singapore, July 2000, 15, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.moe.gov.sg/docs/default- source/document/initiatives/compulsory-education/files/ce-report.pdf.

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with the Malay/Muslim community, had resorted to a ‘minimalist approach’ that is to ‘require each madrasah to attain a certain minimum benchmark at the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), so that its pupils can be exempted from CE and receive full-time primary education in the madrasahs’.143 In October 2000, the Compulsory Education Act was passed, which was implemented in 2003.144

MUIS spearheaded the madrasah reformation agenda. This national educational reform introduced a common curriculum for full-time madrasahs and the Joint Madrasah System (JMS). In 2007, three of the six full-time madrasahs – Al-Irsyad, Al-Junied and Al-Arabiah – collaborated to further improve education standards and capitalise on their respective strengths. Al-Irsyad ceased admitting secondary-level students, while both Aljunied and Al-Arabiah ceased admitting primary-level students. Al-Irsyad serves as the feeder school for Aljunied and Al-Arabiah, where Aljunied focuses on Islamic subjects, while Al-Arabiah focuses on secular academic subjects.145

In 2008, JMS was introduced to assist madrasahs in the continuous upgrading of their systems, while continuing to preserve their past history, vision and mission to produce leaders who have faith and scholars who will be confident and equipped to lead the Singapore Muslim community in the 21st century. The JMS curriculum provides a comprehensive and balanced exposure to both Islamic and modern sciences. Students are exposed to value-add modules that focus on current issues. This re-structured curriculum is ability-driven and provides different tracks for students with different inclinations and abilities. In order to continue registrations of new cohorts, madrasahs have to meet a certain benchmark at par with the national standards of the Primary School Leaving Examinations.146

This wasaṭi approach of balancing between the national and religious education culminates in an environment that nurtures the spirit of thinking, inquiry, creativity and innovation. On the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore’s (MUIS) webpage, the aim of the present curriculum is highlighted as follows:

143 Dr Aline Wong, “Report of the Committee on Compulsory Education in Singapore,” 15. 144 Ministry of Education, “Compulsory Education,” Ministry of Education, Singapore, accessed April 10, 2018, https://www.moe.gov.sg/education/education-system/compulsory-education 145 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “The Pathways,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, accessed January 5, 2018, https://www.muis.gov.sg/madrasah/Pathway/index.html. 146 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “The Pathways.”

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The JMS curriculum provides a comprehensive and balanced exposure to both Islamic and modern sciences. Students are exposed to value-add modules that focus on current contemporary issues. This re-structured curriculum is ability-driven and provides different tracks for students with different inclinations and abilities.147

The JMS celebrates diverse abilities and interests of students and provides them with varied educational pathways to enable them to realise their full potential. This diversification – the option to choose a higher Islamic education or national tertiary education – opens a wide door of opportunities for madrasah students, even more so with them now being equipped with skills such as civic literacy, global awareness, cross cultural skills and service learning.148

In trying to adhere to this wasaṭi approach, the Madrasah Strategic Unit (MSU) was formed within MUIS and carried out upgrading of initiatives for the educators in madrasahs, which resulted in 94 percent of the teaching staff receiving a professional certification in teaching from Edith Cowan University (ECU) of Australia.149 Since 2003, MUIS has also collaborated with the National Institute of Education (NIE) and the Republic Polytechnic (RP) in Singapore ‘to better equip the teachers in curriculum and instructional design and to sharpen their teaching skills’.150

Based on all these initiatives, 98.5 percent of Madrasah students, which accounted for 260 students who sat for their Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) in 2017 were assessed as suitable to proceed to secondary school. In addition, all ‘three madrasahs that offered PSLE attained scores higher than the Madrasah PSLE benchmark set by the Ministry of Education’.151 So, the wasaṭi approach to tackle religious and national academic goals as well as curriculum has been shown to be hugely successful.

147 Madrasah Irsyad Zuhri Al Islamiah, “Joint Madrasah System,” Madrasah Irsyad Zuhri Al Islamiah, accessed January 7, 2018, https://irsyad.sg/?page_id=533. 148 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “The Pathways.”. 149 Mohammad Hannan Hassan, “Religious Leadership in Singapore: From Success to Significance of Madrasah Education,” in Majulah!, World Scientific Series on Singapore’s 50 Years of Nation-Building (World Scientific, 2015), 181–90. 150 MInistry of Communications and Information, “2017 Primary School Leaving Examinations (PSLE) Performance of Madrasah Students,” MInistry of Communications and Information Singapore, accessed January 7, 2018, https://www.gov.sg/~/sgpcmedia/media_releases/muis/press_release/P-20171124- 1/attachment/Media%20Release%20-%20Madrasah%20Performance%20in%20PSLE%202017_SGPC.pdf 151 MInistry of Communications and Information, “2017 Primary School Leaving Examinations (PSLE) Performance of Madrasah Students.”

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7.2.1 Wasaṭiyyah within the subject of Islamic social studies To conform to the need for reformation, the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) initiated the Curriculum Development Project (CDP) in June 2001. The MUIS appointed IQRA’ International Educational Foundation, an American-based non-profit Islamic educational establishment, to ‘develop a comprehensive, systematic and integrated curriculum package for the Singapore Madrasah Community’.152 This six-year project, in consultation with the MUIS and the Madrasah community, involved curriculum design, production of materials and human resource development with a new revamped set of principles: • An integrated effort to impart and acquire knowledge and skills and an internalisation of Islam based on the Qurān and Sunnah to create a spiritually, intellectually and physically vibrant Muslim community that has a clear understanding of Islamic worldview; • An integrated effort to impart an understanding of the modern world and life skills required in this new competitive environment; and • An integrated curriculum designed to impart awareness of the students’ responsibilities as future religious leaders striving for excellence for one’s own self and society for the attainment of the best of this world and the life Hereafter. 153

The new initiatives included the introduction of the subject of ‘Islamic social studies’ for primary school children in the madrasah as part of their religious education (tarbiyyah) lessons, which ‘focus on the history and multi-cultural aspects of Singapore’.154 These lessons aim ‘to equip pupils with a basic knowledge of the Singapore society’, with discussions on national and universal themes relating to ‘understanding the past to appreciate the present and seeking relevant knowledge and skills for life’.155

In line with this research’s aims, the following section analyses the Islamic social studies curriculum from primary three to six to explore whether the concept of wasaṭiyyah has been explained therein. Islamic social studies subject at Primary Three (P3) to Six (P6) covers

152 Hafiz Mohammad Ikhlas, “A Success Story: The Development of Islamic Studies Curriculum in South East Asia. Synopsis of the Presentation. A Panel Discussion on Islamic Studies Curriculum at the 6th Annual ISNA Education Forum (March 25-27, 2005),” accessed March 8, 2018, http://www.isna.net/wp- content/uploads/2016/10/hafiz_ikhlas_-_islamic_studies_curriculum.pdf. 153 Hafiz Mohammad Ikhlas, “A Success Story." 154 Warintek Ismail, ed., Our Society, Our World: Primary 3 (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2006), 1. 155 Warintek Ismail, Our Society, Our World: Primary 3, 1.

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different themes such as ‘our society, our world’,156 ‘our country, our world’,157 ‘our region, our world’,158 and ‘our ummah, our world’ respectively.159

7.2.1.1 Primary Three (P3) – ‘Our Society, Our World’ When the children turn nine years of age, they attend P3, which has the theme ‘our society, our world’ focusing on Singapore’s Malay heritage by emphasising the role of the past Sultans in Singapore through exploring the Bukit Larangan (Fort Canning) archival site. The students are also introduced to the Masjid (mosques) and their key role in Singapore since the founding of Singapore. Furthermore, the P3 students are also taught the values of appreciating the role of teachers and also to be part of a generous society – a society that defines the Malay/Muslim community.160

7.2.1.2 Primary Four (P4) – ‘Our Country, Our World’ At Primary Four (P4), the theme of ‘our country, our world’ focuses on the different ethnic groups in Singapore. The position of the Malays and how Islam is part of the Malay identity is emphasized. The role of the Prophet in cultivating a harmonious community during his lifetime is used to emphasize Islamic values with regards to living in a multi-religious community like Singapore: During the rule of Prophet Muhammad saw, the Madinah community was made up of many races and religions, just like in Singapore now. Muslims, Jews and Christians of different races lived together…The Prophet s.a.w. drew up the Madinah Constitution that pledged fair treatment and justice to both Muslims and non-Muslims alike. There was peace and harmony under his rule. Islam teaches us peace and the importance of respecting others. It guides us to be the best of mankind…The Madinah Constitution is very much similar to the Singapore’s Pledge. Both encourage and promote equality and justice to the different groups of people.161

156 Warintek Ismail, Our Society, Our World: Primary 3. 157 Sharifah Khadijah Aljufree, ed., Our Country, Our World: Primary 4 (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2005). 158 Siti Hajar Abdullah, ed., Our Region, Our World: Primary 5 (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2006). 159 Siti Hajar Abdullah, Our Ummah, Our World: Primary 6 (Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2007). 160 Warintek Ismail, Our Society, Our World: Primary 3. 161 Sharifah Khadijah Aljufree, Our Country, Our World: Primary 4, 18.

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Justice as a core wasaṭi value is explained within the context of the congruence between Singapore’s Pledge to the Medinan Constitution. Based on this congruence, Muslims, as a minority, attain good treatment and freedom to practise the religion as evident in the following Primary Four text: Today, Muslims are the minority in Singapore, making up just about a quarter of the population. We have been treated well and are able to practise Islam freely. Alhamdulillah [Praise be to God], we are fortunate to live in Singapore.162

The need to respect good governance is intermingled with Islamic values. Islamic values override the status of whether the ruler is a believer or not: We accept and respect good rulers no matter who they are. As Muslims, we need to respect authority. As long as rules and laws do not go against the Quran or Hadith, Muslims must abide by them; A Muslim has to listen to and obey (the order of his ruler) whether he likes it or not, as long as his orders involve not one in disobedience (to Allah) (Al-Bukhari); A Muslim is able to live in any country and be an active member of the multi-religious society. A Muslim believes that a good Muslim is also a good citizen.163

A harmonious lifestyle in a multicultural world is encouraged within the framework of knowing current realities and respecting other cultures and beliefs: Know current issues beyond [one’s] own community. Know and respect the culture and beliefs of others Support and take part in efforts to promote harmony.164

7.2.1.3 Primary Five (P5) – ‘Our Region, Our World’ In Primary Five (P5), within the theme of ‘our region, our world’, students are introduced to the need for social cohesiveness and the ability to manage conflicts and differences. Through this theme of social cohesiveness, the concept of wasaṭiyyah can be seen in the following text and is explained in the context of adapting to change, respect and balance: Muslims understand and respect others. We can live in harmony with others without compromising our beliefs.

162 Aljufree, Our Country, Our World: Primary 4, 18. 163 Aljufree, Our Country, Our World: Primary 4, 61. 164 Aljufree, Our Country, Our World: Primary 4, 66.

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Muslims respect others and are comfortable in interacting with those with different beliefs. Muslims are able to adapt to changes and supportive of any efforts at promoting mutual understanding for the benefit of all. Muslims should be aware of issues that concern other communities in order to understand and maintain a harmonious relationship.165

The students are introduced to different cultures that define Muslims all over the world and to respect the differences. They are encouraged to forge their Muslim identity through collaboration and cooperation while upholding the Muslim heritage. The students are taught about globalization and economic interdependencies, and the need to participate in Singapore’s total defence and national service. The need to contribute as a ‘gracious society’ is emphasized through examples of the Rahmatan Lil-‘alamin project and Singapore Kindness Movement (SKM).166

7.2.1.4 Primary Six (P6) – ‘Our Ummah, Our World’ In their final year of primary education, Primary Six (P6), the students, mostly 12-year-olds, are taught the theme of ‘our ummah, our world’. The meaning of ‘ummah’ revolves around these definitions as projected in the textbook: Ummah refers to Muslims who belong to the world of community of believers; the identity of the Muslims is based on faith in Allah swt; spiritual bonding will only exist when Muslims have unity in faith; unity of faith transcends above nationality, language and mankind; Unity of faith has provided the Muslims in the past cultural unity and social stability; Unity of faith has contributed towards Muslims achievements.167

While the message of ‘unity of faith’ among Muslims is emphasized, the students are also taught the need for patience and determination in managing their resources and abilities and to be ahead of their time. To do so, the students are introduced to the past achievements of Muslim scholarship and heritage. Muslims are encouraged to use modernisation and technology for good purposes. Within this framework of good principles, the students are taught the need to

165 Abdullah, ed., Our Region, Our World: Primary 5, 57. 166 Abdullah, ed., Our Region, Our World: Primary 5, 84-85. 167 Abdullah, ed., Our Region, Our World, Primary 5, 42.

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be proactive citizens and members of society in their roles to foster religious harmony and to take care of the world in view of global warming.168

To put it briefly, the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood and applied specifically through the Islamic social studies module to primary Madrasah school students. Based on the social studies module, a wasaṭi community knows its own Malay identity, appreciates the racial and religious diversity, respects good governance and is a proactive contributor to the ummah (community) and the world through scholarship, technology, and harmonious relationship.

7.3 Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) In 2004, the MUIS formed the Asatizah Recognition Board (ARB); it appointed Ustaz Haji Ali bin Haji Mohamed as its first chairman and the Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) as its secretariat. In 2005, the Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) was launched and received its first batch of voluntary registrants. The scheme encouraged Islamic religious teachers to apply for recognition as accredited religious teachers. The scheme was established to ensure that ‘religious guidance should be compatible with the values that we cherish and our way of life in modern, multi-racial and multi-religious Singapore, and that our religious teachers should guard against the taking root of problematic ideologies and practices’.169

Recognition is only granted to qualified Islamic religious teachers and scholars who meet the minimum standards of qualification and are considered fit to preach and teach Islamic religious knowledge. The application for the recognition is assessed and approved by the Board. The board comprises of senior asātidhah and is appointed by the MUIS for three years. The recognition aims to endorse asātidhah who will provide sound Islamic religious knowledge amidst an increasingly diverse and vibrant socio-religious landscape.170 The regulation of Islamic Education Centres and Providers (IECP) also helps the Muslim public to access information on credible IECPs and safeguard the community against what the community considers to be deviant or problematic ideologies and teachings.171

168 Abdullah, ed., Our Region, Our World, 6. 169 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Asatizah Recognition Scheme,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, accessed February 21, 2018. https://www.muis.gov.sg/ARS-and-IECP/About 170 “Asatizah Recognition Scheme,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura. 171 “Asatizah Recognition Scheme,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura.

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The effort to accredit the religious teachers was mentioned by Singapore’s Prime Minister in his National Day Rally in 2016. Mr Lee said that he was glad that the then Minister-in-charge of Muslim Affairs Yaacob Ibrahim had announced plans to extend the ARS to all asātidhah.172 When 20 community and religious leaders requested for the scheme to be made compulsory at a closed-door dialogue with then Minister-in-charge of Muslim Affairs Yaacob Ibrahim, and Environment and Water Resources Minister Masagos Zulkifli on the 21st of August, 2016173, the Scheme was made mandatory. The Scheme was registered under Section 87 of the Administration of Muslim Law Act (AMLA) entitled ‘Religious School’.174

All Islamic religious teachers, or asātidhah, are required to be accredited with effect from January 2017. It is seen as an inclusive system that recognises asātidhah from various schools of thought as long as they meet the standards and training requirements set by the ARB. The ARB has been mindful to adapt and implement only what is relevant and compatible with the local context175. More than 2,500 such teachers registered under the ARS in 2017.176

7.3.1 Wasaṭiyyah within the Code of Ethics of the ARS The concept of wasaṭiyyah is addressed as a significant, primary value within the Code of Ethics to be adhered to by all the accredited religious teachers. The concept of wasaṭiyyah is translated within the Code of Ethics as the ‘moderate teachings of Islam’, which must be adhered to by all Islamic and Quranic teachers. The Code of Ethics addresses wasaṭiyyah as the following: 1. An Islamic teacher or a Quranic teacher 1 .1 must adhere to the moderate teachings of Islam:

172 Lee Min Kok, “National Day Rally 2016: Govt Welcomes Call to Strengthen Scheme That Endorses Muslim Religious Leaders,” The Straits Times, accessed August 21, 2016, http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/ndr-2016-govt-welcomes-call-to-strengthen-scheme-that-endorses-muslim- religious-leaders. 173 Chong Zi Liang, “Muslim Leaders Call for All Islamic Teachers to Be Registered,” The Straits Times, accessed August 21, 2016, http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/muslim-leaders-call-for-all-islamic-teachers- to-be-registered. 174 Administration of Muslim Law Act, “Religious School,” Administration of Muslim Law Act, chap. 3, pt. v, rev. ed. 2009, accessed March 20, 2018, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/Act/AMLA1966#P1V- 175 Lianne Chia, “Asatizah Recognition Scheme to Become Compulsory from January 2017: Yaacob,” Channel NewsAsia, accessed September 13, 2016, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/asatizah-recognition- scheme-to-become-compulsory-from-january-20-7799112. 176 The Straits Times, “Parliament: $1.5 Million Government Grant to Boost Secular Subjects in Madrasahs,” The Straits Times, accessed March 9, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/singapolitics/parliament-15-million- government-grant-to-boost-secular-subjects-in-madrasahs.

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• The moderate teachings of Islam constitute the middle and balanced path between the two extremes of excesses (ifrāṭ) and negligence (tafrīṭ). To avoid these extremes, one needs to keep to the teachings and practices of Islam as espoused by the majority of experts in the Islamic sciences collectively known as the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamāʿah. • The teachings on Islamic creed (ʿaqīdah) should be derived from established schools within the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamāʿah, including the schools of Abu al- Hasan Al-Ash'ari and Abu Mansur Al-Maturidi and others from the earlier Muslim traditions (salaf). • The teachings on Islamic practices (fiqh) should be derived from established schools (maẓāhib fiqhiyyah) within the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamāʿah, including the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali schools, and the views of the mujtahid scholars who are recognised by the majority (jumhūr) of the Ahl al-Sunnah Wa al-Jamā’ah which are acceptable for practice by Muslims in Singapore. • The teachings on Islamic spirituality (as defined by the concept of iḥsān) should be derived from established practices within the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamāʿah, including the teachings of tariqah and tasawwuf that do not contradict the tenets of Islamic creed. • The moderate teachings of Islam also require that there is no coercion nor compulsion in religion.177

The concept of wasaṭiyyah emphasized through the Code of Ethics of the ARS specifically addresses the fundamental position concerning the acceptable practice of Islam in the context of Singapore today. As shown in the Code of Ethics, the asātidhah community in Singapore adheres to the Ahl al-Sunnah Wa al-Jamāʿah (Sunni) school of thought, which consists of teachings on Islamic creed (ʿaqīdah) based on the schools of Abū al-Ḥasan Al-ʿAshʿārī, Abū Manṣūr Al-Māturīdī and others from the earlier Muslim traditions (salaf). They include teachings of Islamic practices (fiqh) based on the established jurisprudential schools (madhāhib fiqhiyyah) and knowledge of Islamic spirituality (as defined by the concept of iḥsān) including the teachings of ṭarīqah and taṣawwuf that do not contradict the tenets of Islamic creed.

177 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) And Islamic Education Centres & Providers (IECP) Regulation: Handbook for Prospective Applicants” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, accessed March 20, 2018, https://www.muis.gov.sg/ARS/documents/ARS%20&%20IECP%20Handbook%20- %20Final.pdf.

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Therefore, wasaṭiyyah is understood and applied within the ARS’s Code of Ethics to be upheld by all accredited religious teachers in Singapore projecting the centrality of the ʿaqīdah -fiqh- taṣawwuf subjects.

To empower this effort, the ARB conducts seminars and talks under its Continuous Professional Education (CPE) program ‘to enhance the professionalism of ARS Asatizah’, so as to: Continuously enhance asatizah’s knowledge and skills; Keep asatizah abreast of emerging trends and developments both regionally and internationally and their impact on the community’s socio-religious life; Enable asatizah to deliver and provide religious guidance which is relevant and suited for Singapore’s context. 178

The seminars and talks revolve around themes such as Islamic Finance, Islam and Gender, Khilāfiyyah (differences of opinions) issues, learning journeys, application of Quranic text in today’s context, and others. This latest effort of the ARB to define wasaṭiyyah within its Code of Ethics is a new development for the asātidhah community in Singapore today. While we have seen efforts by individual asātidhah and institutions such as Pergas to define wasaṭiyyah within their individual understanding and objectives, this official effort by the ARB is significant as it is bound by law and represents a collective effort representing the whole asātidhah community in Singapore. For now, it is too soon to forecast the success or failure of ARS’s Code of Ethics; nevertheless, this effort is a defining thrust in regulating wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today.

7.4 The institution of Masjid (mosque) in Singapore At present, there are 71 Mosques in Singapore.179 Mosques in Singapore are not just places of worship but they also have vital educational, social and national roles. Mosques also play a central role in disseminating knowledge and providing Islamic education to the Malay/Muslim community. To educate the Muslim community on the message of wasaṭiyyah, mosques, madrasahs and khuṭbahs are used. Mosques are, thus, the place and the means to foster an

178 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) And Islamic Education Centres & Providers (IECP) Regulation: Handbook for Prospective Applicants,” 13. 179 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Strengthening Our Institutions, Harnessing Our Assets: Annual Report 2016”, Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, accessed June 22, 2017, 76-77, https://www.muis.gov.sg/documents/Annual_Reports/MUIS%20AR16-Full-FA-LR.pdf.

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understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah. Within the spirit of wasaṭiyyah, which is to balance the different needs of the community as exemplified by the Prophet in his mosque in Medina, the MUIS, which administers all the mosques in Singapore, at its 2011 Mosque Convention, underlined three collective strategies for mosques. They are 1) to enhance spirituality – to ‘strengthen mosques as an institution to provide tranquillity and solace, as well as to enhance the spirituality of the community through highly effective socio-religious programmes’, 180 2) to guide the community – to ‘develop core mosque leadership that will create the transformational change through our mosques and guide the community in an increasingly challenging world’, 181 and 3) to change lives – to ‘make mosques touch points that change lives by enhancing outreach, establishing a support base, increasing participation in programmes and alleviating the social challenges of the community’.182

With regards to education, mosques provide childcare education, skills upgrading courses and weekend/part-time religious education. Its social function includes the celebration of festive events where its congregants receive visitors from other religious faiths and fellow Singaporeans to attend its events. Mosques also provide educational tours and interactive sessions with the greater segment of Singapore to encourage better understanding and cohesion among the larger community. Also, several chosen mosques play a specialised function in and facilitate the achieving of national objectives that also relate to the needs of the community.

As an example, the An-Nahdah Mosque houses the Harmony Centre, which has a museum that provides information and helps to dispel myths about Islam. The Centre also conducts regular tours and welcomes visitations from schools and visitors. The Harmony Centre aims ‘to bring about a greater understanding of Islam and Muslims amongst the multi-racial and multi- religious society of Singapore.’183 It also ‘serves as an integrated hub for the promotion of greater understanding and engagement of all faith communities.’184 Through providing training, learning and engagement opportunities, the Harmony Centre promotes greater

180 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Mosque Convention 2011: Enhancing Spirituality, Guiding Community, Changing Lives,” 10. 181 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Mosque Convention 2011: Enhancing Spirituality, Guiding Community, Changing Lives,” 10. 182 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Mosque Convention 2011: Enhancing Spirituality, Guiding Community, Changing Lives,” 10. 183 Harmony Centre, “Harmony Centre @ An-Nahdhah,” Facebook, accessed March 10, 2017, https://www.facebook.com/pg/Harmony.Centre/about/ 184 Harmony Centre, “Harmony Centre @ An-Nahdhah.”

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understanding of Islam and Muslims, enhances inter-religious understanding and strengthens social bonds among the various communities in Singapore.

Another example is the Khadijah Mosque that houses the Secretariat of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG), which provides religious counselling to Internal Security Act (ISA) detainees, their family members and others involved in religious extremism and radicalisation.185 The Mosque houses RRG’s Resource and Counselling Centre, which ‘serves members of the public who wish to seek clarification on radical ideologies and violent extremism as well as provide counselling services.’186 The Centre also provides educational programs for schools, junior colleges and university students, while entertaining foreign visitors by showcasing RRG’s function as part of Singapore’s national counter violent extremism efforts.187 As shown in chapter six, the RRG upholds the value of wasaṭiyyah within its counter-ideology narratives. The Mosque also makes up part of the Inter-Agency Aftercare Group (ACG), a community banding together initiatives that help to look after the welfare of families of extremists detained under the ISA.188

All these undertakings provide some evidence of the application of wasaṭiyyah within the Mosques in Singapore. However, one of the most pervasive ways of educating the Malay/Muslim community on the concept of wasaṭiyyah is found through one of the central function of the Mosques, which is the Friday khuṭbah (sermon).

7.5 Khuṭbah (religious sermons) as a primary means of educating Islam One of the key functions of the mosque is in the performance of Friday prayers which is obligatory for all adult Muslim men. The Friday prayer starts with a khuṭbah (sermon), which plays a central role in disseminating key messages that are relevant to the congregants.

The Khuṭbah text in Singapore is drafted by the Office of Mufti under the MUIS and is made openly accessible at its webpage https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/khutbah.html. Khatibs, who are responsible for delivering the khuṭbah, use the text and deliver it in all the 71

185 Religious Rehablitation Group, “Our Message.” 186 Religious Rehablitation Group, “Resource & Counselling Centre (RCC),” accessed September 15, 2017, https://www.rrg.sg/resource-and-counselling-centre-rcc/. 187 Lee Hsien Loong, “Speech by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong at the International Conference on Terrorist Rehabilitation and Community Resilience.” 188 Interview with Abdul Halim Kader on the 25th of February, 2014.

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mosques every Friday. This centralisation of the khuṭbah text helps in addressing the Malay/Muslim community with a single central collective message every Friday.

Following the basic pillars (arkān) of khuṭbah with its ḥamdalah (praise to God), ṣalawāt (praise to the Prophet) and an āyah (verse) from the Quran, the text of the khuṭbah is usually delivered in Malay or English.189 The specific Quranic text becomes the basis for the theme of each khuṭbah. This text is then understood and explained within the context of living in Singapore with emphasis given to how the verse is understood and applied to today’s modern context living as a minority community. An example of a khuṭbah delivered on the 1st of January, 2016 in the month of Rabiul Awwal, which is commemorated with the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday, is shown here to illustrate this.

The introduction of the khuṭbah in Arabic with its prerequisites is crafted as such:

Praise be to God the King, the Clear Truth Who propounds for His servants from His signs lessons for those who want to ponder. I bear witness that there is no god but Allah the One without any associates, the Lord of the beginning and the end. And I bear witness that our Master Muhammad is His servant and His Messenger who was brought to bear mercy to the universe. O Allah send abundance of blessings and peace to our Master Muhammad and his family and his companions. Indeed O servants of God, remain steadfast to God as is His right to be relied upon, and do not die except while you remain subservient.

This introduction is followed with an emphasis to the relevant time-period or occasion that applies to the specific week of the khuṭbah delivery:

189 There are few Indian Mosques in Singapore which use Arabic and Tamil as the medium of khuṭbah.

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We are still in the blessed month of Rabiulawal, the month that was graced by the birth of our beloved messenger, Prophet Muhammad s.a.w.190

The Quranic text(s) that address the basic theme of the khuṭbah is then introduced: A true servant of Allah and an ummah that is truly grateful will reflect upon and understand the main objective for which Allah s.w.t. sent Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. Let’s begin this reflection by understanding the objective as explained in the Quran. For example, Allah s.w.t. says in surah At-Taubah verse 128:

Which means: ‘There has certainly come to you a Messenger from among yourselves. Grievous to him is what you suffer; [he is] concerned over you and to the believers is kind and merciful.’

Allah s.w.t. also says in surah Al-Maidah verse 15 and 16:

Which means: ‘There has come to you from Allah a light and a clear Book. By which Allah guides those who pursue His pleasure to the ways of peace and brings them out from darknesses into the light, by His permission, and guides them to a straight path.’ Allah says in surah Al-Anbiya’ verse 107:

Which means: ‘And We have not sent you, [O Muhammad], except as a mercy to the worlds.’191

190 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Noble Values from The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.,” Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, January 1, 2016, 1. https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/documents/E16Jan01- %20Noble%20Values%20From%20The%20Life%20of%20Rasulullah.pdf. 191 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Noble Values from The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.,” 2-3.

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The Quranic text(s) is then explained within the context of living in Singapore in today’s time and circumstance: Remember jemaah, the platforms and mediums of communication will always change, in line with advancements in technology. It will be more sophisticated offering instant communication. But what remains the same is the users, which are humans, us. Therefore it cannot be void of the values of humanity. And so, we truly need to embody the ethical values displayed by our beloved Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. These values will help to develop good moral and strong spirituality, thus building our resilience to face a challenging and rapidly changing world. The aim is to develop a Muslim community with a strong belief (aqidah), noble character (akhlak), educated and knowledgeable, true to principles, are good neighbours, tolerant, confident of diverse views and opinions, and always contributing positively toward community and nation building.192

The first khuṭbah, thus, ends with a customary prayer and is followed with a second khuṭbah, which is normally shortened with prayers and salutations. As the khuṭbah is delivered every Friday during noon, which is a work day for most of the congregants, the following khuṭbah and the prayer is limited to an hour, which normally falls within the lunch period of the working congregants. Most of the congregants are male Muslims comprising of the young and old, working adults and school children. It is not obligatory for women to perform the Friday prayer, although some mosques do provide specialised prayer areas for women who want to attend the Friday prayer.

7.5.1 Analysis of wasaṭiyyah in khuṭbah texts In this section, there will be a detailed discussion on how the khuṭbahs have been used to project the concept of wasaṭiyyah. The analysis of the khuṭbahs is based on two approaches. First, the search was narrowed to the archives of khuṭbahs prepared by the Office of Mufti in Singapore from 2014 to 2017 that specifically used the term wasaṭiyyah and discussed the concept of wasaṭiyyah as its main theme. Second, 75 khuṭbah texts from 2016 to 2017 were collated and examined to discover the khuṭbahs’ themes to formulate how the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood and applied within their context.

192 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Noble Values From The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.,” 5,

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7.5.1.1 Wasaṭiyyah as the main theme in the khuṭbah An analysis of hundreds of khuṭbah texts found in MUIS’ webpage from 2014 to 2017193 shows that the theme of wasaṭiyyah was specifically addressed in three different khuṭbah sessions.194 In these three khuṭbahs, the term wasaṭiyyah was used and was defined as ‘balance and just’195, ‘the best’196, and ‘being balanced (moderate)’197. The khuṭbahs also referred to wasaṭiyyah as ‘the most important characteristic that is needed for the ummah (people) of Prophet Muhammad s.a.w.’198 and a ‘guiding principle in life’199. The importance of wasaṭiyyah is to encourage the ummah (community) ‘to strive to be the best community’200 and to have the ability to promote ‘a harmonious understanding of religion that leads to the development and progress of the Muslim community instead of leading to its destruction’201.

Based on these three khuṭbahs, the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood as a foundation ‘to understand the Quran and Sunnah’202, through a ‘(w)asatiyyah way of thinking or having a balanced and just mind’203. Therefore, wasaṭiyyah ‘that is encouraged here is moderation in practicing one’s religion and a moderation that brings about a balanced development for Muslims.’204

To attain such goals, these three khuṭbahs provided several guidelines: 1. ‘Knowledge of understanding revelation, or wahyu, and religion is complimentary to each other’205

193 See https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/Khutbah. 194 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life,” November 7, 2014, https://www.muis.gov.sg/cms/uploadedFiles/MuisGovSG/Khutbah/E14Nov7%20-%20Wasatiyyah.pdf; Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind,” February 13, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Awpm7LPabNA; Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Understanding The Textual Sources of Shari’ah,” August 14, 2015, https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/documents/E15Aug14- Understanding_The_Textual_Sources_Of_Shariah.pdf. 195 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Understanding The Textual Sources of Shari’ah.” 196 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.” 197 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life.” 198 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life.” 199 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.” 200 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.” 201 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Understanding The Textual Sources of Shari’ah.” 202 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Understanding The Textual Sources of Shari’ah.” 203 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.” 204 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life.” 205 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.”

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2. ‘Keep an open mind and heart when seeking religious knowledge, particularly when Islam is a religion of morals and principles’206 3. ‘A balanced view of everything that would not lead to any extreme attitudes, such as fanaticism, extremism and radicalism’207 4. ‘A balanced approach in interpreting religious rulings, as well as in their daily interactions (muamalah) with other Muslims.’208 5. ‘[F]airness in upholding our Tauhid by not associating partners to Allah s.w.t.; fairness in establishing relationships with others; fairness to the environment; and being fair to ourselves, our family and the society we live in.’209 6. ‘Good manners (adab) and ethics should provide a believer with a sense of justice’210 7. ‘In seeking religious knowledge, we must be aware of the person and sources we are learning and receiving information from’211 8. ‘Diversify our sources of knowledge- learn from different teachers.’212

The concept of wasaṭiyyah, as projected through these khuṭbahs, is contextualized based on the needs of living out Islamic beliefs as a minority community in Singapore. From these khuṭbahs, the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood as an important concept that revolves around the notion of being balanced in acquiring the knowledge of Islam from rightful teachers with a culmination of good manners and ethics that will be projected through one’s dealings in daily communal life.

7.5.1.2 Themes surrounding the khuṭbahs that relate to the concept of wasaṭiyyah While the above khuṭbahs dwelt directly on wasaṭiyyah, the khuṭbah texts from January 2016 to October 2017 revolved around several themes including the significance of Islamic events or months or celebrations, ethical values (calmness, tranquillity, patience, rahmah (mercy), and humility) and guidance in living as a minority community (the importance of resilience, balancing the worldly attainment with the hereafter, marriage and family life, living with non- Muslims, role of religion in a modern world, role of Muslims in development and the need to

206 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.” 207 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Understanding The Textual Sources of Shari’ah.” 208 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind.” 209 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life.” 210 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life.”. 211 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life.”. 212 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Balanced Religious Life,” 7.

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contribute to peace and prosperity). Some were also about legal principles in relation to applying text to context (understanding textual sources of sharī‘ah (Islamic law) and applying the principles of piety in living as a minority community), addressing concepts and misconstrued extremist understandings (explaining the extremist use of concepts such as al- Walā’ wa al-Barā’ (loyalty and disloyalty), fake news and usage of social media, and drug abuse), life lessons from the Prophets and their relevance to living Islam today (the patience (ṣabr) of Prophet Yūsuf, the sacrifice of Prophet Ismā‘īl, the intellect of Prophet Ibrahīm and the intentions and values of Habīl and Qabīl) and seeking communal support (relief and humanitarian efforts, donations for mosque building, madrasah educatio and community organisations ).213

Within these diverse themes, the khuṭbah texts released by the Office of Mufti in Singapore throughout the year 2016 were based on exemplifying the moral values of the Prophet. Outlining this vision, the first khuṭbah presented on the 1st of January, 2016 read: Remember jemaah, the platforms and mediums of communication will always change, in line with advancements in technology. It will be more sophisticated offering instant communication. But what remains the same is the users, which are humans, us. Therefore it cannot be void of the values of humanity. And so, we truly need to embody the ethical values displayed by our beloved Prophet Muhammad s.a.w.214

The aim of amplifying moral values in the khuṭbahs was addressed in the text: These values will help to develop good moral and strong spirituality, thus building our resilience to face a challenging and rapidly changing world. The aim is to develop a Muslim community with a strong belief (aqidah), noble character (akhlak), educated and knowledgeable, true to principles, are good neighbours, tolerant, confident of diverse views and opinions, and always contributing positively toward community and nation building.215

In this particular edition of khuṭbah presented on the 1st of January, 2016, a set of moral values based on a Prophetic tradition (ḥadīth) was quoted, and it read:

213 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Khutbah,” Office of the Mufti, accessed December 11, 2017, https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/khutbah.html. 214 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Noble Values From The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.” 215 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Noble Values From The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.”

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(I)t was reported that Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. said in a hadith: “My Lord has commanded me nine qualities: Fear of God in private and in public; to be Just, whether in anger or in calmness; Moderation in both poverty and affluence; That I should join hands with those who break away from me; And give to those who deprive me; And forgive those who wrong me; And that my silence should be meditation; And my words remembrance of God; And my vision a keen observation.” [Hadith reported by Imam Al-Tabrizi in the book Misykat Al-Masabih]216

This first khuṭbah of 2016 set the underlying tone on wasaṭiyyah based on the centrality of moral values as a key criterion to affect change. This khuṭbah addressed the fundamental values related to wasaṭiyyah, which are the values of just and moderation as part of the moral values exemplified through Prophetic leadership. Based on these two features in the khuṭbah, the underlying message projected an application of the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

Since this first khuṭbah in January 2016, throughout the rest of the year, the khuṭbahs were written focusing on the theme of Prophetic moral values. The moral values that were addressed included values of forgiveness, compassion (iḥsān), gratitude (syukur), just (‘adl), humble and humility (tawāḍu‘), good relations with others, mercy (raḥmah), resilience, wisdom (ḥikmah), calmness (al-awna), politeness (al-ḥilm), patience (ṣabr) and uprightness (istiqāmah). Within the khuṭbahs, these values were aimed to be cultivated in one self, family, fellow Muslims, non-Muslims, community and nation. Emphasis was also given to contextualize the moral values as ‘a medium for building a community that can live in peace, harmony and prosperity, especially in the context of a plural country like Singapore.’217

From January, 2017 to 6th of October, 2017, the themes of the khuṭbahs were based on several different issues including qualities of religious teachers, family, knowledge, balanced lifestyle, akhlaq, community, mercy, Islam and society, role of a Muslim, and lessons from the stories in the Quran. Moreover, as the ARS was just recently made compulsory in 2017, emphasis was also given to highlight that the scheme is a positive needed enforcement. One of the khuṭbah texts stated:

216 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Noble Values From The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.” 217 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “The Spirit of Being Merciful with Others,” August 19, 2016.

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I believe that we would not allow our children or family members to learn from a teacher whose religious knowledge cannot be ascertained. Thus, this system is not meant to obstruct efforts to spread knowledge and make dakwah. Making dakwah is the responsibility of every Muslim, but teaching religious knowledge is a serious amanah. The term religious teacher, or asatizah (ustaz and ustazah) is a noble one, and thus requires those with the title to have the knowledge and skills that are necessary to guide the community, and that meets the needs of the community.218

In relation to wasaṭiyyah, several khuṭbahs addressed the issue of balance, which is related directly to wasaṭiyyah. Although the term wasaṭiyyah was not literally used, the application of wasaṭiyyah was found in concepts such as al-taysīr (ease) and al-mizān (balance), which addressed the understanding of wasaṭiyyah. The concept of al-taysīr was explained as such: The correct understanding of how Islam brings about ease to mankind is that all forms of taklīf (obligations) that Allah has commanded upon us are not meant to make our lives difficult, but are within our means and ability.219

The emphasis that al-taysīr (ease) project a balanced outlook to life is elaborated as such: The attention to ‘ease’ and the emphasis placed on it by the Syariah, deters the development of individuals who practice religion in an extreme fashion and hold on to rigid interpretations, to the point of making it difficult for themselves and their families.220

Interestingly, the importance of al-taysīr is contextualised in the khuṭbah in reminders to the Friday congregants against ‘parking haphazardly which may hinder others’ access to public areas. This is just one of many examples of how Islam pays attention in providing ease to others.’221

The concept of al-mizān (balance) relates to the concept of a fair balance:

218 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “A Smart and Understanding Educator,” January 6, 2017, 5, https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17Jan06-A-Smart-And- Understanding-Educator.pdf. 219 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Being Balanced in Our Religious Life,” March 17, 2017, 2, https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17Mar17-Being-Balanced-in-Our- Religious-Life.pdf. 220 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Being Balanced in Our Religious Life,”3. 221 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Being Balanced in Our Religious Life,” 5.

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It is important for us to study and understand this aspect of balance or ‘mizaniah’ in Allah’s creations. Any imbalances and excesses in using the blessings that Allah has given to us will affect the balance and harmony of the earth. The undesirable consequences will be seen not just in the hereafter, but also as harmful effects to humanity in this world.222

The concept of al-mizān (balance), addressed in the khuṭbah, was based on the Quranic chapter entitled Al-Rahman verse 55:7 where ‘the term ‘Al-Mizan’ in the verse refers to justice and balance found in all of Allah’s creations. Everything that Allah The One and The Most High has created on this earth was created with justice and balance.’223 This concept of al-mizān (balance), understood as justice and balance, was used within the context of the khuṭbah and applied to the issue of daily usage of water: Hence, the way to be thankful and grateful to Allah for blessing us with water is by appreciating water, and trying our best to use water responsibly, with justice and being balanced in our usage.224

The emphasis on wasaṭiyyah is projected on the need to embrace a principled flexible diversity based on the harmonization of Islamic principles with regards to different cultures that are represented within the different subgroups in the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. As an example, in providing a guideline to celebrating Hari Raya (‘Eid), the Hari Raya Eidul Fitri (Eid festivity), the khuṭbah in 2017 prescribed this principled flexible diversity: In encouraging us to celebrate eid or Hari Raya with festiveness, Islam did not set a particular way in celebrating this day. As long as it meets the basic religious guidelines and good ethics are observed, then it is allowed. Every race has its own customs and culture. The Arabs have their own customs and their culture. Likewise, the Malays, Indians and Chinese also have their own customs and cultures. The celebration of Eid differs from one Muslim community to another. This symbolizes the flexibility of Islam and how it remains relevant to any culture. Islam guides its followers to observe good

222 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Balance in God’s Creations,” March 24, 2017, 3. 223 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Balance in God’s Creations,” 2. 224 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Balance in God’s Creations,” 4.

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ethics and values, without forcing them to neglect or forsake their local customs and culture.225

The concept of wasaṭiyyah is reflected within this theme of principled flexible diversity. In another instance, the khuṭbah reflected on the need to view the progress in Singapore as being in line with the Prophetic message and the local culture: Singapore has developed a work culture that strives for good productivity, high quality, so much so that by the grace of God, we have successfully developed a country that is admired by the international community. Surely this work culture, which is practised widely in the Singapore society, is in line with the teachings of the Prophet. It is also in line with our communal culture that encourages the spirit of gotong-royong or cooperation in all aspects of life. This is the norm of our society that we have shaped together. 226

In essence, the khuṭbah called upon the community to appreciate and preserve this wasaṭi theme of principled flexible diversity: Therefore, jemaah, let us appreciate and preserve the good tradition and culture that we already have, as they do not conflict with our religious teachings. Do not be easily impressed by external influences and practices. Islam is not strengthened by merely dressing like how others do, or speaking in their language and accent. Instead, what gives glory to religion and society are true understanding, comprehension, knowledge, determination, good character, clear objectives and togetherness. These are the values that should be part of our culture and identity.227

In analysing the khuṭbahs, the overarching significance of wasaṭiyyah can be understood within the context of guiding the Muslim community to balance living Islam equipped with a critical mind, endowed with knowledge (‘ilm) and practice (‘amal) learnt and observed from accredited sources. Through such knowledge and practice, the community is encouraged to apply wasaṭiyyah based on the values of raḥmah (mercy) and peace to be able to contribute to the

225 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Khutbah Aidilfitri: Islam Respects Local Culture,” June 25, 2017, 4, https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17June25-Khutbah-Aidilfitri-2017- 1438-Islam-Respects-Local-Culture.pdf. 226 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Khutbah Aidilfitri: Islam Respects Local Culture,” 8–9. 227 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, “Khutbah Aidilfitri: Islam Respects Local Culture,” 8–9.

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progress of the community and nation within the context of embracing its local culture and living in modern, developed and plural Singapore.

Therefore, it is obvious from the above examples that the khuṭbah drafted by the Office of Mufti played a crucial role in understanding and applying wasaṭiyyah as part of MUIS’ inclusive religious curriculum. The usefulness of the khuṭbah in disseminating the concept of wasaṭiyyah is found in its ability to reach large portions of the community with the message of striking a balance between Islamic religious moral values and Singapore’s national aspirations.

7.6 Conclusion This chapter shows that there is a conscious effort to educate the Malay/Muslim community of the need to understand and apply the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of living Islam as a minority community in modern secular Singapore. Four religious educational means within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore have been examined in order to prove this. The four means are the primary school textbooks in Madrasah Islamic social studies subject, the Asatizah Recognition Scheme (ARS) and its Code of Ethics, the specialised roles of Masjid (Mosques), and the themes found within the khuṭbahs (Friday sermons).

It is evident based on these four means, several current initiatives such as the Islamic social studies subject in Madrasah education, the Asatizah Recognition Scheme’s Code of Ethics, and the Friday khuṭbahs in Masjids, are used to educate this conception of wasaṭiyyah and their effectiveness can somewhat be gleaned from the students’ answers of the questionnaire.

Through the Islamic social studies subject taught to primary Madrasah school students aged from 7 to 12 years-old, the values associated to wasaṭiyyah are the ability to know one’s own Malay/Muslim identity, the need to appreciate the racial and religious diversity in Singapore, to respect good governance, to be a proactive contributor to the ummah (community) and the world through scholarship, technology, and harmonious relationship.

Through the initiative of the Asatizah Recognition Scheme’s Code of Ethics formulated for all accredited asātidhah in Singapore, wasaṭiyyah is framed within the centrality of appreciating and educating Islam based on the ʿaqīdah-fiqh-taṣawwuf tradition. This approach is relatable to the syariah-tariqah-haqiqah-makrifah framework shown in chapter four as a central aspect of traditional Islamic education in the Malay/Muslim traditional religious educational heritage.

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Through analysing selected khuṭbahs between years 2014 to 2017, the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood as an approach to educate the Muslims to live Islam, equipped with a critical mind, endowed with knowledge and practices learnt from accredited sources. Through such knowledge and practices, the khuṭbahs equip the Malay/Muslim community to live as Muslims whom embrace raḥmah (mercy) and peace, so as to contribute back to the progress of the community and nation within the context of embracing Singapore’s local culture and possessing the ability to live within the context of a modern, developed and plural Singapore.

Each religious educational means discussed above cater to different target audiences. The primary school textbooks cater to Muslim students, the Code of Ethics are for accredited religious teachers, the Masjid caters for its congregation and visitors among non-Muslims and foreigners, and the khuṭbah is intended for the Muslim masses. Based on these current initiatives, we conclude that wasaṭiyyah is indeed understood and applied within the context of living Islam in multi-racial, multi-religious Singapore.

The next chapter concludes this research. It provides a summary of this research’s findings on how the concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood and applied in the context of the Malay/Muslim community living as a minority in modern and secular Singapore today from the perspective of its current Malay/Muslim leaders.

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Chapter 8 - Conclusion and Findings

8.1 Introduction The primary aim of the present research was to explore how the current leaders of the Malay/Muslim community contextualized the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah whilst living as a minority in modern and secular Singapore. The Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah found in verse 2:143 describes the attribute of a Muslim community as an ummatan wasaṭan which in this research is defined literally as a ‘just, middlemost, and balanced’ community. This research argues that the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah is understood and applied today within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore based on how its leaders attempt to balance the practise of Islam as a minority community within the context of the needs of a modern, secular and multicultural nation.

In order to explore this, this research asked the following questions. Firstly, what is the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah as understood at the time of revelation, by the Prophet and his community? Secondly, was the concept of wasaṭiyyah prevalent among the Malay/Muslim community of the past in Singapore before the arrival of Raffles in 1819? Thirdly, how has the Malay/Muslim leadership understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah in Singapore today?

In an attempt to examine these questions, this research relied on Abdullah Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān. Saeed’s contextual approach, as pointed out by Andrew Rippin (d. 2016), a Canadian scholar of the Qur’ān, used ‘the tools of historical-critical scholarship to analyse the resources of the Muslim tradition’.228 Saeed’s contextual approach explores four levels of analysis of the Qur’ān, namely the linguistic context, the macro context 1, the connector contexts, and the macro context 2. In this research, different chapters explored these four levels. After the introductory chapter, chapter two embarked on the ‘linguistic context’ and ‘macro context 1’ surrounding the ummatan wasaṭan verse 2:143. Chapters three and four explored the ‘connector context’ to determine whether the concept of wasaṭiyyah was prevalent in the past Malay/Muslim world. These two chapters analysed four critical aspects understood by the past Malay/Muslim world, namely, power, diplomacy, literary heritage, and religion. The analysis of these four aspects was to determine the prevalence of values relating to

228 Abdullah Saeed, Interpreting the Qurʾān: Towards a Contemporary Approach (London: Routledge, 2006), x.

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wasaṭiyyah. Chapters five to seven respectively examined ‘macro context 2’ focussing on how the political leadership, the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah, and the Islamic religious education within the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today understood and applied the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

This research on the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore used a multi-pronged qualitative research approach, based on a mixed method of library research and field work. Through exploring this mixed method of library research and field work, this research based its findings on information and data obtained from a wide variety of classical and current texts and books, scholarly publications, unpublished dissertations and theses, journal articles, archived and current newspapers, interviews, legal constitutions and Acts, policy reports, conference papers, khuṭbahs (Friday sermons), and discussions.

8.2 Findings of research The findings of this research, therefore, are based on the three research questions posed. Using the four levels of analysis based on Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān, the subsequent sub-sections provide the answers to these research questions under the following headings: 1. Evolution of the wasaṭiyyah discourse – The wasaṭiyyah discourse has evolved from a literal definition provided by classical Qurʾānic exegetes, to an ethical moral definition, and has received an uṣūlī (juristic) definition based on the need to engage the concept in addressing today’s legal and institutional needs. 2. Defining wasaṭiyyah – Based on a careful analysis of the different contexts within Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Quran, this research provides a working definition of wasaṭiyyah as an organic religious and moral system for the Muslim community founded on the values of ‘justice, middlemost, and balanced’. 3. The convergence of wasaṭiyyah to the values held by the past Malay/Muslim world – This research finds that, while the term wasaṭiyyah was not used in the past Malay/Muslim works referred in this research, the importance placed on moral values as a central feature of the past Malay/Muslim world indicated the convergence of the values associated to wasaṭiyyah in the community’s quest to nurture an ethical moral- centric Malay/Muslim community.

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4. Balancing wasaṭiyyah within the changing needs of Islam and Singapore today - This research ascertains that there is a conscious and constant effort by the current Malay/Muslim political and religious leadership in Singapore to understand and apply the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the context of balancing the current needs of the community and nation.

8.2.1 Evolution of the wasaṭiyyah discourse Based on an extensive analysis of classical tafsīr (exegesis) literature and recent works by reputable contemporary ʻulamāʼ (religious scholars), this research has shown that the wasaṭiyyah discourse based on the ummatan wasaṭan verse has evolved since its revelation in Medina in the 7th century. The classical literature has provided a clear definition of ummatan wasaṭan which means a ‘just, middlemost, and balanced community’ which symbolizes the best community. However, since the 12th century, scholars like al-Ghazālī (d. 504/1111) and al-Zamakhsharī (d. 537/1143) elaborated on the idea of the ummatan wasaṭan. This analysis was based on an ethical moral lens. Wasaṭ was understood by al-Ghazālī and al-Zamakhsharī as the position of the middlemost virtue of the soul which balances between its laxity (ifrāṭ) and excessiveness (tafrīṭ). This understanding became a feature of classical Islamic intellectual heritage which helped shape the aim of religiosity which was geared from an ethical moral focus of self-purification and self-perfection. The proliferation of Sufism throughout the Muslim world was an example of this ethical moral focus.

In the 20th century through works by modern scholars such as Yusuf al-Qaraḍāwī (b. 1926) and Muḥammad ʻAbd al-Laṭīf Ṣāliḥ Farfūr (d. 2014), the analysis of wasaṭiyyah as a concept gained scholarly interest from an uṣūlī (juristic) perspective. This uṣūlī scholarly analysis received widespread attention in the mid-90s within the political domain when Islamist political parties such as Ḥizb al-Wasaṭ in Egypt and the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Morocco began adopting a moderate stance to participate in democratic elections. The Ghazālīan tradition of wasaṭiyyah from an ethical moral framework began to evolve into a Qaraḍāwīan uṣūlī (juristic) framework. The uṣūlī (juristic) framework of wasaṭiyyah provided a balanced guideline to propagate Islam and establish Islamic legislations and institutions within the context of living in a modern era.

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Since September 11, 2001, the wasaṭiyyah discourse obtained greater prominence and became part of the counter-narrative towards the extreme violent image and ideology of Islam perpetuated by radical groups such as al-Qaeda, JI, and others. Since then, both intellectuals and politicians have contributed to the wasaṭiyyah discourse and contextualised the discourse within their community’s specific needs and conditions. The well-regarded works of Muslim scholars such as Wahbah Zuhayli, Hashim Kamali, and Kamal Hassan who elaborated the concept based on their interpretations of the ummatan wasaṭan verse have been utilised as part of the current wasaṭiyyah discourse.

Nevertheless, as highlighted in this research, much of the present scholarly works on wasaṭiyyah have been dominated solely by a Muslim majority mindset. Therefore, there is a dire need to examine the concept of wasaṭiyyah from the lens of a Muslim minority. This research hopes to fill such a gap and has limited its scope to address the concept of wasaṭiyyah specifically within the context of the Malay/Muslim minority community in Singapore.

8.2.2 Defining wasaṭiyyah Through the evolution of the ummatan wasaṭan verse to the conceptualization of wasaṭiyyah, the definition of wasaṭiyyah has changed. Beginning from a prophetic tradition that refers to the term wasaṭ as ʻadl (just), classical tafsīr scholars have understood the definition of ummatan wasaṭan to mean a ‘just, middlemost, and balanced community’ which symbolizes the best community. As shown above, since the 12th century, scholars like al-Ghazālī (d. 504/1111) and al-Zamakhsharī (d. 537/1143) have elaborated on the idea of the ummatan wasaṭan based on an ethical moral lens. Wasaṭ was understood as the position of the middlemost virtue of the soul which balances the laxity (ifrāṭ) and excessiveness (tafrīṭ) nexus.

In more recent times, modern scholarship through works by reputable ʻulamāʼ such as Wahbah al-Zuhaylī (d. 2015), Sheikh ‘Alī Gomaa (b. 1952), and Mohammad Hashim Kamali (b. 1944) have provided further in-depth analysis of the concept, contributing to the proliferation of the wasaṭiyyah discourse today. These scholars approached the analysis of the discourse based on a Qurʾānic weltanschauung of values such as ʻadl (just) and mīzān (balance) attached to the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

In order to reach a working definition for this research, the themes surrounding 111 verses from Qurʾān 2:142 to 2:252 which relates to the ummatan wasaṭan verse were studied. The organic

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unity (munāsabah) of the themes were then used to understand the meaning of wasaṭiyyah within the context of the time and place of revelation. This research looked at the Medinan conditions and factors surrounding the revelation of the verse. Based on this approach, it was discovered that the Qurʾānic concept of wasaṭiyyah projects the utopian attributes of the community of Prophet Muhammad as described and envisioned by God (wa kadhālika ja‘alnākum). This research concludes that the concept of wasaṭiyyah in the time of the Prophet was understood and applied as the God-ordained moral values of the ummah defined within the precepts of a just, middlemost, and balanced community. Taken together, the ummatan wasaṭan (the just, middlemost, and balanced community) centralizes its position between the limits of laxity (ifrāṭ) and excessiveness (tafrīṭ) found in society based on conflicting laws, beliefs, cultures, and practices.

This research defines wasaṭiyyah as the moral value of the ummah that pushes the community to continuously strive for justice, to posit itself in the middle and to attain balance between laxity (ifrāṭ) and excessiveness (tafrīṭ). Such a balance is attainable through changes based on Qur’ānic principles and guidance exemplified from Prophetic leadership (Sunnah). Such changes which are based on the Qur’ān and Sunnah nurtures the community to frame its own set of rationality, spirituality and deeds within the specific context of place, time and space for the community to deal with worldly (dunyā) and afterlife (ākhirah) matters. As wasaṭiyyah is central in characterizing the Muslim community, the community upholds a responsibility to become a witness of morality upon mankind. Ultimately, as the Prophet is the Messenger (Rasūl), he holds the responsibility to bear witness to the moral value of the wasaṭi community.

Based on this definition, this research translates the term ummatan wasaṭan as the ‘just, middlemost and balanced community’. Today’s frequent English translation and reference of the term wasaṭ or wasaṭiyyah as moderate or moderation respectively does not reflect the true meaning of the terms. As discussed in the introductory chapter, none of the English translators of the Qurʾān including scholars such as Muhammad Asad, Yusuf Ali, Pickthall, and others used the term moderate or moderation to define wasaṭ or wasaṭiyyah.

Important to note that in determining wasaṭiyyah of a community, the laxity (ifrāṭ) and excessiveness (tafrīṭ) nexus needs to be identified. In the time of the Prophet, the ifrāṭ - tafrīṭ nexus was identified by the challenges posed by some of the opposing quarters of Medina including segements of the Quraish, Hypocrites, Jews and Christians. In the past Malay/Muslim

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community, the ifrāṭ - tafrīṭ nexus was determined by the daulat (transcendental sanction to rule) on one corner, and derhaka (disloyalty) on the other. In 1819, the ifrāṭ - tafrīṭ nexus was defined by colonialism, and the survival of the indigenous community. Today, the nexus is defined by the challenges faced by the community such as inter- and intra-faith issues, globalisation, and modernization.

8.2.3 The convergence of wasaṭiyyah to the values held by the past Malay/Muslim world The ‘connector context’ in this research is based on four features inherent within the indigenous Malay/Muslim community at the arrival of Raffles (d. 1826) to Singapore in 1819. As described in chapters three and four, the indigenous Malay/Muslim community was represented by Temenggong Abdul Rahman (d. 1825), the Orang Laut, and Tengku Hussein Mohamed Shah (d. 1835) who were among the earliest to have direct contact with Raffles. These four features categorised as power, diplomacy, language, and religion form the ‘connector context’ of this research.

Based on these features, this research analysed several classical Malay texts such as the Sejarah Melayu, the Tuhfah al-Nafis, and the Hikayat Abdullah to search for the evidence of wasaṭiyyah within these texts. This research also referred to scholarly works by contemporary scholars such as Alan Chong, Vladimir I. Braginskiĭ, Naquib al-Attas, and Hadijah Rahmat to further understand these four features of power, diplomacy, literary heritage, and religiosity that characterized the Malay/Muslim community. In addition, the research also analysed classical Malay/Muslim poetry such as Syair Perahu, Gurindam Dua Belas, and pantun collections to locate the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the themes of these works.

As a result, it was discovered that generally the term wasaṭiyyah or ummatan wasaṭan was not used in these works. However, this research did find out that among the most significant themes found throughout these works addressed the importance of morality and the vision of self- awareness that projected the Malay/Muslim community’s purpose in life. This research also concluded that within these four features, a moral-religious paradigm was prominent among the past Malay/Muslim community. Such a finding proves that while the term wasaṭiyyah was oblivious within the texts, the importance placed on moral-religious values as a central feature of the past Malay/Muslim community indicated the oblivious convergence of the values associated to wasaṭiyyah in the quest to nurture an ethical moral-centric Malay/Muslim community.

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To support this finding, as shown in chapters three and four, the values associated to wasaṭiyyah was found in several examples. Firstly, within the notion of power, the past Malay/Muslim community embraced the importance of the idea of Raja Adil (Just King). The relationship of the rakyat (citizens) to the King is based on the mitigation between the adat (custom) of daulat (transcendental sanction to rule) on one corner, and derhaka (disloyalty) on the other. This example illustrated a wasaṭi framework based on the idea of justice as a core feature of wasaṭiyyah mitigated between the ifrāṭ-tafrīṭ (laxity-excessiveness) nexus of daulat and derhaka.

Secondly, within the notion of diplomacy, the research found that the past Malay/Muslim community placed a great importance on the aspect of budi (goodwill or mannerism) in their affairs. Budi was discovered to be the accumulation of the Malay/Muslim community’s interaction with different philosophies such as Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam, and with different people and nations throughout its history. Based on this legacy, the idea of change was dictated by the aspect of budi of the Malay/Muslim community, especially with regards to the community’s diplomacy towards the arrival of the British in 1819. This example showed that the idea of change which is an important feature of wasaṭiyyah as defined in this research converged within the aspect of budi diplomacy of the Malay/Muslim community.

Thirdly, within the notion of literary heritage, the research managed to identify that the theme of Insan Kamil (the Perfect Being) played a central role in the past Malay/Muslim literary works. This theme is built upon three central spheres of indah (beauty), manfaat (benefit), and kamal (perfection) which were used to mould the characteristics of the community. Based on the past Malay/Muslim literary heritage, these three spheres mould the human personality through the perceptions found in a human’s corporeal soul (hati), intellect (akal), and spiritual heart (hati nurani). The concept of wasaṭiyyah converged in the ability of a human to maintain the essential balance between these three perceptions based on the aim of attaining Insan Kamil.

Fourthly, within the notion of religiosity, the research found taṣawwuf (Sufism) to be the principal factor in the propagation and conversion of the past Malay/Muslim community to Islam. With its emphasis on tazkiyyah al-nafs (purification of the self) within Islamic religious teachings, and through the presence of ṭarīqah or tarekat in Malay (Sufi order), Sufism has continued to attract a high volume of followers within the Malay/Muslim community. The

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central teachings of taṣawwuf with its focus on tazkiyyah al-nafs (purification of the self) as a way to achieve good moral values provides the means for the expression and experience of the literary spheres of indah, manfaat and kamal to attain Insan Kamil (Perfect Being). Wasaṭiyyah was understood and applied albeit in an oblivious manner in the convergence of the focus of taṣawwuf and the attainment of Insan Kamil. The role of the local Malay Sufis, the Sufi saints and the Ghazālīan ethical moral intellectual traditions facilitated this convergence which brought about the underlying understanding and application of wasaṭiyyah within the Malay/Muslim world.

8.2.4 Balancing wasaṭiyyah within the needs of Islam and Singapore today Based on interviews with the political leaders and the ʻulamāʼ and asātidhah fraternity in Singapore today, the most obvious finding to have emerged from this research is that there is a conscious and constant effort by the current Malay/Muslim political and religious leadership in Singapore to understand and apply the concept of wasaṭiyyah within the community and nation. This conscious effort is made available to the Malay/Muslim community through different mainstream media including khuṭbahs, Islamic education curriculum, seminars, conferences, and newspaper articles as they sought to influence public discourse with the concept of wasaṭiyyah.

Such a finding contributes to our understanding of how these political and religious leaders viewed the concept of wasaṭiyyah as a minority Muslim community living in a secular and modern nation like Singapore. Among the political leadership, this research discovered that their understanding of wasaṭiyyah was based on the realisation of the necessity to preserve a balanced position towards harmonisation in both national and communal visions. This realisation stemmed from the years of acculturation and assimilation by the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore. These efforts resulted in a pragmatic infrastructure to administer to the community based on policies and acts of law. The evolution of this infrastructure through legal constitutions, systematic infrastructures and consultative-based publications such as the AMLA, MUIS, and the Risalah helped in nurturing wasaṭiyyah within the context of excellence as a community that is religiously profound and yet socially progressive based on knowledge, principle-centredness, progressiveness and inclusiveness. Key values such as inclusivity, balance between the application of common and Sharī‘ah laws, and the spirit of gotong-royong (volunteerism) were identified and used to define wasaṭiyyah. Based on this pragmatism,

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wasaṭiyyah became the means to achieve a balance between communal and national aspirations and goals.

The ‘ulamā’ and asātidhah fraternity, duty bound to interpret (tafsῑr), apply or implement (taṭbῑq), and disseminate (tablῑgh) Islam were also found to be playing an active role in disseminating the wasaṭiyyah discourse. Firstly, the wasaṭiyyah discourse can be found in the works of Malay/Muslim ‘ulamā’ such as Ahmad Sonhadji, Hamka, Quraisy Shihab, and Kamal Hassan who elaborated the concept based on their interpretation of the ummatan wasaṭan verse. Furthermore, the wasaṭiyyah discourse has also attained greater attention through the efforts of the Mufti, PERGAS, the RRG, and individual asātidhah. The Mufti has contributed to the discourse based on a proactive role in shaping a religious lifestyle that balances the communal needs with the bigger national aspirations. Within the Singapore context, the Mufti plays a principal and elaborate role in crafting religious programmes, constructing religious content and messages, assisting in mosque building efforts, and addressing sensitive communal issues.

PERGAS, as a non-governmental Islamic organisation representing the ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) and asātidhah (religious teachers) community in Singapore has also played a significant role in contributing to the proliferation of the wasaṭiyyah discourse. Through its maiden conference on wasaṭiyyah in 2003 where it drafted the first ever ‘Charter of Moderation’, PERGAS has stood firmly on the wasaṭiyyah trail. Consecutive seminars and many other conferences have been organised to discuss on the concept. Subsequently, PERGAS has published a collection of articles on the subject and continuously propagates the concept of wasaṭiyyah through its online journals. A key contributor to PERGAS’ wasaṭiyyah discourse, Ustaz Md Haniff Hassan has written several works on the concept and is leading in its dissemination. This research also observed that PERGAS’ has adopted the Qaraḍāwīan uṣūlī (juristic) framework in its approach to wasaṭiyyah discourse. The uṣūlī (juristic) framework of wasaṭiyyah provides a balanced guideline to propagate Islam and establish Islamic legislations and institutions within the context of living in a modern era.

In addition, this research also found the emerging role of the Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) in disseminating the wasaṭiyyah agenda. RRG’s contribution to the wasaṭiyyah discourse is more focused on its work of rehabilitating extremists and on its counter-narratives against radical ideologies based on a misinterpretation of Islamic concepts by members of al- Qaeda, JI, and self-radicalised individuals.

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However, the current wasaṭiyyah discourse in Singapore today faces the ever-present challenges of both inter- and intra-faith issues, as well as geopolitical realities. They include issues such as changing religious narratives, islamophobia, extremism, Wahhabism, disunity, and confusion. Thus, the application of wasaṭiyyah will remain crucial and visible in the near future as a counter-narrative and guiding principle in balancing the needs of living as a Muslim minority community in multi-religious and multi-cultural Singapore.

To sum up, based on the findings of this research, the Malay/Muslim leadership’s role in nurturing wasaṭiyyah is based on a convergence of Ghazālīan ethical moral intellectual tradition with the more recent Qaraḍāwīan uṣūlī (juristic) framework. From this convergence, we can understand the concept of wasaṭiyyah as a dignified (mulia) middle path based on the Qur’ān and exemplified by the Prophet to attain success (falāḥ) in this life and the hereafter. Wasaṭiyyah from the perspective of the Malay/Muslim leaders in Singapore today is characterised by the values of inclusivity, balancing between common law and Sharī‘ah, and having a gotong-royong spirit. They also encourage progressiveness, critical thinking, reformation for goodness, sincerity and embracing unity. Wasaṭiyyah is also about being merciful (iḥsān) as a key foundation of the Islamic faith and as a main characteristic of the ethical moral foundation that have characterized the Malay world. Moreover, the convergence of the classical understanding of budi and the modern feature of khidmat (service) plays a central role in nurturing a wasaṭi community in Singapore. These values are attained through constant reliance on justice and balance within the context of progress and excellence for the community and nation.

8.3 Limitations and recommendations Based on the findings of this research, we can conclude that the applicability and degree of pervasiveness of the Qur’ānic concept of wasaṭiyyah within the minority Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today is determined by the Malay/Muslim leadership’s conscious effort to balance living Islam faithfully as a minority community within the need of progress and inclusivity in a modern and secular nation.

However, the scope of this research is limited to the context of living as a minority Muslim community in Singapore and the application and understanding of wasatiyyah by its current leaders. Nevertheless, in spite of its limitations, the research certainly adds to the understanding

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of the dynamics of contextualising a Qur’ānic concept within a minority community today. This dynamism should encourage future researchers to dwell on the contextualisation of various Qur’ānic concepts within a Muslim minority context due to the ever-growing nature of the minority community globally.

More specific to this research’s scope, further research is also needed to understand the impact of the Malay/Muslim leaders’ efforts in applying wasaṭiyyah to the Malay/Muslim community in general. A quantitative approach to measure the impact could provide a clearer indication of the effectiveness of the current policies, educational content, and programmes.

Furthermore, based on the findings of this research, there is, a definite need for the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore to realise the evolution of the akal-hati-budi of the community in its understanding and application of morality and religiosity that has shaped its current progress. One of the key areas of further research should be to uncover the impact and loss of Malay/Muslim literary heritage, especially its Jawi manuscripts, through years of change and contextual adaptation. This research hopes that future research will also explore how the richness of the Malay/Muslim literary heritage can be effectively used in shaping the akal-hati-budi of the future Malay/Muslim generation.

Finally, as attempted in this research, the use of Saeed’s contextual approach to reading the Qur’ān has provided a systematic conceptual framework in understanding a Qur’ānic concept within a contemporary lens without compromising the historical significance of the Qur’ān. Saeed’s contextual approach allows for the convergence of the past, present, and future contexts of understanding the Qur’ān. This approach will benefit scholars of Qur’ān and Islamic studies with a systematic methodology to explore deeper into the ocean of revelation, so as to understand and apply its relevance to current and future research concerns and interests.

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Glossary of Arabic and Malay Terms adat (Malay) custom afḍal most beneficial, superior afḍal superior ahl ghuluww the extremists ahl taqṣīr those who are negligent ahl tawassuṭ wa i‘tidāl the people of the middle and of moderation ajwad finest, splendid akal (Malay) rationality al-‘aql the intellect al-akhlāq ethics al-bu‘d al-makānī dimension of place al-bu‘d al-zamānī dimension of time al-dīn the way of life al-i‘tidāl moderate, moderation al-jū‘ hunger al-mu‘āmalah dealings al-nisā’ women al-Qurʾān yufassiru ba‘ḍuhu ba‘ḍan parts of the Qurʾān explain each other al-shar‘ the Islamic Law al-silm submission, obedience and peace al-ṣirāṭ al-mustaqīm the straight path al-sulūk behaviour al-ta‘abbud worship al-tanassuk devotion al-taṣawwur concept al-tashrī‘ legislation al-yatāmā orphans amanah (Malay) divine responsibility anṣār Muslims of Medina aqwam al-manāhij the strongest way

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asātidhah/asatizah religious teachers asbāb al-nuzūl the occasions, reasons or causes of revelation ashraf nobler awḍaḥ al-mazāhib the purest path āyāt Allāh the signs of God budi (Malay) mannerism derhaka (Malay) disloyalty dhikr remembrance of God du‘ā’ calling upon God fiqh Islamic jurisprudence ḥadīth prophetic tradition ḥajj major pilgrimage ḥalāl permissible ḥaqq truth ḥarām impermissible ḥasanah excellence hati (Malay) belief hijrah migration ḥubb love hudā guidance ḥudūd punishment īmān faith indah (Malay) beauty infāq disbursement of wealth insan kamil (Malay) perfect human being iṣlāḥ reform ism noun kamal (Malay) spiritual perfection khawf fear khiyār the best khuṭbah Friday sermon kufr unbelief

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madrasah religious schools māl wealth manfaat (Malay) usefulness manhaj wasaṭ middle way masjid mosque mufassirūn exegetes muhājirūn the migrants from Mecca munāsabah concept of organic unity in Qurʾānic exegesis naqṣ deficiency nikāḥ marriage qarīnah connection qiblah direction of prayer qiṣaṣ retribution qitāl fighting raḥmah mercy raja adil (Malay) just king rakyat (Malay) citizens rujū‘ reconciliation ṣabr patience shuhadā’ witnesses shukr gratitude ṣifah adjective siyāq al-kalām context of words sufahā’ the unwise, witless, or destitute of wisdom or understanding sukūn diacritic sign ta‘allum seeking knowledge tafsīr exegesis tafsīr al-Qurʾān bi al-Qurʾān explaining the Qurʾān by the Qurʾān ṭalāq divorce taṣawwuf sufism taṭawwu‘ volunteering

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tawbah repentance tazkiyyah al-nafs purification of the self tilāwah reading of the Qurʾān ummah an association amongst humankind, community ummatan wasaṭan the just, middlemost, and balanced community uṣūl al-tafsīr principles of tafsīr or Qurʾānic exegesis wasaṭ in between two ends of something wasaṭiyyah just, middlemost, and balanced waṣiyyah bequest wasṭ between/amongst/amidst ‘adl to be just or justice ‘alāqah relevance ‘ulamā’ religious scholars ‘ulūm al-Qurʾān sciences of the Qurʾān ‘umrah minor pilgrimage

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Appendix 1

List of Selected Khuṭbahs between January 2016 – September 2017 by the Office of the Mufti (OOM) in Singapore analysed in this research.

No. Date Title 1. 01 January 2016 Noble Values from The Life of Rasulullah 2. 08 January 2016 The Value of Forgiveness in Islam 3. 15 January 2016 Seeking Allah’s Forgiveness 4. 22 January 2016 The value of forgiveness and Shariah 5. 29 January 2016 Developing good values as a fortress for ourselves 6. 05 February 2016 Understanding the True Meaning of Gratitude 7. 12 February 2016 Gratitude Leads to Calmness 8. 19 February 2016 The Importance of Being Grateful When Facing Trials 9. 04 March 2016 The Importance of Being Just 10. 11 March 2016 Doing Justice Towards Allah’s Blessings 11. 18 March 2016 Implement Justice, Fulfil the Rights Among Human Beings 12. 25 March 2016 Being Just to Ourselves 13. 01 April 2016 Being Humble in Knowledge 14. 08 April 2016 Humility Is an Islamic Virtue 15. 15 April 2016 Developing Humility Through Acts of Rituals 16. 22 April 2016 Humility in Performing Good Deeds 17. 29 April 2016 Being Humble Towards Allah s.w.t 18. 06 May 2016 Developing Good Relations with Others 19. 13 May 2016 Manners When Interacting with Non-Muslims 20. 20 May 2016 Interactions with Fellow Muslims 21. 27 May 2016 Spreading the Message of Mercy 22. 03 June 2016 Ramadan: The Month for Building Spiritual Resilience 23. 10 June 2016 Instilling Values in Our Family Through Acts of Worship 24. 17 June 2016 Achieving the Objective of Fasting 25. 24 June 2016 Enlivening the Last Nights of Ramadan 26. 01 July 2016 Hoping for Allah’s Acceptance

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No. Date Title 27. 08 July 2016 Enhancing Our Understanding of the Meaning of Wisdom as mentioned in the Quran 28. 29 July 2016 Al-Anah as The Third Pillar of Hikmah 29. 19 August 2016 The Spirit of Being Merciful with others 30. 02 September 2016 The Virtues of Patience 31. 16 September 2016 Trials and Patience 32. 07 October 2016 Istiqamah - The Reflection of a Muslim Identity 33. 14 October 2016 Consistency in Having Taqwa in Allah 34. 02 December 2016 The Role of Religion in The Life of Communities 35. 23 December 2016 Showing Mercy in Guiding the Community 36. 06 January 2017 A Smart and Understanding Educator 37. 13 January 2017 Iqra' A Valuable Command from God to Mankind 38. 20 January 2017 The Quran Calls Upon the Integration of Thinking and Making Zikr 39. 27 January 2017 Importance of Practicing with Knowledge 40. 03 February 2017 Being Graceful Towards Our Family Through Guidance 41. 10 February 2017 Understanding Our Roles and Responsibilities 42. 17 February 2017 Understanding Our Roles and Responsibilities 43. 24 February 2017 Family Relationships 44. 03 March 2017 A Religious Life Based on Knowledge 45. 10 March 2017 A Comprehensive Understanding of Religion 46. 17 March 2017 Being Balanced in Our Religious Life 47. 24 March 2017 Balance in God's Creation 48. 31 March 2017 Morals (Akhlak) and Practicing the Religion 49. 07 April 2017 Purity of the Heart in Islam 50. 14 April 2017 Getting Rid of a Mazmumah Trait Envy 51. 21 April 2017 Cleansing Our Hearts from A Blameworthy Trait Passing on the Lie 52. 28 April 2017 Cleansing the heart of riya' or boastfulness 53. 05 May 2017 The Well-Being of the Community - Drug Abuse is Haram 54. 12 May 2017 A Harmonious Community Starts from Home

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No. Date Title 55. 19 May 2017 A Prosperous Community - Empowering Teenagers 56. 26 May 2017 A Prosperous Community - Religiosity that is Based on Mercy (Rahmah) 57. 02 June 2017 Community of Rahmah 58. 09 June 2017 Rahmah In Giving 59. 16 June 2017 Rahmah in the Last Ten Nights 60. 23 June 2017 Maintaining the Rights and Responsibilities Among Family 61. 25 June 2017 Eidulfitri Sermon: Islam Respects Local Culture 62. 30 June 2017 Islam Promotes Peace 63. 07 July 2017 Islam and Compassion 64. 14 July 2017 Love that Shapes Humanity 65. 21 July 2017 Achieving Calmness and Tranquillity 66. 28 July 2017 To Love Is Not to Hurt 67. 04 August 2017 The Role of a Muslim in This Life 68. 11 August 2017 Building A Cohesive Society 69. 18 August 2017 Gaining Allah's Barakah Through Giving and Contributing 70. 25 August 2017 The Ethics of Engaging the Community 71. 01 September 2017 Lessons from the Story of Prophet Ibrahim 72. 08 September 2017 Lessons from the Story of Prophet Ismail 73. 15 September 2017 Lessons from the Story of Habil and Qabil 74. 22 September 2017 Lessons from the Story of Prophet Yusuf 75. 29 September 2017 Understanding the Story of the Prophets 76. 06 October 2017 Make Every Step and Breath an Act of Worship to Allah s.w.t.

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———. “Dr Yaacob Ibrahim.” Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore (blog), January 16, 2017. http://www.pmo.gov.sg/cabinet/dr-yaacob-ibrahim.

———. “Masagos Zulkifli Bin Masagos Mohamad.” Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore (blog), January 16, 2017. http://www.pmo.gov.sg/cabinet/mr-masagos-zulkifli.

Pusat Rujukan Persuratan Melayu. “Orang Berbudi Kita Berbahasa.” Pusat Rujukan Persuratan Melayu, 2008. http://prpm.dbp.gov.my/Search.aspx?k=orang+berbudi+kita+berbahasa.

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———. “Resource & Counselling Centre (RCC).” Religious Rehablitation Group. Accessed November 2017. https://www.rrg.sg/resource-and-counselling-centre-rcc/.

———. “Our Message.” Religious Rehabilitation Group, Accessed November 13, 2017. https://www.rrg.sg/our-message/.

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———. “Muslim Law.” The Straits Times, December 8, 1960.

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———. “Only 23 Men Can Speak for the Malays S’pore Meeting Decides.” The Straits Times, July 13, 1964.

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———. “The Hearts Are Together.” The Straits Times, August 15, 1965.

———. “New Council to Advise President on Muslim Religion.” The Straits Times, December 20, 1965.

———. “Public Views Invited on Muslim Bill.” The Straits Times, January 5, 1966.

———. “Muslim Law Bill Is Passed in Parliament.” The Straits Times, August 18, 1966.

———. “No Suitable Men for 3 Top Posts.” The Straits Times, December 23, 1967.

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———. “Five maids working in Singapore radicalised.” The Straits Times, December 19, 2016. http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/five-maids-working-in-singapore-radicalised.

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———. “Masagos Calls on Islamic Teachers to Strengthen Moderation, Work with Other Groups in Society.” The Straits Times, December 8, 2017. http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/masagos-calls-on-islamic-teachers-to-strengthen- moderation-work-with-other-groups-in.

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Today. “Much to Learn from Malay Community’s ‘Gotong Royong’ Spirit: PM Lee.” Today (blog), August 18, 2013. http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/much-learn-malay-communitys- gotong-royong-spirit-pm-lee.

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at The Ritz-Carlton Millenia.” Presented at The Malay/Muslim Organisations’ Tribute to Prime Minister’s 10 Years Of Leadership, The Ritz-Carlton Millenia, January 21, 2001. http://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/speeches/view-html?filename=2001012102.htm.

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———. “Syeikh Abdul Wahhab Siantan mufti dan guru kerajaan Riau-Lingga.” Ulama Nusantara (blog), December 12, 2006. http://ulama-nusantara.blogspot.com.au/2006/11/syeikh-abdul- wahhab-siantan-mufti-dan.html.

———. “Syeikh Hasan Ma’shum Mufti Kerajaan Deli.” Ulama Nusantara (blog), December 11, 2006. http://ulama-nusantara.blogspot.com.au/2006/11/syeikh-hasan-mashum-mufti- kerajaan.html.

———. “Syeikh Muhammad Nur al-Fathani.” Ulama Nusantara (blog), November 12, 2006. http://ulama-nusantara.blogspot.com/search?q=nur+al+fathani

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Yuen-C, Tham. “Mufti Criticises Online Vitriol over Tudung Issue.” The Straits Times, October 29, 2013. http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/mufti-criticises-online-vitriol-over-tudung- issue.

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Zachariah, Natasha Ann. “An Unusual Gift of a Mosque.” The Straits Times. March 10, 2015, sec. Lifestyle. http://www.straitstimes.com/lifestyle/home-design/an-unusual-gift-of-a-mosque.

Khuṭbahs used in the thesis (Friday sermons)

This research analysed khuṭbahs between years 2014 to 2017 published by the Office of the Mufti (OOM). All the khuṭbahs published by the Office of the Mufti (OOM) can be accessed via the MUIS’s website as follows:

Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura. “Khutbah.” Office of the Mufti (blog), 2017. https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/khutbah.html.

The list below is a compilation of khuṭbahs quoted in this research for further analysis due to its direct reference to the concept of wasaṭiyyah:

Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura. “A Balanced Religious Life,” Office of the Mufti (blog), November 7, 2014. https://www.muis.gov.sg/cms/uploadedFiles/MuisGovSG/Khutbah/E14Nov7%20- %20Wasatiyyah.pdf.

———. “Wasatiyyah - Developing a Just Mind,” Office of the Mufti (blog), February 13, 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Awpm7LPabNA.

———. “Understanding The Textual Sources of Shari’ah,” Office of the Mufti (blog), August 14, 2015. https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/documents/E15Aug14- Understanding_The_Textual_Sources_Of_Shariah.pdf.

———. “Noble Values From The Life of Rasulullah s.a.w.,” Office of the Mufti (blog), January 1, 2016. https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/documents/E16Jan01- %20Noble%20Values%20From%20The%20Life%20of%20Rasulullah.pdf.

———. “The Spirit of Being Merciful with Others,” Office of the Mufti (blog), August 19, 2016. https://www.muis.gov.sg/officeofthemufti/Khutbah/English/2016-Aug-19

———. “A Smart and Understanding Educator,” Office of the Mufti (blog), January 6, 2017. https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17Jan06-A- Smart-And-Understanding-Educator.pdf.

———. “Being Balanced in Our Religious Life,” Office of the Mufti (blog), March 17, 2017. https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17Mar17-Being- Balanced-in-Our-Religious-Life.pdf.

———. “Balance in God’s Creations,” Office of the Mufti (blog), March 24, 2017. https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17Mar24- Balance-in-God-Creations.pdf.

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———. “Khutbah Aidilfitri: Islam Respects Local Culture,” Office of the Mufti (blog), June 25, 2017. https://www.muis.gov.sg/-/media/Files/OOM/Khutbah/English/PDF/2017/E17June25- Khutbah-Aidilfitri-2017-1438-Islam-Respects-Local-Culture.pdf.

Interviews

1. Interview with Dr Rohan Gunaratna on the 4th of February, 2014. 2. Interview with Ms Nur Azlin Yasin on the 4th of February, 2014. 3. Interview with Dr. Muhammad Haniff Hassan on the 5th of February, 2014. 4. Interview with Mr Mahfuh Halimi on the 5th of February, 2014. 5. Interview with Ustaz Yusri Yubhi on the 6th of February, 2014. 6. Interview with Mr Yang Razali Kassim on the 7th of February, 2014. 7. Interview with Dr Yaacob Ibrahim on the 8th of February, 2014. 8. Interview with Ustaz Muhammad Saiful Alam Shah Bin Sudiman on the 9th of February, 2014. 9. Interview with Mr Mohammad Alami Musa on the 9th of February, 2014. 10. Interview with Dr Fatris Bakaram on the 12th of February, 2014. 11. Interview with Mr Masagos Zulkifli bin Masagos Mohamed on the 12th of February, 2014. 12. Interview with Ustaz Mohamed Hasbi Hassan on the 13th of February, 2014. 13. Interview with Mr Abdul Halim Kader on the 25th of February, 2014. 14. Email communication with Mr Raman Daud on the 10th of March, 2015. 15. Interview with Mr Ansari Marican on the 12th of March, 2015. 16. Interview with Drs Ahdi Nuruddin on the 28th of January, 2016. 17. Interview with Dr Ahmad Tafsir on the 2nd of February, 2016. 18. Interview with Dr Juhaya Pradja on the 3rd of February, 2016. 19. Interview with Dr. R. Iwan Prawiranata on the 16th of February, 2016. 20. Interview with Dr Muhamad Kodir on the 16th of February, 2016. 21. Interview with Mr Isa Kamari on the 5th of August, 2016. 22. Interview with Mr Md Salihin Sulaiman Jeem on the 5th of August, 2016. 23. Interview with Mr Muhsin Hamzah on the 5th of August, 2016. 24. Interview with Pak Hamzah Kassim on the 16th of August, 2016. 25. Interview with Ustaz Haji Ali Haji Mohamed on the 8th of December, 2016, and on the 10th of August, 2017.

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26. Interview with Dr Mohamed bin Ali on the 15th of February, 2017. 27. Interview with Ustaz Muhammad Ghouse Khan Surattee on the 16th of February, 2017. 28. Interview with Dr Ajid Thohir on the 17th of June, 2017.

Secondary Sources

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Abdullah, Elinah, Khoo Kay Kim, and Wan Meng Hao. Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819-1965. Ed. Khoo Kay Kim, Elinah Abdullah, Wan Meng Hao. Subang Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk, 2006.

Abdullah, Elinah. “Malay/Muslim Patterns of Settlement and Trade in the First 50 Years.” In Malays/Muslims in Singapore: Selected Readings in History 1819-1965. Ed. Khoo Kay Kim, Elinah Abdullah, Wan Meng Hao, 79–111. Subang Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk, 2006.

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———. The Hikayat Abdullah: The Autobiography of Abdullah Bin Abdul Kadir, 1797-1854. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1985.

Abdullah, Raihanah, Patricia Martinez, and Wirdati Mohd. Radzi. “Islam And Adat.” Indonesia & the Malay World 38, no. 111 (July 2010): 161–180.

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———. Our Ummah, Our World: Primary 6. Singapore: Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 2007.

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Adibzadeh, Shameema. The Journey of Beauty Towards Perfection: Zaynab Bint ‘Alī Ibn Abī Ṭālib and The Model of Human Changes towards Developing Attributes of Walīyat Allāh and Al- Insān Al-Kāmil, M.A. Thesis. Temple University Libraries, 2013.

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Afaki, Abdul Rahim. “Multi-Subjectivism and Quasi-Objectivism in Tabari’s Qur’anic Hermeneutics.” Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies 2, no. 3 (July 2009): 285–305.

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Akiti, Muhammad Afifi, and Gabriel F. Haddad. Defending the Transgressed by Censuring the Reckless against the Killing of Civilians = Mudāfiʻ Al-Maẓlūm Bi-Radd Al-Muhāmil ʻalā Qitāl Man Lā Yuqātil: Fatwa According to the Madhab of Imam Shafi’i. United Kingdom and Germany: Aqsa Press and Warda Publications, 2005. al-Ahsan, Abdullah. “The Qur’anic Concept of Ummah.” Journal, Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs 7 (1986): 606–16. al-Akiti, M. Afifi. “On Celebrating the 900th Anniversary of Al-Ghazālī” The Muslim World 101 (2011): 573-580.

———. “Index to Divisions of Al-Ghazālī’s Often-Cited Published Works.” The Muslim World 102 (2012): 70-200. al-Attas, Muhammad Naguib, Syed. Some Aspects of Ṣūfism as Understood and Practised among the Malays. Edited by Shirle Gordan. Singapore, Malaysian Sociological Research Institute, 1963.

———. The Origins of the Malay Sha’ir. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1968.

———. The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript: A 16th Century Malay Translation of the ʾAqāʾid of Al-Nasafī / by Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas. Kuala Lumpur: Dept. of Publications, University of Malaya, 1988. al-Attas, Syed Naquib. Islam Dalam Sejarah Dan Kebudayaan Melayu: Suatu Mukaddimah Mengenai Peranan Islam Dalam Peradaban Sejarah Melayu-Indonesia, Dan Kesannya Dalam Sejarah Pemikiran, Bahasa, Dan Kesusasteraan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972. al-Attas, Syed Naquib, and Hamzah Fansuri. The Mysticism of Ḥamzah Fanṣūrī. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press; [sole distributors: University of Malaya Co-operative Bookshop] 1970. Najib Tun Razak. The Wasatiyyah approach and its implementation in Malaysia. 1st ed. Putrajaya: Institut Wasatiyyah Malaysia, 2013. al-Bashīr, ‘Isam Ahmad. Al-Wasaṭiyyah Min Khashāis Al-Ummah Al-Islāmiyyah. al-Mamlakah al- Maghribiyyah Wazārah al-Awqāf wa al-Shu’ūn al-Islāmiyyah, n.d.

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Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne

Author/s: Mohamed Hassan, Mohamed Feisal

Title: Contextualising wasatiyyah from the perspective of the leaders of the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore today

Date: 2018

Persistent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/11343/219678

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