NOTES

1 The Problem with 1 . Bernardus monachus francus, Itinerarium 18, PL 121.574; F. Avril and J.-R. Gaborit discuss the pilgrimage, “L’Itinerarium Bernardi monachi et les pèlerinages d’Italie du Sud pendant le Haut-Moyen-Âge,” M é langes d’arch é ologie et d’histoire 79 (1967): 269–298. The hagiographical Revelatio ecclesiae de sancti Michaelis details the foundation of Mont Saint-Michel by St. Aubert of Avranches, Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis archangeli in Monte qui dicitur Tumba V, edited by Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes, Chroniques latines du Mont Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe siè cle), vol. 1 (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2009), pp. 98–99. All citations are from Bouet’s edition. Mabillon’s edition is published as Apparitio de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Tumba , AASS, September 8.76–79, which John Charles Arnold translates into English: “The ‘Revelatio Ecclesiae de Sancti Michaelis’ and the Mediterranean Origins of Mont St.-Michel,” The Heroic Age 10 (May 2007), http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/arnold. html . All English citations are from that publication. The Bayeux Tapestry famously depicts Harold Godwinson pulling soldiers from quicksand with Mont Saint-Michel in the background. The Museum of Reading has placed online images from its nineteenth-century copy of the tapestry, with that of Harold’s exploits found at http://www.bayeuxtapestry.org.uk/ Bayeux8.htm . 2 . For the most recent analysis of Notre-Dame-sous-Terre, see Christian Sapin, Maylis Baylé et al., “Arch é ologie du b â ti et arch é om é trie au Mont- Saint-Michel, nouvelles approches de Notre-Dame-sous-Terre,” Arch é ologie m é di é vale 38 (2008): 71–122 and 94 and 97 for the mortar of the “cyclo- pean” wall. Sapin includes a historiography of interpretations that now must be modified or discarded: Florence Margo, “Les crypts romanes du Mont Saint–Michel, Ordonnance des espaces,” Espace ecclésial et liturgie au Moyen  ge (Lyon: La Maison de l’Orient et de la Mé diterrané e, 2010), pp. 369– 378; Michel de Boü ard, “L’É glise Nô tre–Dame–sous–Terre au Mont Saint– Michel,” Journal de Savants (1961): 10–27; Yves-Marie Froidevaux, “L’É glise N ô tre–Dame–sous–Terre de l’abbaye du Mont–Saint–Michel,” Monuments historiques de la France 7 (1961): 145–166; and Paul Goû t, Le Mont-Saint- Michel , vol. 2 (: A. Colin, 1910). 142 NOTES

3 . Bernardus, Itinerarium ; Avril and Gaborit, “L’Itinerarium Bernardi monachi et les pèlerinages d’Italie du Sud pendant le Haut-Moyen-Âge,” Katherine Allen Smith speaks to Aubert’s architectural imitation of Monte , “Architectural Mimesis and Historical Memory at the Abbey of Mont- Saint-Michel,” in Negotiating Community and Difference in Medieval Europe, edited by Katherine Allen Smith and Scott Wells (Leiden: Brill, 2009), pp. 65–82. 4 . Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 60–61. 5 . Augustine, De Vera Religione 55.110, La foi chré tienne: De vera religione; De utilitate credendi; De fide rerum quae non videntur, edited and translated by Joseph Pegon and Goulven Madec, Bibliothè que augustinié nne 8 (Paris: Descl é e de Brouwer, 1982), p. 182. 6 . Augustine, De civitate dei 8.27, edited by Bernard Dombart and Alfons Kalb, CCSL 47 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1955), p. 248, translated by Marcus Dods (New York: Modern Library, 1950), p. 278. Peter Brown well understood this point, , a Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), pp. 413–418. 7 . Augustine, De civitate dei 10.1–2, pp. 272–273, as denoted by the Greek word latre í a with its synonym thr ē ske í a and the Latin analogues servitus or religio (“service to God alone”), as opposed to doule í a and its synonym theosebe í a and analogue Dei cultum (“worship of God alone”). 8 . Ibid., 10.12, pp. 286–287. 9 . Augustine, Quaestiones in Heptateuch II.94, PL 34.630: doule í a debetur Deo tanquam Domino, latreí a vero nonnisi Deo tanquam Deo . 10 . Wilhelm Lueken, Michael: eine Darstellung und Vergleichung der jü dischen und der morgenl ä ndisch-christlichen Tradition vom Erzengel Michael (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1898). For biographical information on Lueken, see Matthias Wolfes, Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon , s. v. “Lueken, Wilhelm,” band XVIII (2001), 844–851, www.bautz.de/bbkl/l/ lueken_w.shtml. 11 . Lueken, Michael , pp. 72–77; Narratio de miraculo a Michaele Archangelo Chonis patrato ,edited by M. Bonnet, Analecta Bollandiana 8 (1889): 289–307. William M. Ramsay noted the geographical oddities of the region, especially the presence of dudens , streams that either appear from or disappear into the earth as if at will: The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170 (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1979 [1897]), pp. 472–477. 12 . Alan Cadwallader discusses the confusion, “The Reverend Dr. John Luke and the Churches of Chonai,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48 (2008): 319–338. 13 . Gerd Lü demann and Martin Schrö der, Die Religionsgeschichtliche Sch ü le in G ö ttingen (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1987). 14 . Lueken, Michael , p. 77. 15 . I take the concept of “formation” and its usefulness for conceptualizing Michael from Tony Bennett, particularly his article “Texts, Readers, Reading Formations,” The Bulletin of the Midwest Modern Language Association 16 NOTES 143

(1983): 8 [3–17], and his application of the concept to a historicized reading of the popular fictional character James Bond, Bond and Beyond (New York: Methuen, 1987). 16 . A point well understood by Susan R. Garrett, No Ordinary (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), pp. 237–242; and Henry Corbin, “La Nécessité de l’angélologie,” Le paradoxe du monothé isme (Paris: l’H é rne, 1981), pp. 81–156. Now, Ellen Muehlberger takes as her principal thesis the centrality of discussions of in the formation of late-antique theologi- cal discourses: Angels in Late Ancient Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 17 . Richard F. Johnson delineates the four “offices” for Michael, “ in the Margins: St. Michael in the Homilies of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41,” Traditio 53 (1998): 64.

2 Michael, an Ecumenical Archangel 1 . Richard F. Johnson, “Archangel in the Margins: St. Michael in the Homilies of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41,” Traditio 53 (1998): 64. 2 . George W. E. Nickelsburg establishes the chronology of the text, 1 Enoch 1; A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1–36; 81–108 , with James C. VanderKam and edited by Klaus Baltzer. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001), pp. 169–171. 3 . Michael Mach, Entwicklungsstadien des j ü dischen Engelglaubens in vorrabbinis- cher Zeit (Tü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1992), pp. 65–73. 4 . Larry Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), pp. 71–92, particularly pp. 75–78. 5 . Hurtado examines the problem of worship vs. veneration (ibid., pp. 17–39). See also Loren T. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology: A Study in Early Judaism and in the Christology of the Apocalypse of John , WUNT 2.70 (T übingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1995), pp. 47–51; and Darrell D. Hannah, Michael and Christ: Michael Traditions and Angel Christology in Early Christianity, WUNT 2.109 (Tü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1999). p. 104, n. 59. 6 . Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, including the Demotic Spells, second ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. xliv–xlviii; Fritz Graf, La magie dans l’antiquit é gr é co-romaine (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1994); and Magic in the Ancient World , translated by Franklin Philip, Revealing Antiquity 10 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). 7 . As pointed out by Charles A. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology, Antecedents and Early Evidence , Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 42 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 32–33. 8. Ibid., pp. 53–64; Mach, Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 43–47. 9. See both Eric Eynikel, “The Angel in Samson’s Birth Narrative—Judg 13” in Angels, the Concept of Celestial Beings—Origin, Development and Reception, edited by Friedrich V. Reiterer, Tobias Nicklas, and Karin Schö pflin, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2007 (Berlin: Walter de 144 NOTES

Gruyter, 2007), pp. 113–114 [pp. 109–123]; and Matthias Kö ckert, “Divine Messengers and Mysterious Men in the Patriarchal Narratives of the ,”in Angels, pp. 67–69 [pp. 51–78]. 10. Eynickel, “The Angel in Samson’s Birth Narrative,” in Angels, pp. 116–118. 11. R. M. M. Tuschling discusses the various creatures found in Tanakh, with possible connections to other ancient Near Eastern religious traditions, Angels and Orthodoxy: A Study in Their Development in Syria and Palestine from the Qumran Texts to Ephrem the Syrian (Tü bingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007), pp. 13–27; Mach, Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 16–37. 12. Mach, Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 33–34. 13. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology , pp. 64–65. 14. Mach provides a list of functions (Entwicklungsstadien , pp. 60–63). 15. There is an enormous literature on the apocalypse and its emergence as a literary genre. For an introduction and general background, con- sult Christopher Rowland, The Open Heaven, a Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1982); John Joseph Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, second ed. (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1998); Ithamar Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism, Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 14 (Leiden: Brill, 1980); P. D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic: The Historical and Sociological Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic Eschatology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979); Martha Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); and D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1964). E. P. Sanders discusses the concept of “covenantal nomism,” by which he means the propensity of Second Temple sects to establish their validity and superiority through halakhic orthopraxy: Paul and Palestinian Judaism (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1977), pp. 236 and 426–428. Dieter Heidtmann aptly designates angels as “boundary markers of God” (Grenzgestalten Gottes ) when arguing for their necessary inclusion in contemporary Christian dis- course: Die Engel: Grenzgestalten Gottes. Ü ber Notwendigkeit und Mö glichkeit der christlichen Rede von den Engeln (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1999), particularly pp. 195–208. 16. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy, pp. 14–21, particularly for the derivation of the Cherubim and Seraphim from Canaanite prototypes. Marco Bussagli addresses the Mesopotamian background, Storia degli Angeli (Milan: Rusconi, 1991), pp. 14–20. 17. Edward L. Greenstein, “Trans-Semitic Idiomatic Equivalency and the Derivation of Hebrew ml’kh ,” Ugarit-Forschungen 11 (1979): 329–336. 18. Anders Hultgå rd, “Das Judentum in der hellenistisch-rö mischen Zeit und die iranische Religion-ein religionsgeschichtliches Problem,” ANRW II.19.1, ed. by Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1979), pp. 512–590; also, the various articles in The Cambridge History of Judaism I, edited by W. D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), espe- cially Shaul Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism: First Century B.C.E.to Second Century C.E.,” pp. 308–325. NOTES 145

19. Hans Bietenhard, Die himmlische Welt im Urchristentum und Spä tjudentum , WUNT 2 (Tü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1951), p. 103. 20. Adela Y. Collins, “The Seven Heavens in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses,” in Death, Ecstasy and Other Worldly Journeys, edited by John Joseph Collins and Michael A. Fishbane (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), pp. 65–66 [pp. 59–93]. 21. bHag 12b, The Babylonian Talmud, edited by Isidore Epstein, with translation by M. Simon et al., (London: Soncino, 1948–49), p. 71. The texts, criticism, and bibliographies of Jubilees, translated by R. H. Charles, and 1 Enoch, translated by M. A. Knibb, appear in The Apocryphal , edited by H. F. D. Sparks (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984). For further information on 1 Enoch and an introduction to its enormous literature, refer to Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1 and his bibliography. Maxwell J. Davidson provides briefer, but useful general remarks as well as particular observations as to the dating of Enoch’s various sections in Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1–36, 72–108 and Sectarian Writings from Qumran, Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplement Series 11 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992), pp. 18–30. 22. The angelus interpres is central to the visionary experience: Karin Schö pflin, “God’s Interpreter: The Interpreting Angel in Post-Exilic Prophetic Visions of the Old Testament,” Angels, pp. 189–203. 23. Sparks’s critical apparatus includes variant readings as to the duties of all of these angels, The Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 208–209. 24. Collins, “The Seven Heavens,” pp. 65–66. 25. A. Finet, “Les anges gardiens du Babylonien,” in Anges et D é mons , edited by Julien Ries and Henri Limet, Homo Religiosus 14 (Louvain-la-Neuve: Centre d’Histoire des Religions, 1989), pp. 37–52. 26. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , p. 15. 27. William George Heidt, Angelology of the Old Testament (Washington DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1949), p. 7. 28. Gen R 48.9, 48.1, Genesis Rabbah , translated by Jacob Neusner (Atlanta: Scholar’s Press, 1989), p. 411. 29. Heidt, Angelology of the Old Testament, pp. 7–8. 30. S. D. McBride, The Deutoronomic Name Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1969), p. 5, as cited by Aquila H. I. Lee, From Messiah to Preexistent Son, WUNT 192 (Tü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 2005), p. 38, with a discussion of hypostatization, pp. 37–44. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology, pp. 36–45, illustrates the ubiquity of the practice. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 93–96, briefly summarizes the scholarship and arguments as to the validity of the concept of hypostatization. 31. Saul M. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1993), p. 104. 32. As pointed out by Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic , pp. 257–262. Also, Hultgå rd, “Das Judentum in der hellenistisch–rö mischen Zeit,” pp. 345–347; and Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism,” especially pp. 317–324. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy, pp. 21–28, summarizes the arguments and literature. 146 NOTES

33. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , p. 25; Hultgå rd, “Das Judentum in der hel- lenistisch–rö mischen Zeit.” 34. James Barr, “The Question of Religious Influence: The Case of Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and Christianity,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 53.2 (1985): 207 [201–235]. 35. Yasht 13.1, cited by Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic , p. 259. 36. R. C. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (New York: Putnam, 1961), pp. 76 and 146; Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , p. 25. 37. Barr, “The Question of Religious Influence,” pp. 229–230, casts doubt on a wholesale adoption of Zoroastrian concepts but does suggest an assimila- tion of comparable ideas, although without an understanding of their origi- nal function within Zoroastrianism. Also, Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy, pp. 26–28. Shaul Shaked argues for a close understanding of the Zoroastrian system of religious thought and its incorporation within documents from Qumran: “Qumran and Iran; Further Considerations,” Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972): 433–446. 38. A skeptical Barr, “The Question of Religious Influence,” pp. 214–217, dis- cusses the arguments for and against this sort of assimilation. 39. Collins presents an overview of the Enochic literature, The Apocalyptic Imagination , pp. 43–79, as does Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1 , pp. 165–228. 40. Annette Yoshiko Reed provides an exhaustive study of Enoch and the “” traditions in Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005). 41. Reed, Fallen Angels; also, Corrie Molenberg, “A Study of the Roles of Shemihaza and Asael in 1 Enoch 6–11,” Journal of Jewish Studies 35 (1984): 139 [136–146]. 42 . Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic , pp. 237–240. 43. For the connection of foreign powers with wicked angels, see R. M. Grant, “Les ê tres interm é diaires dans le Judaï sme tardif,” Studi e materiali di sto- ria delle religioni 38 (1967): 245–259. For more generally, Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, pp. 85–115 and Daniel with Introduction to Apocalyptic Literature , The Forms of the Old Testament Literature 20 (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1999 reprint [1984]). 44. For an analysis of the political events of Hellenistic Palestine and the connec- tion of Daniel and Maccabees with the Hasmonaean Revolt, see F. E. Peters, The Harvest of Hellenism (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1996), pp. 222– 296; and Arnaldo Momigliano, Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1975), pp. 109–112. Martin Hengel addresses the intellectual background, Judaism and Hellenism , trans- lated by John Bowden (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981), pp. 175–218. 45. B. Otzen generally calls attention to the use of scripture in the construction of angelic personalities and functions, in this specific case by the reference to Deuteronomy 32.8: “Michael and : Angelological Problems in the Book of Daniel,” in The Scriptures and the Scrolls: Studies in Honor of A. S. van NOTES 147

der Woude on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, edited by F. Garc í a Mart í nez, A. Hilhorst, and C. J. Labuschagne (Leiden: Brill, 1992), pp. 114–124. 46. ha-sar ha-gadol, “great prince” or “great minister” (Masoretic Text); ho á ngelos ho m é gas , “the great angel” (). 47. Lueken discusses Michael as engel des volkes (Michael , pp. 13–30). 48. Jean Duhaime, The War Texts, 1QM and Related , Companion to the Qumran Scrolls 6 (London: T & T Clark, 2004), provides a succinct introduction to the interpretive issues and the enormous literature on the War Scroll. 49. 1QM, text in The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English , translated by Geza Vermes (London: Penguin, 1998), pp. 163–164, as well as his The Dead Sea Scrolls, Qumran in Perspective (Cleveland: Collins World, 1978), pp. 51–54, for a brief description and bibliography. See Davidson’s discussion, Angels at Qumran, pp. 212–233; also, James Davila, “Melchizedek, Michael, and War in Heaven,” Society of Biblical Literature 1996 Seminar Papers (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996), pp. 259–272. 50. 1QM, in The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English; Davila, “Melchizedek, Michael, and War in Heaven,” pp. 260–262. Also, Sylvester Lamberigts, “Le sens de qdwsym dans les texts de Qumran,” Ephemerides theologicae Lovanienses 46 (1970): 24–39; Crispin H. T. Fletcher-Louis, “Some Reflections on Angelomorphic Humanity Texts among the Dead Sea Scrolls,” Dead Sea Discoveries 7 (2000): 292–312; Hannah, Michael and Christ, pp. 55–75, dis- cusses Michael and his role in the Qumran texts. 51. 4QShirShabb 403 1 i 31. Carol Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition , critical edition and translation, Harvard Semitic Studies 27 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985), pp. 211–212 for translation, pp. 207–225 for text and commentary. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology , pp. 156–161, expands on Newsom’s observations as to the problems of translation caused by the highly abstract language of the texts, as does Anna Maria Schwemer, “Gott als K ö nig und seine K ö nigsherrschaft in den Sabbatliedern aus Qumran,” in K ö nigsherrschaft Gottes und himmlis- cher Kult im Judentum, Urchristentum und in der hellenistischen Welt, edited by Martin Hengel and Anna Maria Schwemer (Tü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991), pp. 45–118. 52. Following the reading proposed by Davila, “Melchizedek, Michael, and War in Heaven,” p. 264. For 4QShirShabb 405, Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice , pp. 257–354. 53. Fletcher-Louis, “Some Reflections on Angelomorphic Humanity,” pp. 292–312; Otto Betz, “The Essenes,” The Cambridge History of Judaism 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999), pp. 444–453. 54. For a summary of all of the arguments and current scholarship about the texts and their connection with the Qumran excavations, see James C. VanderKam, The Dead Sea Scrolls, second ed. (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2010). Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, p. 175ff. for the connections between Essenes and the Hasidim; Betz, “The Essenes,” pp. 445–446. 148 NOTES

55. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy, pp. 29–31; Joachim Schafer, “The Pharisees,” The Cambridge History of Judaism 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999), pp. 402–427. 56. Benedict Viviano and Justin Taylor, “Sadducees, Angels and Resurrection,” Journal of Biblical Literature 111 (1992): 498 [496–498]; G ü nter Stemberger, “The Sadducees—Their History and Doctrines,” The Cambridge History of Judaism 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999), pp. 428–443; Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 32–33. 57. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 36–39. 58. VanderKam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today , pp. 73–74; Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 70–74. 59. Hannah, Michael and Christ , p. 71. 60. Richard Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel (Grand Rapids: W. B. Eerdmans, 2009), p. 222; Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 70–74. 61. bHag 12b. The Hebrew ha-sar ha-gadol, which also appears in bZeb 62a and bMen 110a, here designates Michael as standing at the heavenly altar and making offerings. 62. A point raised by Beate Ego, “Der Diener im Palast des himmlischen Kö nigs,” in K ö nigsherrschaft Gottes und himmlischer Kult im Judentum, Urchristentum und in der hellenistischen Welt, edited by Martin Hengel and Anna Maria Schwemer (T übingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991), pp. 361–384. Other contenders included Gabriel, as well as the angels Yahoel and , and even Moses. 63. Tobit was likely written c. 300 bce in Palestine, although reminiscent of the Mesopotamian Diaspora. For the dating, refer to Paul-Eugène Dion, “Rapha ë l l’Exorciste,” Biblica 57 (1976): 399–401 [399–413]; and Joseph A. Fitzmyer, “The Aramaic and Hebrew Fragments of Tobit from Qumran Cave 4,” The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 57 (1995): 655–675. 64. Hannah, Michael and Christ , p. 100: bHag 12b, bMen 110a, and bZeb 62a, Babylonian Talmud ; all cite early Amoraim. 65. Daniel Harlow, The Greek Apocalypse of Baruch (3 Baruch) in Hellenistic Judaism and Early Christianity (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 14–15, for the provenance and date of the text, and p. 35 for reference to the phi á lē . Translation and bibliography in Sparks, The Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 897–914. 66. Marcel Simon, “Remarques sur l’angé lol â trie juive au d é but de l’ére chr é- tienne,” Comptes rendus de l’Acadé mie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (1971): 120–135; Hannah, Michael and Christ , p. 104, n. 59. 67. Tuschling, Angels and Orthodoxy , pp. 34–36. 68. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology, pp. 201–202, and 149–180, for more general remarks. 69. p.Ber 9.13a–b, cited by Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology , pp. 63–67. 70. Discussed by Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology, pp. 183–185: “O Lord who sees all things and angels of God, before whom (sing.) all souls on this day humble themselves with a supplication, that you (sing.) avenge the innocent blood and render account (for it) quickly.” NOTES 149

71. Ibid., p. 202; Hurtado, One God, One Lord , pp. 24–26. 72. Lueken agreed, for angels were far more accessible than God (Michael , pp. 6–7); W. Carr disagreed: Angels and Principalities: The Background, Meaning and Development of the Pauline Phrase “hai árchai kai hai exousíai” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 70. 73. bHullin 40a, cited in Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration , pp. 60–62. 74. Stuckenbruck provides the conclusion (Angel Veneration , pp. 60–62). 75. Hannah, Michael and Christ , pp. 104–105. 76. Joseph Naveh and Shaul Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls, Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity , second ed. (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1987), pp. 37–38. Rebecca Lesses makes a similar argument in regard to the hekhalot literature and the Sefer ha-Razim, “Speaking with Angels: Jewish and Greco-Egyptian Revelatory Adjurations,” Harvard Theological Review 89 (1996): 41–60. 77. Bowl 7, lines 8–9; James A. Montgomery,Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur (Philadelphia: University Museum, 1913), pp. 148–149. 78. Naveh and Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls, p. 18, voices the view of Jews as magical specialists. Louis Golomb, An Anthropology of Curing in Multiethnic Thailand (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), observed that in Thai society, the population in the religious majority often seeks magical healing from its minority neighbors. This is particularly the case for exotic diseases often presumed as “foreign” and therefore better under- stood by outsiders. 79. Herodotus, Histories 5.92F, in Herodotus 3, edition with translation by A. D. Godley, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966), pp. 110–111. 80. Homer, Iliad , in Homer Iliad 2, edition with translation by Augustus Taber Murray, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976 [1924]), pp. 122–123. 81. Homer , Odyssey , in Homer Odyssey 1, edition with translation by Augustus Taber Murray, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960– 75), pp. 468–469. Also, Frederick E. Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon: Demonol ogy in the Early Imperial Period,” ANRW II.16.3, edited by Wolfgang Hasse (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986), pp. 2069–2081 [pp. 2068– 2145]. 82. Hesiod, Works and Days 109, in Hesiod 1, edition with translation by Glenn W. Most, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 121–122. 83. Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon,” pp. 2085–2092, for a summary. 84. Hermann S. Schibli, “Xenocrates’ Daemons and the Irrational Soul,” The Classical Quarterly 43 (1993): 143–167; John Dillon, The Middle Platonists (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), pp. 30–32. 85. Plutarch, The Obsolescence of the Oracles, 416 ff./8.C–D, in Plutarch’s Moralia 5, edition with translation by Frank Cole Babbitt, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1962), pp. 384–386. Guy Soury, La dé monologie de Plutarque (Paris: Socié t é d’édition “Les belles lettres,” 1942), remains the only 150 NOTES

study dedicated to the subject of Plutarch and daimons. See also F. E. Brenk, “An Imperial Heritage: The Religious Spirit of Plutarch of Chaironeia,” ANRW II.36.1 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1987), pp. 248–349; and Dillon, The Middle Platonists , pp. 216–219. 86. Plutarch, Isis and Osiris , 360E–F, in Plutarch’s Moralia 5, edition with transla- tion by Frank Cole Babbitt, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962), pp. 60–61. 87. E. R. Goodenough provides a basic introduction to the thought of Philo, An Introduction to Philo Judaeus , second ed. (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1986 reprint [1962]). See also Samuel Sandmel, “Philo Judaeus: An Introduction to the Man, his Writings, and his Significance,” ANRW II.21.1, edited by Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1984), pp. 3–46; Claude Mondé sert, “Philo of Alexandria,” The Cambridge History of Judaism 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 877–900; David T. Runia, “How to Read Philo,” Exegesis and Philosophy: Studies on Philo of Alexandria (Aldershot: Variorum, 1990), pp. 185–198. 88. Plato, Timaeus 40A, in Plato with an English Translation 7, edition and trans- lation by Harold North Fowler, W. R. M. Lamb, and R. G. Bury, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1927), pp. 82–85. John Dillon, “Philo’s Doctrine of Angels,” in Two Treatises of Philo of Alexandria, Brown Judaic Studies Series 25, edited by D. Winston and J. Dillon (Chico, CA: Scholar’s Press, 1983), p. 197 [pp. 197–205]. Also, David T. Runia, Philo of Alexandria and the Timaeus of Plato (Leiden: Brill, 1986). 89. Philo, On the Giants II.6–7 and III.12,and On Dreams I.141, in Philo with an English Translation 5 and 2, edited and translated by F. H. Colson and G. H. Whittaker, LCL (New York: Putnam and Sons, 1929–62), pp. 448–451 (5) and 372–373 (2); Dillon, “Philo’s Doctrine of Angels,” pp. 197–200; Runia, Philo and the Timaeus , pp. 227–231 and 464–467. 90. On Dreams I. 142–43, pp. 372–373. 91. On Dreams I. 139, pp. 370–371; Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon,” p. 2103. 92. On Dreams I. 146–147, pp. 374–375 for the movement of the logoi and I.157, pp. 378–379 for God as Archangel. 93. Goodenough discusses Philo’s Logos theology and the divine transcendence that it supports: An Introduction to Philo Iudaeus , pp. 99–107. 94. On Dreams I.147, pp. 374–375; Brenk, “In the Light of the Moon,” pp. 2104, 2106. 95. At least he is designated as such by Franz Cumont, “Les anges du pagan- isme,” Revue de l’histoire de religions 72 (1915): 168 [159–182], who cites Augustine, De civitate dei 9.19. 96. C. Evangeliou, “Porphyry’s Criticism of Christianity and the Problem of Augustine’s Platonism,” Dionysius 13 (1989): 51–70. 97 . Porphyry , De regressu animae , fr. 2, quoted by Augustine, De civitate dei , 10.9: Quamquam discernat (Porphyrius) a daimonibus angelos, aeria loca esse daimonum, aetheria vel empyria disserens angelorum. 98 . Pauliina Remes, Neoplatonism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), p. 115. NOTES 151

99 . Gregory Shaw, Theurgy and the Soul (State College, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), p. 130 and passim; Remes, Neoplatonism , pp. 115– 118, 170–173. 100. Iamblichus, Les Mystères d’Égypte 78, edition and French translation by Edouard des Places (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1966). 101 . Franz Cumont attributed the appearance of “pagan angels” solely to the influence of Jews and “Semitic pagans” (“Les anges du paganisme,” pp. 159–163). 102 . These five dedications to “Zeus Most High” and the “Good” or “Divine Angel” from Stratonicaea are reproduced by A. R. Sheppard, “Pagan Cults of Angels in Roman Asia Minor,” Talanta 12/13 (1980–81): 78 [77–101]; and also by Stephen Mitchell, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews, and Christians,” Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity, edited by Polymnia Athnassiadi and Michael Frede (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 137–138 [pp. 81–148]. Clinton Arnold summarizes the arguments as to their meaning in The Colossian Syncretism , WUNT 2.77 (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1995), pp. 70–75. Josephus provides evi- dence for the substantial Jewish population in western Asia Minor: Jewish Antiquities , 12.147–153, translated by Henry St. John Thackeray, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), pp. 76–79. He refer- ences a letter from the Seleucid King Antiochus III to Zeuxis governor of Lydia, which discusses the settlement in the area of two thousand Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia during the second century bce . 103. F. Sokolowski, “Sur le culte d’Angelos dans le paganisme grec et romain,” Harvard Theological Review 53 (1960): 225–229; and Sheppard, “Pagan Cults of Angels in Roman Asia Minor.” 78 [77–101]. 104. As Rangar Cline argues, Ancient Angels: Conceptualizing Angeloi in the Roman Empire , Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 172 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 12–14. A. Thomas Kraabel warns against an automatic assumption of Jewish origins for all hypsistos inscriptions: “Hypsistos and the Synagogue at Sardis,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 10 (1969): 81–93. 105. Cline discusses the inscription, Ancient Angels , pp. 19–26, as does Mitchell, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos,” pp. 81–92. 106. This is Mitchell’s approach (“The Cult of Theos Hypsistos,” pp. 99–108). 107. Mitchell again invokes a Hypsistarian cult (ibid., pp. 102–105) while Cline presses for the common Hellenic term angelos . See Cline, Ancient Angels, pp. 65–69, for Phrygian examples and pp. 47–76 for a discussion of all of these “angels.” 108. CIL VI.1.142, edited by Bottari, p. 23, provides images of the now lost mural. The thaumaturgic and salvific cult of Sabazios, which first attained prominence around Pergamon in the fourth century bce , spread through- out the Roman Empire as a mystery religion: M. J. Vermaseren and Eugene Lane, Corpus Cultus Iovis Sabazii , 3 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1983–89). Pine cones found on fingers of bronze hands exalted Sabazios as the consort of Cybele the Great Goddess (Corpus Cultus Iovis Sabazii 3), where he 152 NOTES

replaced the youthful Attis most often encountered as the son and com- panion of Cybele. Attis is often characterized as a salvific “dying and ris- ing god,” a construct discredited by Johnathan Z. Smith, Drudgery Divine (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 99–107 and 125–129. That does not negate Vibia’s expectations of Sabazios’s powers. 109. CIL VI.1.142, p. 23. 110. CIL XIV.24: I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) | angelo | Heliop(olitano) | pro salute | imperator(is) | Antonini et | Commodi | Augus(torum) | Gaionas | d(onum) d(edit ). Cited by Cumont, “Les anges du paganisme,” p. 160. Also, Cline, Ancient Angels , pp. 73–74. 111. Franz Cumont, “Les anges du paganisme,” pp. 159–160, voiced the eth- nic argument to explain the inscription and the astral identity for the “angel of Baalbek” (p. 179). Cumont presents other angel inscriptions as well. For a list of pro salute inscriptions, see Table 13 of Jason Moralee’s “For Salvation’s Sake”: Provincial Loyalty, Personal Religion, and Epigraphic Production in the Roman and Late Antique Near East (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 46, and more generally, pp. 1–58. The comprehensive list of inscriptions from Baalbek found in the appendices make no mention of angelus (pp. 121–181). 112. PGM III:187–262, with the Michael invocation at 214–217. Text in K. Preisendanz, Papyri magicae graecae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri , second ed. (Stuttgart: Teubner, 1974), pp. 40–43, with English translation by H. D. Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, including the Demotic Spells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 24. Morton Smith edits and emends the prayer to Michael and dates it, “Pagan Dealings with Jewish Angels,” Studii Clasice 24 (1986): 175–179. Also, Thomas J. Kraus, “Angels in the Magical Papyri, the Classic Example of Michael the Archangel,” Angels , pp. 611–627. 113. Augustus Audollent, Defixionum tabellae 208 (Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1967 reprint [1904]), p. 277, with a description and translation of the tab- let in John G. Gager, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 216. 114. Gager usefully summarizes the workings of curse tablets as well as the pro- cess of making them (ibid., pp. 3–41) as does Graf (La Magie dans l’antiquit é gr é co-romaine , pp. 139–198; and Magic in the Ancient World , pp. 118–174). 115. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae 255, pp. 354–356. 116. PGM III:1–164, translated by John Dillon, The Greek Magical Papyri , pp. 18–22. Also, Christopher Faraone, “The Agonistic Context of Early Greek Binding Spells,” Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion , edited by Christopher Faraone and Dirk Obbink (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 3–32. 117. Larry Hurtado, One God, One Lord , discusses Jewish divine agents, includ- ing Michael, and the emergence of Christ as the principal divine agent for his followers. 118. Charles A. Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology , explores the entire ques- tion and reviews the manifold arguments, particularly p. 3, n. 2, as well as NOTES 153

pp. 27–29 and bibliography. Peter R. Carrell briefly reviews the historiog- raphy, Jesus and the Angels, Angelology and the Christology of the Apocalypse of John , Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 95 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997), pp. 4–13. Richard Bauckham uses the term “divine identity” to explain the emergence of a divine Christ within Jewish monotheism apart from reliance on hypostatizations or semidivine heavenly beings in Jesus and the God of Israel (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2008), particularly pp. 1–59, and most specifically his discussion of Jesus’s “exaltation above all the angelic powers” (pp. 23–24). 119. Loren Stuckenbruck makes this point, “An Angel Refusal of Worship; The Tradition and its Function in the Apocalypse of John,” Society of Biblical Literature 1994 Seminar Papers 33 (Atlanta: Scholars’ Press, 1994), p. 695 [pp. 679–696]; as does Darrell D. Hannah, Michael and Christ: Michael Traditions and Angel Christology in Early Christianity , WUNT 2.109 (T übingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1999). Hannah used the controversial term “angel Christology” rather than “angelomorphic Christology” in the belief that some early Christians did think of Christ as an angel (pp. 137–162). Gieschen reviews the distinctions ( Angelomorphic Christology, pp. 27–29) as does Carrell (Jesus and the Angels , pp. 98–121). 120. Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament Based on Semantic Domains , edited by J. P. Louw and E. A. Nida (New York, 1988–89). 121. A point made by A. Legault, “Christophanies et Angelophanies dans les ré cits évangélique de la Ré surrection,” Science et esprit 21 (1969): 443–457. 122. O. A. Miranda, The Work and Nature of Angels According to the New Testament . Unpublished PhD dissertation, Princeton Theological Seminary, 1961, pp. 1–3. 123. Otta Leppa reviews the long-standing arguments for non-Pauline author- ship, The Making of Colossians: A Study on the Formation and Purpose of a Deutero-Pauline Letter, Publications of the Finnish Exegetical Society 86 (G öttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2003), pp. 9–53, as does James D. G. Dunn, who also reviews pro-Pauline positions: The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, a Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1996), pp. 35–42. For background and context on the “Colossian error,” see Conflict at Colossae: A Problem in the Interpretation of Early Christianity , edited and translated by Fred O. Francis and Wayne A. Meeks, revised ed. (Missoula, MT: Society of Biblical Literature, 1975); and W. Carr, Angels and Principalities: The Background, Meaning and Development of the Pauline Phrase “hai árchai kai hai exousíai” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press1981), pp. 66–72. 124 . Theologisches Wö rterbuch zum Neuen Testament, vol. III, edited by G. Kittel (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1938), pp. 156–157. 125. Clinton Arnold persuasively summarizes the arguments for the objec- tive genitive “offering reverence to angels” in The Colossian Syncretism , pp. 90–95. Consult as well, however, Larry Hurtado’s review, in which he praised Arnold’s book, but nevertheless accepted the subjective genitive “in worship with the angels”: Journal of Biblical Literature 117 (1998): 156–158. 154 NOTES

126. Eduard Schweizer, “Slaves of the Elements and Worshippers of the Angels,” Journal of Biblical Literature 107 (1988): 465 [455–468]. The Qumran texts, e.g., often ambiguously used the term “Holy Ones” (qad ō shim ) to refer both to angels and the sectarians who become angelic through liturgical participation: Lamberigts, “Le sens de qdwsym dans les textes de Qumrā n,” pp. 24–39. 127. F. O. Francis, “The Background of embateuein (Col. 2.18) in Legal Papyri and Oracle Inscriptions,” in Conflict at Colossae , pp. 197–200. 128. Schweizer, “Slaves of the Elements and Worshippers of the Angels.” 465 [455–468]. 129. Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism , pp. 158–194. 130. Carr, Angels and Principalities , summarizes much of the scholarship (see particularly pp. 93–122). 131. Bauckham addresses the significance of these phrases (Jesus as the God of Israel , pp. 241–249). He also reiterates the importance of Psalm 110 for the author of Hebrews, even calling the entire epistle an extended exegesis of that Psalm (p. 236). 132. G. B. Caird, “The Exegetical Method of the Epistle to the Hebrews,” Canadian Journal of Theology 5 (1959): 47 [44–51]. 133. Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel, pp. 249–251; Deborah W. Rooke, “Jesus as Royal Priest; Reflections on the Interpretation of the Melchizedek Tradition in Heb 7,” Biblica 81 (2000): 81–94. 134. Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel , pp. 241–244. Stuckenbruck reviews the arguments regarding the epistle as a polemic against angel worship or angel Christology before concluding against them (Angel Veneration , pp. 119–139). 135. Craig R. Koester, Hebrews, a New Translation with Introduction and Commentary , Anchor Bible Commentary 36 (New York: Doubleday, 2001), pp. 104– 109; Barnabas Lindar, The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 37–41. 136. Carrell ( Jesus and the Angels , pp. 53–70) discusses characteristics of scrip- tural angelophanies as does Gieschen ( Angelomorphic Christology , pp. 124– 151). Carrell notes mounted riders within the context of Christophanies, but his observations enlighten as to angelophanies (pp. 204–206; p. 135 for the connection with Daniel). See as well Christopher Rowland, “A Man Clothed in Linen: Daniel 10.6ff and Jewish Angelology,” Journal for the Studey of the New Testament 24 (1985): 99–110; and Carrell’s “Angelomorphic Christology in the Book of Revelation,” Society of Biblical Literature, 1994 Seminar Papers 33 (Atlanta: Scholar’s Press, 1994), pp. 662–678. 137. Hannah points to these scriptural passages for God as warrior: Exod. 15.3, Deut. 7.1–2, Isa. 24.21–23, and Ps. 18.6–19 (Michael and Christ, p. 149). 138. Carrell, Jesus and the Angels , pp. 197–200. 139. As Hannah suggests (Michael and Christ , pp. 148–149). NOTES 155

140. Hannah discusses the simultaneity of the heavenly victory over evil by Michael and earthly victory by the crucified Christ (ibid., pp. 128–129). 141. Richard Bauckham, “The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Christianity,” New Testament Studies 27 (1980/81): 322–341. 142. Bauckham discusses the terms “lordships” and “glories” in Jude, 2 Peter, edited by Ralph Martin, Word Biblical Commentary 50 (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1983), p. 56; as does Anders Gerdmar, Rethinking the Judaism- Hellenism Dichotomy, a Historiographical Case Study of Second Peter and Jude (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 2001), pp. 174–175. 143. J. Daryl Charles, “Jude’s Use of Pseudepigraphical Source-Material as Part of a Literary Strategy,” New Testament Studies 37 (1991), pp. 130–145; and “The Use of Tradition-Material in the Epistle of Jude,” Bulletin for Biblical Research 4 (1994): 12–13 [1–14]. Also, S. J. Joubert, “Language, Ideology and the Social Context of the Letter of Jude,” Neotestimentica 24 (1990): 325–349. 144. Johannes Tromp, The Assumption of Moses, critical edition with commen- tary (Leiden: Brill, 1993), with a discussion of the recovered fragments from the missing diputation between Michael and Satan (pp. 270–285). 145. John Muddiman disputes this point as the basis for Satan’s prosecution. He looks instead to Moses’s and Aaron’s rebellion at Meribah (Num. 20.2– 13), for which God denied them entry into the Promised Land: “The Assumption of Moses and the Epistle of Jude,” in Moses in Biblical and Extra- Biblical Traditions , edited by Axel Braupner and Michael Wolter, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fü r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 372 (Berlin, 2007), pp. 171–172 [pp. 169–180]. Muddiman also argues against an alternative reconstruction of the lost ending of the Assumption offered by Richard Bauckham, who in Jude, 2 Peter, pp. 65–76, envisions the dispute between Michael and Satan to center on a quarrel over Moses’s burial by Michael and other angels and not Satan’s accusations of sin. 146. See Hannah, Michael and Christ, pp. 130–131, and his discussion of the meaning of “Lord” (p. 140), with supporting and opposing authorities in the footnotes. 147. Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel , pp. 21–23. 148. Inscriptiones christianae aegypti 49, edited by Gustave Lefebvre, Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chr é tiennes d’Égypte (Chicago: Ares, 1978 reprint [1907]). 149. Briefly described by Jutta Dresken-Weiland, “Angels in Early Christian Grave Inscriptions,” Angels , p. 665 [pp. 663–670]. 150. Georges Kiourtzian, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chr é tiennes des Cyclades de fin du IIIe au VIIe siè cle aprè s J.-C. (Paris: De Boccard, 2000), pp. 247–282. Dresken-Weiland, “Angels in Early Christian Grave Inscriptions,” pp. 663– 664; Cline, Ancient Angels , pp. 78–93. 151. Kiourtzian, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chré tiennes des Cyclades , nos. 1–3, nos. 31–40, pl. LII. 152. Dresken-Weiland, “Angels in Early Christian Grave Inscriptions,” p. 664, points to the “Angelics.” Kaaren L. King, What Is (Cambridge: 156 NOTES

Belknap Press, 2003), well illustrates the fallacy of pre-Nicene “hetero- doxy” as some broadly understood category. Cline rightly emphasizes the ambiguous nature of these tombstones: Ancient Angels , pp. 78–84. 153. Marvin Meyer uses the phrase “text of ritual power” in his introductory remarks on amulets, Ancient Christian Magic, edited by Marvin Meyer and Paul Mirecki (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 13–19. Also, Kraus, “Angels in the Magical Papyri,” Angels , pp. 611–627; C. Skemer, Binding Words, Textual Amulets in the (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), pp. 75–124. 154. Skemer, Binding Words , pp. 27–29, for references to amulet markets. 155. P. Oxy. 1152, cited in Les plus anciens monuments du Christianisme é crits sur papyrus II, edited and translated by Charles Wessely, PO 18 (Paris: Firmin- Didot, 1924), pp. 403–404. 156. Hannah speaks to the grouping of Eloei Adonaei Iao Sabaoth into a sin- gle epithet for God and briefly discusses the possible theological and Christological implications of the text, Michael and Christ , pp. 192–193. 157. See P. Oxy. 1069, Les plus anciens monuments, p. 403, for an amulet against “reptiles and other evils” with a similar mixture of magical syllables and Christian divine names: “ō r ō r f ō rfō r Ia ō Sabaō th Adone .” For other examples, see the “Mithras Liturgy” found in the Great Magic Papyrus, PGM IV.655 (ō rō r ) and IV.765 (ph ō r ), where a performance for purposes of divination repeats an incantatory string of permutated syllables: “e ō r ō r ō re ō rri ō ri ō r r ō r rō i .” 158. Johnathan Z. Smith describes religion as “a mode of human creativity” that embodies a “variety of attempts to map, construct, and inhabit posi- tions of power through the use of myths, rituals and experiences of trans- formation.” See his Map Is Not Territory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), p. 291, and pp. 289–309 generally. See as well his To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 74–95, where he discusses the localization of sacred power within a “miniaturized” space, so as to maximize its control as well as “Constructing a Small Place,” Sacred Space: Shrine, City, Land, edited by Joshua Prawer and B. A. Kedar (New York: New York University Press, 1998), pp. 18–31, which further explores the implications of the “miniaturizing” process. 159. For a brief discussion of the theoretical frames and methodological issues, refer to Meyer, Ancient Christian Magic , pp. 1–12. 160. Justin Martyr, I Apologia 6, edited and translated by Charles Munier, SC 507 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 2006). Jaroslav Pelikan characterizes the state- ment as a liturgical formula and notes a similar one made by Athenagoras, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), pp. 133–134. Joseph Barbel also hints at a characterization of the sentence as a confessional formula, although he points to this sentence as clumsily constructed and therefore unneces- sarily confusing: Christos Angelos, die Anschauung von Christus als Bote und Engel in der gelehrten und volkst ü mlichen Literatur des christlichen Altertums , Theophaneia 3 (Bonn: P. Hanstein, 1941), p. 61 f. 72. NOTES 157

161. Erwin R. Goodenough discusses Justin’s angelology and the place of this sentence within it; The Theology of Justin Martyr (Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1968 reprint), pp. 189–190, as does Barbel, Christos Angelos, pp. 50–63.Both discern Justin’s inclusion of angels within traditional Logos teaching. 162. Eric Francis Osborn, Justin Martyr (T ü bingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1973), pp. 31–34; Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr ; Barbel, Christos Angelos. 163. Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 56.4, cited by Pelikan, The Christian Tradition , pp. 182–183. Barbel, Christos Angelos ; Goodenough, Theology of Justin Martyr. 164. Osborn, Justin Martyr , p. 56, corroborates this reading, which discerns some precision in the handling of the conjunctions te and ka í : “Angels are divine beings who are worshipped and honored after, but with, the Father, Son and Spirit. The angels had the providence and oversight of men.”

3 Michael the Archistrategos 1. Cyril Mango, “The Pilgrimage Centre of St. Michael at Germia,” Jahrbuch der ö sterreichischen Byzantinistik 36 (1986): 117–119, 124 [117–132]. The ruins of Germia are today found at the village of Yü rme. 2. Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom, second ed. (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007), p. 181. 3. Mango, “The Pilgrimage Center at Germia,” pp. 124–125; “St. Michael and Attis,” Delt í on tē s Christianikē s Archaiologikē s Hetaireí as 12 (1984–86): 51–52 [40–62]. 4. Pantaleon, deacon and chartophylax of Hagia Sophia, compiled a dossier of Michael’s miracles in the later ninth century: Narratio miraculorum maximi archangeli Michaelis , PG 140.573–592. Migne did not publish this particular miracle within his Latin version. Cyril Mango edits this passage drawing upon Paris gr. 1196 (olim Reg. 1473) and Paris gr. 1510 (“St. Michael and Attis,” 47–49). For the identity of Pantaleon, PG 140.485–486 and 98.1239–44. 5. Vie de Thé odore de Sykeô n 161, edited, translated, and commentary by A.-J. Festugiè re, Subsidia Hagiographica 48 (Brussels: Socié t é des Bollandistes, 1970). The text was most likely composed shortly after Theodore’s death in 611. 6. Anthropology of pilgrimage proves helpful here. See the various articles in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean , edited by Dionigi Albera and Maria Couroucli (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2012), particularly Maria Couroucli, “Sharing Sacred Places—A Mediterranean Tradition,” pp. 7–9 [pp. 1–9]; and Glenn Bowman, “Identification and Identity Formations around Shared Shrines in West Bank Palestine and Western Macedonia,” pp. 10–13 [pp. 10–28]. Bowman also speaks to the problem of the term “syncretism” and its quality of permanency as opposed to a momentary sharing of practices more characteristic of the mixed space. Mixed sites are well-documented during the later Ottoman period and are found today from the Balkans to the Mahgrib. F. W. Hasluck 158 NOTES

remains fundamental, Christianity and Islam under the Sultans , edited by Margaret M. Hasluck (Mansfield Centre, CT: Martino, 2006 reprint). Dionigi Albera catalogues contemporary sites: “‘Why Are You Mixing What Cannot be Mixed?’ Shared Devotions in the Monotheisms,” History and Anthropology 19 (2008): 37–59; and “P è lerinages mixtes et sanc- tuaires <> en Mé diterran é e,” in Les Pè lerinages au Maghreb au Moyen-Orient: Espaces publics, espaces du public , edited by Sylvia Chiffoleau and Anna Madoeuf (Beirut: Institut franç ais du Proche–Orient, 2005), pp. 347–378. Other recent studies remind as to the necessity of contex- tualizing sites and practices: Robert M. Hayden, “Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans,” Current Anthropology 43 (2002): 205–231; and “The Byzantine Mosque at Trilye: a Processual Analysis of Dominance, Sharing, Transformation and Tolerance,” History and Anthropology 22 (2011): 1–17, along with Glenn Bowman, “Pilgrim Narratives of Jerusalem and the Holy Land: A Study in Ideological Distortion,” Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage , edited by Alan Morinis (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), pp. 149–168; and “’In Dubious Battle on the Plains of Heav’n’: The Politics of Possession in Jerusalem’s Holy Sepulchre,” History and Anthropology 22 (2011): 371–399. Bernhard K ö tting discusses ancient pagan and Jewish pilgrimage as a background to the Christian phenom- enon, Peregrinatio Religiosa, Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in der alten Kirche (Mü nster: Regensberg, 1950), pp. 12–68; while Hagith Sivan speaks to the “gentle communal interaction” of reli- gions in fourth-century Palestine, one that gave way to tension and antagonistic confrontation at the beginning of the fifth: Palestine in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 23, 16–50. 7. Michael McCormick provides the basic English-language study: Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Now see the exhaus- tive study of Johannes Wienand, Der Kaiser als Sieger, Metamorphosen trium- phaler Herrschaft unter Constantin I (Berlin: Akademie Verlag GmbH, 2012), which I only obtained as I finished this . Wienand’s conclusions appear to support my own here in this chapter, although I have only been able to skim his work. 8. Lisa Bitel’s Landscape with Two Saints: How Genovefa of Paris and Brigit of Kildare Built Christianity in Barbarian Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009) provides a conceptual model here, with its emphasis on human agency in the landscape as a catalyst for religious change. 9. Johannes Peter Rohland believed that Michael’s Christian roles as physi- cian and general developed separately from different traditions and circum- stances, only blending together by the eighth century. In this view, and wrongly to my mind, Michael’s presence in magic spells primarily led to his role as Christian thaumaturge while scriptural traditions and impe- rial patronage brought about his veneration as the angelic commander: NOTES 159

Der Erzengel Michael Arzt und Feldherr: Zwei Aspekte des vor- und fr ü hbyzan- tischen Michaelskultes (Leiden: Brill, 1977). 10. For a basic discussion of phenomenology of religion, consult James L. Cox, An Introduction to the Phenomenology of Religion (London/New York, 2010) or the articles in Experience of the Sacred , edited by Sumner B. Twiss and Walter H. Conser, Jr. (, NH: University Press of New England, 1992). John Wylie reviews the concept of “Landscape Phenomenology” and provides the basic outline of the theoretical issues in Landscape (New York: Routledge, 2007), pp. 139–186, while Christopher Tilley deepens the discussion. See his A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths and Monuments (Providence, RI: Berg, 1994), particularly pp. 7–34, for the theoretical per- spectives. Diana Spencer demonstrates an application of landscape theory and phenomenology to broader cultural analyses in antiquity, Roman Landscape: Culture and Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), while the collected articles in Sacred Gardens and Landscapes: Ritual and Agency , edited by Michel Conan, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture 26 (Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2007), address the intersection of ritual and sacred landscape. 11. Hasluck, Christianity and Islam , pp. 244–250. 12. Mango, “St. Michael and Attis,” 54–55; also F. R. Trombley, Hellenic Religions and Christianization c. 370–529 2 (Leiden: Brill, 1993), pp. 114–118. 13. Mango, “St. Michael and Attis,” 54–55, and “Pilgrimage Center at Germia,” 119–122. 14. A fundamental characteristic of hagiography as a genre is to rework scrip- ture for discursive purposes to reflect current circumstances and con- cerns: Lynda Coon, Sacred Fictions: Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), particularly pp. 1–27. 15. Contemporary theologians and scriptural commentators overwhelmingly dismiss the fourth verse as a “post-Johannine” interpolation, as, e.g., T. L. Brodie, The Gospel According to John: A Literary and Theological Commentary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); and R. T. Fortna, The Fourth Gospel and Its Predecessor (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1989), pp. 113–117. Tertullian, however, seems to have known the verse in the third century. In On Baptism 5, Tertullian referenced John 5.4 as a proof-text for his contention that bap- tism demonstrated the mediating powers of the Holy Spirit as conveyed through the “new Law” of the Gospels. The angel moving through the waters of the pool at Bethesda symbolized the mediating power of “carnal” angels who characterized the Mosaic law of the Old Testament: Tertullian, Trait é du bapt ê me 5.5, edited and translated by R. F. Refoulé and M. Drouzy, SC 35 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1952), pp. 74–75. Raymond Brown points to the likelihood of a gloss having crept into the textual tradition, The Gospel According to John (I–XII), Anchor Bible Commentary 29 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), p. 207. 160 NOTES

16. Pantaleon, Encomium in maximum et gloriosissimum Michaelem coelestis militae principem , PG 98.1264. 17. Ambrose of Milan, De Sacramentis 3, edited by Otto Faller, CSEL 73 (Vienna: Holder-Pickler-Tempsky, 1955), translated by R. J. Deferrari in Ambrose, Theological and Dogmatic Works, The Fathers of the Church Series 44 (Washington DC: Catholic University Press, 1963). 18. Ambrose, De Sacramentis 1. 19. Cyril of Jerusalem, Procatechesis 5, edited and translated by Frank Leslie Cross and R. W. Church (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1986 [1951]), English translation by L. P. McCauley and A. A. Stephenson, The Works of Saint Cyril of Jerusalem I, The Fathers of the Church 64 (Washington DC: Catholic University Press, 1970), pp. 74–75. E. J. Yarnold explores the connections between the work of Ambrose and Cyril: “Did St. Ambrose Know the Mystagogic Catecheses of St. Cyril of Jerusalem?” Studia Patristica 12 (1975): 184–189. If not directly familiar with Cyril’s work, Ambrose surely knew source material used by Cyril. 20. Peter John Cramer examines perceptions and expectations of baptism in late antique and early medieval Christianity: Baptism and Change in the , c. 200–c. 1150 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 21. Mary Beard uses the phrase “rituals in ink,” The Roman Triumph (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), p. 292, when pointing to the historical problem of analyzing “ceremony as performed and ceremony as written.” Lynda Coon discusses the pitfalls of the genre of hagiography and its dis- cursive characteristics ( Sacred Fictions). The observations as to Merovingian hagiography made by Marc van Uytfanghe, “L’hagiographie et son pub- lie à l’époque mé rovingienne,” Studia Patristica 16 (1985): 54–62; and Paul Fouracre, “Merovingian History and Merovingian Hagiography,” Past and Present 127 (1990): 3–38 well apply to the entire genre. Also, Jacques Dubois and Jean-Loup Lemaitre, Sources et m é thodes de l’hagiographie mé di é vale (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1993). 22. James Wiseman, “Excavations in Corinth, the Gymnasium Area, 1967–1968,” Hesperia 38 (1969): 75–78 [64–106]. Rangar Cline notes the magical over- tones of some lamp inscriptions, Ancient Angels: Conceptualizing Angeloi in the Roman Empire, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 172 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 118–125. David Jordan improbably characterizes the space as a baptismal site: “Inscribed Lamps from a Cult at Corinth in Late Antiquity,” Harvard Theological Review 87 (1994): 223–229. 23. James Wiseman reads epi tois Iudaiois toutois, “among these Jews,” no. 21, “The Gymnasium Area at Corinth, 1969–1970,” Hesperia 41 (1972): 28–30 [1–42]. Jordan emends to read epi tois hudasin toutois, “upon these waters” (“Inscribed Lamps,” 224). Highly magnified readings of the inscriptions allow for these emendations. 24. PDM 14.117–49 or 14.150–231 in Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells , second ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 201–208. NOTES 161

25. Wiseman, no. 22, “The Gymnasium Area at Corinth, 1969–1970,” 30–31, proposes the former reading while Jordan suggests the latter (“Inscribed Lamps,” 224–225). 26. Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity, notes Mamre’s “inter-communal interaction resented by puritan rabbis as by pious princesses,” p. 31, also 183–184. Cline speaks to Sozomen’s connections to Gaza, Ancient Angels , p. 116. 27. Arieh Kofsky, “Mamre: A Case of a Regional Cult?” in Sharing the Sacred: Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land, First–Fifteenth Centuries CE , edited by Arieh Kofsky and Guy Stroumsa (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi, 1998), pp. 25–26 [pp. 19–30]. Cline clarifies the natural origins of the Well, Ancient Angels , p. 114 n. 26. 28. Kofsky, “Mamre,” p. 22, citing Eusebius of Caesarea, Onomasticon and Demonstratio Evangelica 5.9.8. 29. Sozomen, Histoire ecclé siastique 2.4, edited by J. Bidez, introduction by Bernard Grillet and Guy Sabbah, translation by Andr é -Jean Festugiè re and annota- tion by Guy Sabbah, SC 306 (Paris: É dition du Cerf, 1983), pp. 245–249, provides testimony that draws upon Eusebius, Vita Constantini, III.51–54, his principal source for this section. G. Schoo, Die Quellen des Kirchenhistorikers Sozomenos (Aalen: Scientia Verlag, 1973 reprint [1911]), p. 138, isolates the sources but also advocates Sozomen’s reliable autopsy. Also, Kofsky, “Mamre,” pp. 24–25. 30. Sozomen, 2.4.5, pp. 246–47; English translation by C. Hartranft, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Series II, 2 (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1973), p. 260. 31. Cline, Ancient Angels , again sees Hellenism as a motivating factor for shared “angel worship” at Mamre (pp. 112–113). 32. For the importance of architecture and objects in the ordering of pil- grimage space, see Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space: Visual Dynamics in Graeco-Roman Healing Pilgrimage,” in Pilgrimage in Graeco- Roman and Early Christian Antiquity: Seeing the Gods , edited by Ja ś Elsner and Ian Rutherford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 188–198. 33. A strategy that reflects the new antagonism among faiths seen during the fifth century: Sivan, Palestine in Late Antiquity , pp. 143–186. 34. Robert M. Hayden analyzes “competitive sharing” in the context of the rela- tionships among a dominant religion and religious minorities (“Antagonistic Tolerance,” 205–231; and “The Byzantine Mosque at Trilye,” 1–17). Glenn Bowman analyzes mixed pilgrimage in present-day Jerusalem where, owing to the paramount importance of the city in the monotheistic religions, visi- tors retain a strict identity with regard to one another (“Pilgrim Narratives of Jerusalem and the Holy Land,” pp. 149–168; and “‘In Dubious Battle on the Plains of Heav’n,’” 371–399). 35. Sozomen, 2.4.5, pp. 246–249; Evaristus Mader, Mambre: Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen im heiligen Bezirk Ramet El–Halil in Sü dpal ä stina, 1926–28 (Freiburg: E. Wewel, 1957). A lamp with a chi-rho monogram appears on table 89, photograph 162. Cline identifies lamps L 163a, L 169b, and L169i, Ancient Angels , p. 117. 162 NOTES

36. Rohland, Der Erzengel Michael Michael , pp. 25–32. 37. The Life of Adam and Eve in Greek 40, critical edition by Johannes Tromp (Leiden: Brill, 2005), p. 170, with Rohland’s views on its implications for the Michael cult, Der Erzengel Michael , pp. 27–32. Marinus de Jonge discusses the literary hornet’s nest of the Adam literature: “The Christian Origin of the Greek Life of Adam and Eve ,” in Literature on Adam and Eve, Collected Essays, edited by Gary Anderson, Michael Stone, and Johannes Tromp (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 347–363, as well as “The Literary Development of the Life of Adam and Eve,” pp. 239–249. As to the various versions, consult Gary A. Anderson and Michael E. Stone, A Synopsis of the Books of Adam and Eve , revised edition (Atlanta: Scholar’s Press, 1999). An English translation of the Latin edition of Meyer (Munich, 1878) appears in Apocryphal Old Testament , pp. 147–167, with discussion of text and bibliography (pp. 141–147). 38. The Miracle of St. Michael the Archangel at Chonae , BHG 1282, Latin title Narratio de miraculo a Michaele Archangelo Chonis patrato , Greek edition and Latin translation by Max Bonnet, Analecta Bollandiana 8 (1889): 289–307. The earliest known redaction of this text is preserved as the underwrit- ing in eighth-century uncials found on folia 14, 11, 24, 27, 5, 4, and 3 of Paris, suppl. 480: Miraculum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli in Conas , in “Analyse des manuscrits grecs palimpsestes Paris, suppl. 480 et Chartres, 1753, 1754,” edited by Franç ois Nau, Patrologia Orientalis , IV(5).19, pp. 231–278. All cita- tions are from Bonnet’s text with occasional use of Nau for clarification. All translations are my own. 39. Glenn Peers also notes the traces of various editions. He situates the final redaction in the eighth century, owing to reflections of the Iconoclastic Controversy that he discerns in the text, “Apprehending the Archangel Michael: Hagiographic Methods,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 20 (1996): 100–121; and Subtle Bodies, Representing Angels in Byzantium (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), p. 143. I have arrived inde- pendently at conclusions about the Chonae legend, which are much the same as those of Cline, Ancient Angels , pp. 131–133. See my unpublished PhD dissertation, John Charles Arnold, “Ego sum Michael,” the Origin and Diffusion of the Cult of the Archangel , University of Arkansas (1997). 40. Klaus Belke and Norbert Mersich describe the topography, Phrygien und Pisidien , Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 (Vienna: Verlag der Ö sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1990), p. 222. 41. Peers, Subtle Bodies , p. 163. 42. Ibid., pp. 144, 162–165. Also, Peers, “Apprehending the Archangel Michael,” 100–121; Lueken, Michael , pp. 73–74, and footnotes 43. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae , edited by Hippolyte Delehaye, AASS, November Propylaeum, cols. 203–204. 44. Belke, Phrygien und Pisidien , p. 223. 45. Clive Foss, “Pilgrimage in Medieval Asia Minor,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56 (2002): 131 [129–151]; Speros Vryonis, Jr., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 20. NOTES 163

46. As Peers suggests ( Subtle Bodies, p. 161). Ramsay, however, located it at Keretapa, six miles east of the headwaters of the Indos River, which flows toward Lycia, The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170 (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1979 [1897]), p. 468. 47. Peers argues that the text edited by Bonnet and Nau was fashioned from preexisting sources to support the position of eighth-century Iconoclasts. In his analysis, the figure of the ascetic Archippos serves as an actual human model of perfection as opposed to that encountered through visual images of angels and saints (Subtle Bodies, pp. 143–144). Victor Saxer pointed to the affinities between the angelic invocations in the Beta and Gamma sections and the credal formula mentioned by Justin Martyr, with Michael petitioned alongside the Divine Triad. Saxer also called attention to the adjustment of this adjuration to reflect Trinitarian teachings promulgated in the fourth cen- tury, with Michael made to beseech the Trinity on behalf of clients: “Jalons pour servir à l’histoire du culte de l’archange Saint Michel en orient jusqu’à l’Iconoclasme,” in Noscere Sancta, Miscellanea in memoria di Agostino Amore OFM (+ 1982) , edited by Isaac Vá zquez Janeiro OFM (: Pontificium Athenaeum Antonianum, 1985), pp. 386–390 [pp. 357–426]. Furthermore, the first three chapters constitute a self-contained miracle testimony of the sort frequently posted at ancient healing shrines: Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space,” pp. 207–217. The phrase “Ninety years later” placed at the beginning of the Delta section clearly demarcates it from the remainder of the text, which emphasizes Archippos and his connection with the site. It is safe to conclude that the first three chapters comprise an early version of the story later reworked to suit the needs of post-Nicene orthodoxy. 48. The hagiographer seems to have made use of legends regarding Philip’s entrance into nearby Hierapolis, such as the account included in the Acta Philippi 13, CCSA 11, edited by Fran ç ois Bovon, Bertrand Bouvier, and Fr é d é ric Amsler (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 310–317. These are in turn conflated with traditions regarding the exploits of John the Theologue in Ephesus, Acta Iohannis, CCSA 1–2, edited by Eric Junod and Jean- Daniel Kaestli (Turnhout: Brepols, 1983); also Hansgerd Hellenkemper, “Fr ü he christliche Wallfahrtsstä tten in Kleinasien,” Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses fü r christliche Arch ä ologie (M ü nster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1995), pp. 259–271. 49. Neither Chonai nor Chairetopa are the same as ancient Colossae: Alan Cadwallader, “The Reverend Dr. John Luke and the Churches of Chonai,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48 (2008): 319–338. 50. The verb kat é rchomai , “to descend” or “to run to the coast like a river,” echoed New Testament descriptions of the “flowing down” of Divine Wisdom as in the Epistle of James, 6.13. 51. MMC Α -Β . The verb blyzein , “to bubble forth,” communicated the animis- tic aspects. 52. MMC Γ . 53. Susan E. Alcock discusses ancient religious landscape, Graecia Capta, The Landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 164 NOTES

pp. 172–214, as do the various essays in Seeing the Gods: Pilgrimage in Graeco- Roman and Early Christian Antiquity , edited by Jaś Elsner and Ian Rutherford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). Also, Charles Segal, Landscape in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Hermes 23 (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner Verlag, 1969), pp. 23–33. 54. Jonathan Z. Smith speaks to the microcosm as sacred space, Imagining Religion: From Babylon to Jonestown (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1982), p. 64. 55. John Elsner, “Pausanias: A Greek Pilgrim in the Roman World,” Past and Present 135 (1992): 3–29; William Huston, “The Construction of Religious Space in Pausanias,” in Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman Antiquity , pp. 291–318. 56. Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio, 6.22.7, edited by Maria Rocha-Pereira, vol. 2 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1973), p. 134. 57. Glenn Bowman, “Orthodox-Muslim Interactions at ‘Mixed Shrines’ in Macedonia,” in Eastern Christians in Anthropological Perspective , edited by C. M. Hann and Hermann Goltz (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), pp. 195–219; also Gilles de Rapper, “The Va k ë f : Sharing Religious Space in Albania,” translated by David Macey and Bojan Baskar, and “Kom š iluk and Taking Care of the Neighbor’s Shrine in Bosnia-Herzegovina,” both in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean ,edited by Dionigi Albera and Maria Couroucli (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2012), pp. 29–68. 58. Aline Rousselle explains that the conversion of Gallo-Romans relocated the source of healing away from the sacred landscape itself onto the holy man or saintly placed within the sacred landscape: Croire et gué rir: La foi en Gaule dans l’Antiquité tardive (Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 155–169. Her argument works equally well here. 59. Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales 2.18, translated by Charles Allison Behr, Aelius Aristides and the Sacred Tales (Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert, 1968), cited by Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space,” pp. 183–184. 60. Petsalis-Diomidis, “The Body in Space,” ibid. 61. MMC Γ . Justin Martyr, I Apologia 6. 62. Maria Couroucli, “Sharing Sacred Places—A Mediterranean Tradition,” pp. 7–9, in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean [pp. 1–9]; and Glenn Bowman, “Identification and Identity Formations around Shared Shrines,” pp. 10–13 [pp. 10–28]. 63. Justin Martyr, I Apologia 6; Franz D ö lger, Der Exorzismus im altchristlichen Taufritual (Paderborn: F. Schoningh, 1909), pp. 3–5. 64. MMC Γ . The verb emballein , with its nuances of “push” and “attack,” char- acterized this performance as the exorcism that it was. 65. A word that denotes dumbness or silence in Psalms 30.19 and 37.14 (31.18 and 38.14, NRSV). 66. For specific work on Origen’s angelology, see Cé cile Blanc, “L’angélologie d’Origè ne,” Studia Patristica 14, Texte und Untersuchungen 117 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1976), pp. 79–109. Important general works on Origen include R. P. C. Hanson, Allegory and Event—A Study of the Sources and NOTES 165

Significance of Origen’s Interpretation of Scripture (Louisville: Westminster/ John Knox Press, 2002); Pierre Nautin, Orig è ne: sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris: Beauchesne, 1977); Henri de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, The Four Senses of Scripture , vol. 1, translated by Mark Sebanc (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1998), pp. 161–224. 67. D. G. Bostock, “Medical Theory and Theology in Origen,” in Origeniana Tertia: Third International Colloquium for Origen Studies , edited by R. P. C. Hanson and Henri Crouzel (Rome: Edizioni dell’Ateneo, 1985), pp. 191, 198 [pp. 191–199]. 68. Origen, Homily 13.2, Hom é lies sur saint Luc, edited and translated by Henri Crouzel, Franç ois Fournier, and Pierre Perichon, SC 87 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1962). 69. Origen discussed the names and roles of the principal in De principiis : Traité des principes I.8.1, edited and translated by Henri Crouzel and Manlio Simonetti, SC 252 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1978). Origen may have derived the idea of Michael as the custodian of prayers from 3 Bar.1–12, text in Sparks, The Apocryphal Old Testament, pp. 904–914, with discussion and bibliography (pp. 897–903). Origen may very well have referenced the Talmudic Michael as High Priest enacting the heavenly liturgy. The exegete certainly delineated the earthly services of the Levites as an emanation of a heavenly angelic per- formance: Athanas Recheis, Engel, Tod und Seelenreise, Temi e Testi 4 (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1958), pp. 87–88. Also, Erik Peterson, Das Buch von den Engeln, second ed. (Munich: Kö sel-Verlag, 1955). 70. Chrysippos, “Enkō mion eis ton archá ngelon Micha ē l,” Epet å eris hetaireias Vyzantin å on 3 (1926): 88 [85–93]. 71. Ibid., p. 93. 72. Saxer locates the primordial origins of the cult in Asia Minor and Egypt (“Jalons,” pp. 371–402), as does Wolfgang von Rintelen Kultgeographische Studien in der Italia byzantina, Archiv f ür vergleichende Kulturwissenschaft 3 (Meisenheim am Glan: Hain, 1968) and “Kult- und Legendenwanderung von Ost nach West im Fr ü hen Mittelalter,” Saeculum 22 (1971): 71–88. 73. Sozomen, Histoire eccl é siastique 2.3.8, pp. 240–243. Glenn Peers provides the location in “The Sosthenion near : “John Malalas and Ancient Art,” Byzantion 68 (1998): 112 [110–120]. Cyril Mango places it at either modern Kourou-Tchesme or Arnavutkö y ü (“St. Michael and Attis,” 59); Robert Janin preferred north of Kourou-Tchesme, on Cape Akinti– Bournou between Arnautkoy and Bebek, “Les sanctuaires byzantins de saint Michel,” Échos d’Orient 33 (1934): 37–40 [28–52]. 74. Sozomen 2.3.8, pp. 238–241. English translation by C.Hartranft, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Series 2.2 (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans, 1973), p. 260. 75. Sozomen 2.3.9, pp. 242–243. 76. G. Schoo, Die Quellen des Kirchenhistorikers Sozomenos , p. 138. 77. Sozomen 2.3.9, pp. 242–243. 78. Petsalis-Diomedes, “Visual dynamics in healing pilgrimage,” pp. 206–217, in Seeing the Gods . 166 NOTES

79. Sozomen 2.3.11, pp. 242–245. Hartranft here mistranslates ta esthi ó mena , “food,” as “foot,” p. 260. 80. Ildik ó Csepregi, “Mysteries for the Uninitiated. The Role and Symbolism of the Eucharist in Miraculous Dream Healing,” in The Eucharist in Theology and Philosophy, edited by Istvan Perczel, Reka Forrai, and Gyorgy Gereby (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), p. 97 and notes. See the miracles of Saint Thecla and those of Cosmas and Damian, Sainte Thè cle, saints Cô me et Damien, Saints Cyr et Jean (extraits), Saint Georges, translated and annotated by A.-J. Festugiè re (Paris: A. and J. Picard, 1971), pp. 48–49, and p. 102. 81. Sozomen 2.3.12, pp. 244–245. 82. Ibid. 83. Paul Stephenson, Constantine–Roman Emperor, Christian Victor (New York: Overlook Press, 2009), particularly pp. 71–86 and 138–140; Franç ois Heim, “L’influence exercé e par Constantin sur Lactance: sa thé ologie de la vic- toire,” in Lactance et son temps , edited by Jacques Fontaine and Michel Perrin (Paris: É ditions Beauchesne, 1978), pp. 55–74. 84. Gunnar Berefelt, A Study of the Winged Angel, translated by Patrick Hort (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1968), pp. 21–56 with bibliography. Also, Marco Bussagli, Storia degli Angeli (Milan: Rusconi, 1991), pp. 44–80; Peers, Subtle Bodies , pp. 25–27. 85. Suetonius, “Vespasianus” 7, The Twelve Caesars 2, edited and translated by J. C. Rolfe, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 298–299. 86. Raymond Van Dam discusses Constantine’s use of Flavius: The Roman Revolution of Constantine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 88–96. 87. Katherine Dunbabin, “Ipsa deae vestigia . . . Footprints Divine and Human on Graeco–Roman Monuments,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 3 (1990): 55–109; Francesca L’Hoir, “Three Sandalled Footlamps: Their Apotropaic Potentiality in the Cult of Serapis,” Arch ä ologischer Anzeiger 15 (1983): 225– 237. Also, Sarolta A. Taká cs, “Divine and Human Feet: Records of Pilgrimage Honoring Isis,” in Seeing the Gods , pp. 359–360 [pp. 353–369]. 88. Suetonius, Vespasianus 7. 89. Theodoret of Cyrrus, Quaestiones in libros Regum III , cap. XV, Interrogatio XLVIII. PG 80.719–20. 90. Ü ber das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin I.28–29, Greek edition by Friedhelm Winkelmann, Eusebius Werke 1 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1975), pp. 30–31; Life of Constantine with introduction, English translation and commentary by Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 80–81; Stephenson, Constantine , pp. 182–189, 131–140; A. H. M. Jones, Constantine and the Conversion of Europe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962), pp. 73–90. 91. The political context was fundamental for the events surrounding the conversion. In addition to Stephenson, Constantine , pp. 113–189 and Van Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine, pp. 221–353, see H. A. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), particularly pp. 154–232, and Timothy D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius NOTES 167

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 3–80. Also Wienand, Der Kaiser als Sieger . 92. Eusebius, VC II.vi–vii; see also II.iv.2–4 where he describes as sur- rounded by soothsayers, Egyptian and otherwise. 93. McCormick, Eternal Victory, p. 103; Van Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine , p. 16. 94. Eusebius, VC III.iii.1–3. 95. Rudolf Leeb observes that this is the first appearance of the “serpent slayer” in imperial iconography and notes the connection to Licinius, Konstantin und Christus: Die Verchristlichung der imperialen Repr ä sentation unter Konstantin dem Gro ß en als Spiegel seiner Kirchenpolitik und seines Selbstverstä ndnisses als christlicher Kaiser (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1992), p. 50; Stephenson, Constantine , p. 185–186; P. Bruun, “Christian Signs on the Coins of Constantine,” Arctos: Acta Philologica Fennica 3 (1962): 21. 96. Elizabeth DePalma Digeser finds Lactantius primarily responsible for this policy and traces its roots to his encounters with Constantine in Trier: The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius and Rome (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), pp. 115–143, as well as the enlightening “General Remarks” to Chapter 5, pp. 167–171. 97. Eusebius, VC III.iii.1–3. Herodian mentioned a victory painting erected by Septimius Severus to commemorate his triumph over the Persians: Histories III.ix.12, in Herodian 1, edition with translation by C. R. Whittaker, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 322–323. 98. Eusebius, VC III.iii.3. 99. Leeb, Konstantin und Christus , pp. 50–51. 100. Michael J. Hollerich, Eusebius of Caesarea’s Commentary on Isaiah–Christian Exegesis in the Age of Constantine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 126, p. 26 for the dating. 101. Eusebius, Commentaria in Isaiah XXVII.1, PG 24.279–280; on Eusebeian political discourse in the Commentary on Isaiah , Hollerich, pp. 103–130. 102. Eusebius, Commentaria on Isaiah XXVII.1, PG 24.279–280: qui autem nihil rectum, aequumque nihil habet, sed omnino deflexus et tortuosus est, ac pectore ven- treque humi reptat, omniumque pedibus ad supplantationem et dejectionem insidias nolitur . 103. As pointed out by Khaled Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans, 2011), pp. 68–69. 104. Van Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine , pp. 283–353; also J ü rgen Moltmann, The Trinity and the Kingdom, translated by Margaret Kohl (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), pp. 191–200. 105. Eusebius, Eis K ō nstant í non ton basilé a triakontaetē r í kos 13, edited by Ivar Heikel, Eusebius Werke 1 (Leipzig, 1902), p. 236. John Gager provides the translation for katad é smos , Curse Tablets and Binding Spells, p. 260, which differs from that of H. A. Drake. Drake’s magisterial study of the Tricennial Oration overlooks the technical terminology expressed by katad é smos , “curse tablet,” which he translates as “magic bonds of forbid- den sorcery”: In Praise of Constantine: A Historical Study and New Translation 168 NOTES

of Eusebius’ Tricennial Orations (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), p. 111. 106. For the sacredness of the palace and audience hall, refer to Andrá s Alfö ldi, Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am rö mischen Kaiserhofe, Mitteilungen des deutschen archaeologischen Instituts 49 (Berlin: S. I., 1934), pp. 29–38. For the unity and interchangeability of monarch and empire, as well as the ideological concept of both custos and cura rei publicae , see Jean Bé ranger, Recherches sur l’aspect idé ologique du principat, Schweizerische Beitr ä ge zur Altertumswissenschaft 6 (Basel: F. Reinhardt, 1953), pp. 183–217 and 227–238. Sabine McCormack speaks to continuity and change in Christian imperial ceremonial, Art and Ceremonial in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981). 107. Van Dam addresses Sozomen’s reworking of Eusebius in light of his dubi- ous theology, Roman Revolution of Constantine , pp. 339–342. 108. Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily LXXII “Sur la déposition des corps sacr é s des saints martyrs Procope et Phocas dans l’église dite de Michel,” Les homiliae cathedrales de S é v è re d’Antioche, Homé lies LXX à LXXVI , edition and French translation of the Syriac version of James of Edessa by Maurice Bri è re, PO 12.1 (1919), pp. 74–75. Pauline Allen and C. T. R. Hayward provide an English translation in Severus of Antioch (London: Routledge, 2004), p. 128 [pp. 126–35], as well as a brief general discussion of the homi- lies (pp. 49–52). 109. Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily LXXII, p. 76; Allen and Hayward, Severus of Antioch , p. 129. 110. Severus of Antioch, Cathedral Homily LXXII, pp. 84 and 88; Allen and Hayward, Severus of Antioch , pp. 132, 134. 111. R. P. C. Hanson provides a good starting point: The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997). From among the mas- sive bibliography, consult Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea; and Rowan Williams, Arius, Heresy and Tradition , revised ed. (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans, 2002), pp. 95–116. Lewis Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) exhaustively examines the concurrent formation of Arian and Trinitarian discourses; also Rebecca Lyman, “A Topography of Heresy: Mapping the Rhetorical Creation of ,” in Arianism after Arius , edited by Michel R. Barnes and Daniel H. Williams (Edinburgh, 1993), pp. 45–62; Martin Werner uses the terms “subordinationst” and “coordinationist,” The Formation of Christian Dogma, translated by S. G. F. Brandon (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), p. 125. 112. Ellen Muehlberger points to this dynamic, in particular with regard to the work of Athanasius of Alexandria: Angels in Late Ancient Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 58–88. 113. Anatolios frames the Arian-Trinitarian Controversy around the concepts of cosmology and soteriology (Retrieving Nicaea , pp. 33–98). 114. For the teachings of Arius himself as well as other early Arians, refer to Hanson, Search , pp. 3–18, 100–122; Robert C. Gregg and Dennis E. Groh, Early Arianism—A View of Salvation (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981), NOTES 169

pp. 1–130; Arianism: Historical and Theological Reassessments, edited by Robert C. Gregg, Patristic Monograph Series 11 (Cambridge: Philadelphia Patristic Foundation, 1985), pp. 1–84; G. C. Stead, “The Thalia of Arius and the Testimony of Athanasius,” Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1978): 20–52. 115. In Lucae evangelium reliquiae tractatus antiquissimi, edited by Angelo Mai, Scriptorum veterum nova collectione vaticani codicibus III.2 (Rome: In Collegio Urbano apud Burliaeum, 1828), pp. 191–92. 116. Asterius, Homily 2.10–11, Asterii Sophistae Commentariorum in Psalmos quae supersunt , edited by Marcel Richard, Symbolae Osloenses Fasc. Supp. 16 (Oslo: A.W. Brø gger, 1956), pp. 7–8. Wolfram Kinzig presents an exhaustive refutation of the author’s identity as that of the Arian apologist Asterius the Sophist. He also denies the presence in the text of either an Arian or Nicene theological perspective: In Search of Asterius, Studies on the Authorship of the Homilies on the Psalms (Gö ttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1990). Kinzig does present a brief analysis of the angelology of the homilies, and his findings agree with that found in texts more securely identified as Arian (pp. 150–153). 117. De Solemnitatibus VI.2–3, Collectio Arrianae Veronensis. Scripta arriana latina 1 , edited by Roger Gryson, CCSL 87 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1982), pp. 64–65. 118. Der Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian , edited by Dieter Hagedorn, Patristische Texte und Studien 14 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1973), p. 298. Julian inquires rhetorically whether the Leviathan, as Satan, were a living thing or a fitting vehicle of salvation and answers that Satan is not even the equal of the angels, thus implying that Christ by far is superior to them all. 119. Deux hom é lies anom é ennes pour l’Octave de P â ques , Homily II.16–27, edi- tion and French translation by Jacques Lié baert, SC 146 (Paris, 1969), pp. 96–97. 120. For post-Nicene Arianism, see Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy, pp. 85 and pp. 111–211; also Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea, pp. 53–79. Gregg and Groh speak to the relationship among Christ and his “brother” angels (Early Arianism , pp. 43–76), now to be read against the criticisms of Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea, pp. 47–52 and 150–156. Also, R. D. Williams, “Angels Unawares” and Rudolf Lorenz, Arius judaizans? Untersuchungen zur dog- mengeschichtlichen Einordnung des Arius (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1980), pp. 141–179. 121. Anonymi in Iob commentarius I, PG17.399D. Michel Meslin identifies the Arian origin of his anonymous commentary on Job (published among the spuria of Origen) and discusses its theological concepts, Les Ariens d’Occident (Paris: É ditions du Seuil, 1967), pp. 201–226. 122. Der Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian , p. 12. 123. Anonymi in Iob commentarius I, PG 17.404B, 402A, and 387B. 124. For the roles of Alexander and Athanasius in their struggles with Arius and the ensuing formation of “Arianism” as a discrete category, see Hanson, Search for Christian Doctrine , pp. 129–180; Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea, 170 NOTES

pp. 79–86 and 99–156, as well as his Athanasius (London: Routledge, 2004), pp. 1–12 and Athanasius, the Coherence of his Thought (London: Routledge, 1998). Also, Thomas Weinandy, Athanasius: A Theological Introduction (Aldershot, UK/Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007) and Ayres, Nicaea and its Legacy , pp. 62–166. 125. Athanasius, First Oration against the Arians 40 and 42, with Greek text in The Orations of St. Athanasius against the Arians According to the Benedictine Text , edited by William Bright (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1884), pp. 41, 43–44; translated by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, St. Athanasius: Select Works and Letters 4 (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans, 1987), pp. 329–330; Weinandy, Athanasius: A Theological Introduction ; Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea, pp. 118–126; Coherence , pp. 125–163. 126. Athanasius, First Oration against the Arians 55: The Orations of St. Athanasius, p. 57; Schaff and Wace, St. Athanasius , p. 338. 127. Athanasius, Third Oration against the Arians 14: The Orations of St. Athanasius, pp. 168–169; Schaff and Wace, St. Athanasius , pp. 401–402. 128. Hilary of Poitiers, De trinitate V.11, edited by Pieter Frans Smulders, CCSL 62 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1979–80), p. 161; translated by S. McKenna as The Trinity, Fathers of the Church Series 25 (New York: Fathers of the Church Inc., 1954). For context and analysis, see Mark Weedman, The Trinitarian Theology of Hilary of Poitiers, Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 89 (Leiden: Brill, 2007); also D. H. Williams in “The Anti-Arian Campaigns of Hilary of Poitiers and the ‘Liber Contra Auxentium,’” Church History 61 (1992): 7–22; and “A Reassessment of the Early Career and Exile of Hilary of Poitiers,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 202–217. Also, Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy, pp. 177–186; Hanson, Search for Christian Doctrine, pp. 459–506. 129. Hilary of Poitiers, De trinitate III.7, pp. 77–79. 130. Pseudo-Vigilius of Thapsus, Contr a Varimadum I.57, in Florilegia Biblica Africana Saec. V, edited by Benedictus Schwank, CCSL 90 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1961), pp. 67–68. Pseudo-Vigilius refutes the Arian use of 1 Thess. 4.16 to prove the created status of the Son: “For the Lord himself, with a cry of command, with the archangel’s call and with the sound of God’s trumpet, will descend from heaven, and the dead in Christ will rise first.” The Arian Varimadus interpreted the passage to state that the archangel ordered Christ to descend for the Final Judgment. 131. Greek text in Hanson, Search for the Christian Doctrine of God , p. 876. 132. Ibid. 133. Hef è le-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles I.2 (Hildesheim: G. Olms 1973), p. 1017. For discussion of the council, pp. 989–995 and canons, pp. 995– 1028. My translation: H ó ti ou deī christiano ù s egkatale í pein tē n Ekkl ē s í an toū Theoū ka ì api é nai kaì agg é lous onomá zein, kaì sun á xeis poie ī n, aper apē g ó reutai. Ei tis oū n eureth ē ta ú tē tē kekrumm é nē eidō lolatre í a schol á zō n, estō anathema, h ó ti egkaté lipe tò n Kú rion h ē mō n I ē soū n Christò n, tò n Huiò n to ū Theo ū , ka ì eid ō lolatr í a prosē lthen. 134. Ibid., p. 1017–1018. 135. Saxer, “Jalons,” pp. 384–385. NOTES 171

136. Hefele-Leclercq, pp. 1017–1018. 137. Ibid., pp. 999–1000, 1002, 1007–1009, 1012. 138. Athanasius, Contra gentes I.19–21, edited and translated by Robert W. Thomson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971). 139. Cline and I have again arrived independently at very similar conclusions, although he emphasizes magical performance and pagan veneration as the object of the Council’s prohibitions and ignores the heretical aspects, Ancient Angels , pp. 142–146. 140. Theodoret of Cyrrus, Interpretatio epistolae ad Colossanenseis II.18, III.17: PG 82.613B, 619D. 141. Frances M. Young provides a basic introduction to the Antiochene approach in Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publisher, Inc., 2002), pp. 161–185. 142. Theodoret, Interpretatio epistolae ad Colossanenseis , PG 82.592–595. Jean- No ë l Guinot discusses Theodoret’s approaches to exegesis, L’Ex é g è se de Th é odoret de Cyr, Th é ologie historique 100 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1995). John J. O’Keefe discusses the basic historicizing approach of Antiochene exege- sis as well as Theodoret’s inclination to incorporate allegorizing techniques of the Alexandrian school: “‘A Letter That Killeth’; Toward a Reassessment of Antiochene Exegesis,” The Journal of Early Christian Studies 8 (2000): 83–103. Alberto Viciano examines Theodoret’s exegetical method as applied to the Pauline Epistles, “, Principios hermené uticos de Teodoreto de Ciro en su Comentario a las Ep í stolas Paulinas,” Scripta Theologica 21 (1989): 13–61. 143. Kallistos Ware, “The Meaning of ‘Pathos’ in Abba Isaias and Theodoret of Cyrus,” Studia Patristica 28 (Leuven, Peeters Press, 1989), pp. 315–322. 144. MMC Γ . Saxer notes the variations and calls attention to the post-Nicene aspects of the text (“Jalons,” pp. 387–388). 145. For accounts of Nicaea I and Constantinople I, refer to Leo Donald Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325–787): Their History and Theology (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1983), pp. 33–133. 146. Peers points to “Archippus as a prescriptive ‘image’ of the appropriate manner of praying to the Archangel, and his answered prayer is the clearest indication of its appropriateness” (Subtle Bodies , p. 195). 147. Ibid., p. 147 and Ramsay Church in the Roman Empire , p. 469. 148. Peers discusses Michael’s parrē s í a ,ibid. pp. 144–145 and 160. 149. Hippolyte Delehaye edited a partial liturgical calendar from Oxyrhynchus (October 21, 535, through March 22, 536) that designated a universal feast day for the Archangel on the twelfth of H â tor (November 8): “Le calendrier d’Oxyrhynque pour l’anné e 535–536,” Analecta Bollandiana 42 (1924): 83–99. The Coptic liturgy used the term Archistrategos , as pointed out by Caspar Detlef Gustav Mü ller, Die Engellehre der koptischen Kirche (Wiesbaden, 1959), p. 19. For the Coptic account of Michael’s “Installation,” see Mü ller’s edition and German translation: Die B ü cher der Einsetzung der Erzengel Michael und Gabriel, CSCO 226, Scriptores Coptici 32 (Louvain, 1962), pp. 1–73. Ugo Zanetti provides a comprehensive 172 NOTES

survey of all the Michaeline feasts of the eastern rites: “F ê tes des anges dans les calendriers et synaxaires orientaux,” in Culto e insediamenti micaelici nell’Italia meridionale fra tarda antichità e medioevo: atti del convegno internazionale, Monte Sant’Angelo, 18–21 novembre 1992, edited by Carlo Carletti and Giorgio Otranto. (Bari: Edipuglia, 1994), pp. . 323–349. 150. Juan Mateos, Le Typicon de la Grande É glise I, Orientalia christiana analecta 165 (Rome: Pontificum Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1962–63), pp. 94–95; Janin, “Les sanctuaires byzantins de saint Michel,” p. 31. 151. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, edited by Hippolyte Delehaye, AASS, November Propylaeum, cols. 203–204. Mü ller provides an epitome of the original Coptic liturgical text, found in Pierpont Morgan Library MS 593, Engellehre , pp. 187–208. For the unabridged Coptic source, Die B ü cher der Einsetzung . 152. Mateos, Typicon ; C. R. Gregory, Textkritik des Neuen Testamentes I (Leipzig: J. C. Hinnrichs, 1900), p. 370. 153. Mateos, Typicon , pp. iv–ix, and p. 95 n. 2 for a translation of the troparion as found in Paris cod. gr. 1590, dated to 1063 by a colophon on f. 228v: Toi qui offres au Souverain l’hymne triomphal, la doxologie incessante, Michel, le grand capitaine des armé es cé lestes et le premier qui ait acc è s prè s de Dieu, ne cesse pas de prier pour nos ames !

4 The Politics of Angelic Sanctity 1. Liber de apparitione de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Gargano , edited by Georg Waitz, MGH SRL, pp. 541–543 (BHL 5948). English translation by Richard F. Johnson, Saint Michael the Archangel in Medieval English Legend (Woodbridge, UK/Rochester, NY: Boydell and Brewer, 2005), pp. 110–115. Supposed epigraphs that would identify Garganus with Elvius Emmanuelis (d. 528), an actual magister militum who lived in nearby Siponto in 506, don’t appear to exist: Giorgio Otranto, “Il ‘Liber de apparitione,’ il santuario di san Michele sul Gargano e i Longobardi del Ducato di Benevento,” in Santuari e politica nel mondo antico, edited by Marta Sordi (Milan: Università cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 1983), pp. 215–216 [pp. 210–245]. Giovanni Bronzini more aptly suggested Garganus to be a symbolic eponymous hero despite his unpersuasive attempt to connect him with a Frankish folk char- acter: “La Puglia e le sue tradizioni in proiezione storica,” Archivio storico pugliese 21 (1968): 89–90 [83–117]. 2. Wolfgang von Rintelen uses the term “Legend migration,” “Kult- und Legendenwanderung von Ost nach West im Frü hen Mittelalter,” Saeculum 22 (1971): 71–88. The eminent Lombardist Gian Piero Bognetti preferred the term esaugurazione , or “growing out of”: “I <> e la storia della chiesa nel regno dei Longobardi,” L’et à longobarda 3 (Milan: Giuffrè , 1967), p. 310. 3. Lycophron, Al é xandra 1047–55, in Callimachus, Lycophron and Aratus , edited and translated by Alexander W. Mair, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), pp. 582–583. NOTES 173

4. Strabo, Ge ō graphika ,C 284 = 6.3.9, in The Geography of Strabo 3, edited and translated by Horace Leonard Jones and John Robert Sitlington Sterrett, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1917–49), pp. 130–131. 5. Grattius, Cynegeticon 430–66, in Minor Latin Poets , translated by J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 194–197; Pelagonius, Ars veterinaria 294, edited by Klaus-Dietrich Fischer (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1980). 6. Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio, 10.32.4–7, edited by Maria Rocha-Pereira, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1973), pp. 166–167. 7. Garth Fowden, “City and Mountain in Late Roman Attica,” Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (1988): 56–57 [48–59]. Susan Alcock’s discussions of a dynamic sacred landscape in second-century Greece accord well with that of Late Antiquity, Graecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 8. Michel Rouche, “Le Combat des saints anges et des demons: la victoire de Saint Michel,” Santi e demoni nell’alto medioevo occidentale 1, Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo 36 (: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1989), p. 538 [pp. 533–557]. 9. Francesco Fischetti, Mercurio, Mithra, Michael (Monte Sant’ Angelo: Tip. La Garganica, 1973), pp. 15–19, sees the cavern as an abandoned and trans- formed pagan temple. 10. John Charles Arnold delineates a fifth- or sixth-century redaction based on internal evidence, “Arcadia Becomes Jerusalem: Angelic Caverns and Shrine Conversion at Monte Gargano,” Speculum 75 (2000): 567–588, while Nicholas Everett sees in the manuscript history evidence for an initial redaction in the mid-eighth-century, “The Liber de Apparitione S. Michaelis in Monte Gargano and the Hagiography of Dispossession,” Analecta bollandiana 120 (2002): 364–391. The two views are hardly incom- patible, as the Liber mentions a preexisting libellus . Giorgio Otranto desig- nates the “Bull,” “Battle,” and “Dedication” divisions, perhaps most clearly in “Genesi, caratteri e diffusione del culto micaelico del Gargano,” in Culte et pè lerinages à Saint Michel en occident, les trois monts dé di é s à l’Archange , edited by Pierre Bouet, Giorgio Otranto, and André Vauchez (Rome: École franç aise de Rome, 2003), pp. 43–64. 11. Marco Trotta and Renzulli, “I luoghi dei Liber de apparitione di S. Michele al Gargano: l’ecclesia beati Petri,” Vetera Christianorum 35 (1998): 335–359. 12. Liber 1. 13. Gregory the Great, Dialogues I.10, edition and French translation by Adalbert de Vog üé and Paul Antin, SC 260 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1978–80). English translation by Odo John Zimmerman, Fathers of the Church Series 39 (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1959). 14. Guglielmo P. Cavallo, “Magia e medicina popolare nella Calabria bizantina,” in I Bizantini in Italia , edited by Guglielmo Cavallo (Milan: Libri Scheiwiller, 1982), pp. 685–686 [pp. 684–686], citing Codex Marcianus gr. II 163 and Barberinus gr. III 3 (olim gr. 284). 174 NOTES

15. Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), provides an overview of the copying and use of amulets across the longue dur é e . 16. Liber 2. 17. Marco Trotta and Antonio Renzulli, “La grotta garganica: rapporti con Mont-Saint-Michel e interventi longobardi,” Culte et pè lerinages à Saint Michel en occident, p. 428 [pp. 427–48]; Marco Trotta, “I luoghi dei <>. Il santuario di S. Michele dal V all’VIII secolo,” in Culto e insediamenti , pp. 126–129 [pp. 125–166]. 18. Abandoned in the eighth century, the ruins of Siponto today lie west of , some 55 miles north of Bari on the southern side of the Garganic promontory. For archeological data and material culture remains, see the various articles in Siponto Antica, edited by Marina Mazzei (: C. Grenzi, 1999). Giuliano Volpe places Siponto’s development within the context of late-antique , Contadini, pastori e mercanti nell’Apulia tar- doantica (Bari: Edipuglia, 1996), pp. 121–123, as does Jean-Marie Martin, La Pouille du VIe au XIIe siè cle (Rome: É cole franç aise de Rome, 1993), pp. 113–160. Giorgio Otranto discusses Siponto and its relationship with Monte Gargano, Italia meridionale e Puglia paleocristiane: Saggi storici (Bari: Edipuglia, 1991), pp. 187–202. 19. Asserted in the two Lives of St. Laurence, with the first dated to the early eleventh c. and the second to the later eleventh c. For both vitae , see AASS, February II.57–62. Ada Campione, “Storia e santità nelle due Vitae di Lorenzo vescovo di Siponto,” Vetera Christianorum 29 (1992): 169–213, dis- cusses the dates, as does Nicholas Everett, “ Hagiography of Dispossession,” 371–372. 20. Vita S. Laurentii 1: when Theodoric King of the Goths “struggled bitterly with the King of the Herulis,” AASS Feb. 2.57. For background, refer to John Moorhead, Theoderic in (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 6–31; along withThomas Burns, A History of the (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), pp. 55–80; and Herwig Wolfram, History of the Goths , translated by Thomas J. Dunlap (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 278–284. 21. Otranto insists that Siponto played an important role in the origin and development of the shrine, although he notes the role of prominent patrons in the building of Michaeline churches in late-antique Apulia, Italia meridi- onale , pp. 187–197. Valerie Ramseyer makes clear how little influence the urban bishops like Laurence had on the rural countryside, The Transformation of a Religious Landscape, Medieval Southern Italy 850–1150 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), particularly pp. 37–42. 22. Eberhard Gothein addresses the importance of transhumance in the area, Die Kulturentwicklung S ü d-Italiens in Einzeldarstellungen (Breslau: W. Koebner, 1886), pp. 41–45. See Volpe, Contadini , pp. 147–196, for a dis- cussion of the vici of late-antique Apulia and pp. 192–194 specifically for the Gargano; also pp. 276–296 for the importance of the local wool and weaving industry. NOTES 175

23. Gioia Bertelli et al. address the road system of the Gargano and provide detailed maps: “Sulle tracce dei Longobardi in Puglia: alcune testimo- nianze,” I Longobardi del Sud, edited by Giuseppi Roma (Rome: Giorgio Bretschneider Editore, 2010), pp. 344–348 [pp. 343–389], as does Volpe, with particular attention to the road system (Contadini , pp. 73–83). Jean-Marie Martin describes late-antique Puglian topography and infrastructure gener- ally and the Gargano specifically ( Pouille , pp. 117–119). 24. Martin, Pouille , pp. 117–119, for the Gargano and pp. 113–160 for Apulia as a whole. Louis Duchesne remains useful, “Les é v ê ch é s d’Italie et l’invasion lombarde,” M é langes d’arché ologie et d’histoire 23 (1903): 104–107 [83–116]. Otranto discusses the process of Christianization and diocesan formation ( Italia meridionale , pp. 3–94). 25. Liber 4. Johnson translates conlatio as “discussion,” but the traditional mean- ing of “pooling of resources” seems more appropriate for this context (Saint Michael the Archangel in Medieval English Legend , p. 113). Ramseyer’s descrip- tion of the ecclesiastical organization of late-antique and early-medieval Salerno well fits that of Apulia, especially her discussions of consortia and private foundations: The Transformation of a Religious Landscape, pp. 7–11, 62–68, and passim. Also, John Philip Thomas, Private Religious Foundations in the , Dumbarton Oaks Studies 24 (Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1987), pp. 5–36, and particularly pp. 59–110, for the situation in late-antique Egypt. 26. Volpe, Contadini, pp. 237–238, and Giorgio Otranto, “Due epistole di papa Gelasio I (492–496) sulla comunità cristiana di Lucera,” Vetera Christianorum 14 (1977): 123–137. 27. Liber 3 records the footprints; for the etymology of Apodonia , MGH SRL, p. 542, f. 2. Trotta, “I luoghi,” discusses the early chapel (pp. 126–129). 28. Trotta, “Il luoghi,” pp. 133–134. 29. Giorgio Otranto, “L’Iscrizione di Pietro e Paolo,” in Il Santuario di S. Michele sul Gargano dal VI al IX secolo, Atti del Convegno tenuto a Monte Sant’Angelo il 9–10 dicembre 1978, edited by Carlo Carletti and Giorgio Otranto (Bari: Edipuglia, 1980), pp. 183–206. The restored inscription reads: +Petrus et | +Paulus ambi apo | stoli clavi cla | vabant cruce co | nfissi erant p |ortasque | ita lucere fecere . 30. Trotta and Renzulli, “La grotta garganica,” Culte et P è lerinages , pp. 428–431. 31. Liber 6. 32. Otranto, “Per una metodologia della ricerca storico-agiografica: il Santuario micaelico del Gargano tra Bizantini e Longobardi,” Vetera Christianorum 25 (1988): 388–390 [381–405], connects the battle with Grimoald’s victory as mentioned by Paul the Deacon, Historia langobardorum IV.46, edited by Ludwig Bethmann and Georg Waitz, MGH SRL, p. 135. 33. Otranto, “Il ‘Liber de apparitione,’” pp. 225–226. 34. Liber 3 and 1. 35. Leopold Kurz discusses their “testing” and subsequent devotion during the rebellion and fall of Satan, Gregors des Grossen Lehre von den Engeln (Rottenburg: Bader’sche Verbhl., 1938), pp. 27–42, citing Gregory the Great, 176 NOTES

Moralia in Job I.27.39. Muehlberger speaks to Augustine of Hippo’s insis- tence on angelic constancy ( Angels in Late Ancient Christianity , pp. 43–56). 36. Andrea Schaller makes the point that pre-tenth-century images of Michael refer not to Michael himself, but to Christ. The point works quite well with regard to his Garganic relics: Der Erzengel Michael im frü hen Mittelalter: Ikonographie und Verehrung eines Heiligen ohne Vita (Bern: Peter Lang, 2006), p. 19. 37. Antonini placentini itinerarium , 22–23, in Itinera hierosolymitana saecvli IIII–VIII, edited by Paul Geyer, CSEL 39 (Vienna: F. Tempsky, 1898), pp. 140–141. 38. Agnellus, Liber pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis 1, edited by Deborah Mauskopf- Deliyannis, CCCM 199 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006). 39. Denis Feissel and Klaas Worp, “La requê te d’Appion, év ê que de Sy è ne, à Th é odose II: P. Leid. Z ré vis é,” Oudheidkundige mededeelingen van het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden = Nuntii ex Museo Antiquario Leidensi 68 (1988): 99 [97–111]; translation by Allan Cameron in Giusto Traina, 428 AD, an Ordinary Year at the End of the Roman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), p. 101. 40. Mark Bradley, Colour and Meaning in Ancient Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 189–211. 41. The “Gallican Liturgy” associated with Merovingian Gaul speaks of such liturgical cloths. The only purported ordines for this service appear in two letters attributed to a Germanus, presumably the bishop of Paris 555–576 (dates in Oxford Dictionary of Christianity , s.v. “Germanus”). Klaus Gamber has edited and published them as Ordo Antiquus Gallicanus: Der gallikanische Me ß ritus des 6. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg: F. Pustet, 1965). While the date of the texts and their evidentiary value are hotly contested and the let- ters likely present major divergences from sixth/seventh-century liturgical practice in Gaul, they cannot be completely discounted as evidence for the Merovingian liturgy. For a discussion of the sources and bibliography, see Cyril Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, An Introduction to the Sources , translated and revised by William G. Storey, Niels Krogh Rasmussen, and John K. Brooks- Leonard (Washington DC: The Pastoral Press, 1981), pp. 107–108 and 275–278. 42. Pseudo-Dionysius, La Hiérarchie céleste 7.3 =209 A-C, edition, transla- tion, and introduction by R. Roques, G. Heil, and M. de Gandillac, SC 58 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1958), pp. 113–115. English translation in Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works, translated by Colm Luibheid, prefa- tory remarks by J. Pelikan, J. Leclercq, and K. Froehlich (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), pp. 164–165. For further criticism, consult Andrew Louth, Denys the Areopagite (London: G. Chapman, 1989), pp. 33–51, for the angelic choirs; William Riordan, Divine Light: The Theology of Denys the Areopagite (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2008); Paul Rorem, Pseudo-Dionysius: A Commentary on the Texts and an Introduction to their Influence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); S. Gersh, From Iamblichus to Eriugena (Leiden: Brill, 1978). 43. Arnold, “Arcadia becomes Jerusalem,” in particular, pp. 581–588. NOTES 177

44. “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 128, edition and commentary by C. Carletti, in Il santuario di S. Michele sul Gargano dal VI al IX secolo: contributo alla storia della Longobardia meridionale, edited by Carlo Carletti and Giorgio Otranto (Bari: Edipuglia, 1980), p. 125. Nicholas Everett discusses the graffiti within the broad context of literacy, Literacy in Lombard Italy, 568–774 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 265–274. 45. Armando Petrucci, “Origine e diffusione del culto di San Michele nell’Italia medievale,” in Mill é naire monastique du Mont Saint-Michel 3 (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1993 reprint [1966]), pp. 340–343. 46. R. Janin discusses the church: “Les sanctuaires byzantins de Saint Michel,” Échos d’orient 33 (1934): 31 [28–52]. David H. Wright addresses the coin- age: “Justinian and an Archangel,” Studien zur Sp ä tantiken und Byzantinischen Kunst (Bonn, 1986), p. 77 [75–79]. 47. British Museum IV, n. 1. See the description in W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spä tantike und des frü hen Mittelalters (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1976), pp. 78–79, and photograph, table 59. Wright, “Justinian and an Archangel,” pp. 75–79, also provides a detailed description and bibliography. 48. Wright, “Justinian and an Archangel,” p. 76, cites O. M. Dalton’s long- accepted translation found in Catalogue of the Ivory Carvings of the Christian Era (1909), n. 11, pp. 9–11, while suggesting the alternative reading and its plausible connection to Justinian’s accession. 49. Procopius, Buildings I.viii.6–14, in Procopius 7, translated by Henry Bronson Dewing and Glanville Downey, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), pp. 70–73. Janin identifies this with Constantine’s structure at Hestiae, “Les Sanctuaires byzantins,” pp. 37–40. 50. Procopius, Buildings , V.iii.16–20, in Procopius 7, pp. 328–331. 51. For the complete conciliar pronouncement, see Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325–787): Their History and Theology (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1983), p. 186 and pp. 170–206 for a discussion of the Council of Chalcedon and bibliography. 52. W. H. C. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); John Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1987), pp. 29–46; and Byzantine Theology (New York: Fordham University Press, 1979), pp. 19–31. 53. J. F. Haldon summarizes the theocratic ideology of “unity in orthodoxy,” Byzantium in the Seventh Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 281–286. 54. Rohland, Der Erzengel Michael Arzt und Feldherr: Zwei Aspekte des vor- und fr ü hbyzantishen Michaelskultes (Leiden: Brill, 1977), pp. 121–124; Warren Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), pp. 171–173. Glenn Peers, “The Sosthenion near Constantinople; John Malalas and Ancient Art,” Byzantion 68 (1998): 110–120. 55. Janin, “Les Sanctuaires byzantins,” p. 32. 56. For Theoderic and his policies, see Moorhead, Theoderic in Italy, particu- larly pp. 66–113. Patrick Amory draws on Moorhead for his assessment 178 NOTES

of Roman and Ostrogothic identity, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489–554 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 43–85. Walter Pohl provides an overview of the problems of identity in late-antique Italy and its implications for the entire concept of “barbarian” Europe, “Invasions and Ethnic Identity,” in Italy in the Early Middle Ages, edited by Cristina La Rocca (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 11–33. 57. John W. Barker, Justinian and the Later Roman Empire (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1966), pp. 97–112; Moorhead, Justinian , pp. 116–122. 58. Amory, People and identity , pp. 149–194, passim. 59. Procopius, Wars , III.ii.1–5, in Procopius 2, translated by Henry Bronson Dewing and Glanville Downey, LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), pp. 8–11. For the classical ethnography of the barbarian and Procopius’s use of it, see Amory, People and Identity, pp. 1–42, 141–143; Averil Cameron addresses the archaizing ethos of Procopius’s work and the role of the “barbarian” in its construction: Procopius and the Sixth Century (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 33–48, 239–242. 60. Procopius, Wars V.viii.22–V.x.45, in Procopius 3, pp. 74–107; Torsten Jacobson, The Gothic War (Yardley, PA: Westholme Publishing, 2009), pp. 89–91; Amory, People and Identity , pp. 172–173. 61. Procopius, Wars , V.xiv–xxv, in Procopius 3, pp. 140–207; Jacobson, Gothic War, pp. 92–98; Amory, People and Identity , pp. 173–175. 62. Procopius, Wars V.xxv–xxix, in Procopius 3, pp. 247–285; The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis) 60–61, translated with an introduction by Raymond Davis (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989), pp. 53–59; Jacobson, Gothic War , pp. 99–137; Moorhead, Justinian , pp. 79–83; Barker, Justinian , pp. 153–155; Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile (537–555) dans le Sacramentaire L é onien,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 64 (1950): 170–176 [161–213]. 63. P eter Llewellyn, Rome in the Dark Ages (New York: Dorsett Press, 1993), pp. 64–67; Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” 170–176. 64. Jacques Dubois, Les martyrologes du moyen âge latin (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978), p. 18. The earliest list of Roman liturgical festivals, the Depositio martyrum in the Chronographus of 354 does not mention it: Chronographus anni CCCLIIII , MGH AA 9, edited by Theodore Mommsen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1892), pp. 71–72. Richard Krautheimer knows only one ancient Roman church with a possible connection to Michael, that of S. Angelo in Pescheria, which he dates to 755: Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae (IV–IX C.), Monumenti di antichità cristiana II (Vatican City: Pontificio istituto di archeologia cristiana, 1937), pp. 64–74. 65. The Martyrology is published in AASS, November 2.1. For the composition of the text and its manuscript history, see Dubois, Les martyrologes du moyen âge latin , pp. 29–36. 66. Dubois, Les martyrologes du moyen âge latin, pp. 30–31; J. P. Kirsch, Der Stadtr ö mische christliche Festkalender im Altertum, Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen 7/8 (Mü nster im Westfallen: Aschendorff, 1924), pp. 178–179. 67. Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” pp. 194–201. 68. The Book of the Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis) , 53. NOTES 179

69. Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” pp. 161–213. David Michael Hope reprises and accepts Chavasse’s arguments, The Leonine Sacramentary—A Reassessment of Its Nature and Purpose (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 78–90. 70 . Sacramentarium veronense, edited by Leo Eizenhofer and Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, RED, Series Maior, Fontes I (Rome: Herder, 1956). 71. Leo, p. 106. Kirsch, Der Stadtrö mische christliche Festkalender im Altertum, pp. 178–179; E. Bourque, É tude sur les sacramentaires romains. Première partie , Studi di antichità cristiana 20 (Rome: Pontificio istituto di archeologia cris- tiana, 1948), p. 128. 72. Leo 846, p. 106. Chavasse points to numerous correlations among the mass texts and unfolding events of the siege (Chavasse, “Messes du Pape Vigile,” pp. 183–201), including the prayer over the people from the third Michael mass: “Defend your people prostrate before you and with all your heart guard them from the enemy” (p. 201). 73. Germain Morin dates this list of Roman lections to at least the early seventh century, “Le plus ancien comes ou lectionnaire de l’Église romaine,” Revue B é n é dictine 27 (1910): 62–63 [41–74]. 74. Leo 844, p. 106. 75. Leo 850, p. 107. 76. Leo 848 and 852, pp. 107. 77. Germain Morin, “Liturgie et basiliques de Rome au milieu du VII siè cle d’après les listes d’évangiles de Wü rzburg,” Revue Bé n é dictine 28 (1911): 316 [296–330]. 78. Peter Heather and John Matthews provide the Gothic original and a trans- lation, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1991), pp. 128–130; also, Klaus Gamber, Die Liturgie der Goten und der Armenier (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1988), pp. 10–14. 79. Siegheld Mü ller-Riehle, Missale Beneventanum von Canosa , Textus Patristici et Liturgici 9 (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1972), p. 45. 80. Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis, Ravenna in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 152–160, for a discussion of possible interpretations of the Christological cycle of mosaics. 81. Ibid., pp. 158–160. 82. Jacobson narrates the campaign for Ravenna and its surrender (Gothic War , pp. 151–191); Otto G. von Simson details the building program and politi- cal context (including San Apollinare in Classe), along with biographical information on Maximian and Julius Argentarius, Sacred Fortress, Byzantine Art and Statecraft in Ravenna (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 1–22 and 40–62; Mario Mazzotti recounts the construction history of San Apollinare in Classe, La Basilica di Sant’Apollinare in Classe (Vatican City: Pontificio istituto di archeologia cristiana, 1954), with a discussion of the mosaics (pp. 162–188) and the archangels (pp. 168–170). Reiner Sö rries, Die Bilder der Orthodoxen im Kampf gegen den Arianismus (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1983), attributes an anti-Arian inspiration to most of the sixth- century churches of Ravenna, as well as to the mosaic of Michael in San Apollinare in Classe (pp. 223–225), an interpretation generally rejected by 180 NOTES

Deliyannis (Ravenna , pp. 259–274). Angelika Michael, Das Apsismosaik von S. Apollinare in Classe (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2005) sees the art as an affirmation of Orthodoxy, even without overt anti-Arianism, as does Luise Abramowski, “Die Mosaiken von S. Vitale und S. Apollinare in Classe und die Kirchenpolitik Kaiser Justinians,” Zeitschrift fü r antikes Christentum 5 (2001), pp. 289–341. 83. Dieter Heidtmann, Die Engel: Grenzgestalten Gottes. Ü ber Notwendigkeit und Mö glichkeit der christlichen Rede von den Engeln (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1999), particularly pp. 195–208. 84. See Deliyannis for a discussion, description, and bibliography of the apse mosaics and those of the triumphal arch at Classe (Ravenna , pp. 265–270) and also for Justinian’s depiction at San Vitale and the hierarchical implica- tions of the clothing (pp. 236–243). Kathryn M. Ringrose speaks to the distinctions of hierarchy and space as indicated by courtly clothing and regalia, including the wearing of purple cloaks by palace eunuchs, in The Perfect Servant—Eunuchs and the Social Construction of Gender in Byzantium (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), pp. 175–177, and 142–183 more generally. Angelika Michael addresses the hierarchical and liturgical dimensions of the Transfiguration mosaic at Classe and its positioning with respect to that of St. Apollinaris. Her ideas prove useful for a reading of the Michael image, Das Apsismosaik , pp. 63–90, 129–188. 85. Cyril Mango suggests the analogy with the praepositus : Byzantium: The Empire of New Rome (New York: Scribner, 1980), pp. 154–155. Ringrose explores and develops the commonalities among court eunuchs and angels ( The Perfect Servant , pp. 142–183). 86. For the Theopaschite formulation, see J. A. McGukin, “The Theopaschite Confession,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 35 (1984): 239–255; for Justinian’s involvement, see Moorhead, Justinian , pp. 125–127. Kenneth P. Wesche translates Justinian’s theological writings: On the Person of Christ, The Christology of Emperor Justinian (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1991). Angelika Michael analyzes the liturgical and theological roles of the archangels at Classe with regard for doctrinal considerations (Das Apsismosaik , pp. 189–212). 87. Liber 6. 88. Romanos Melodos, “On the Nativity I” (O. 1, K. 1), Kontakia of Romanos, Byzantine Melodist , translated by Marjorie Carpenter, vol. 1 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1970–72), p. 1. 89. Trotta, “Il luoghi del <>, pp. 130–133; Trotta and Renzulli, “La grotta garganica,” pp. 429–31. 90. Carletti, “Iscrizoni murali,” no. 52, p. 69; Giorgio Otranto, “Il ‘Liber de appa- ritione,’” pp. 228–229. 91. Procopius, Wars , VII.xxii.221–24. Armando Petrucci maintains a connection with the Gothic War, “Aspetti del culto e del pellegrinaggio di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Monte Gargano,” Pellegrinaggi e culto dei santi in Europa fino alla I crociata (Todi: Presso l’accademia tudertina, 1963), pp. 151–152. 92. Procopius, Wars V.xv.3, in Procopius 3, pp. 148–149. NOTES 181

93. Martin, Pouille , pp. 138–140; Laurent Feller, “L’économie des territoires de Spolè te et de Bé n évent du Vie au Xe siè cle,” in I longobardi dei ducati di Spoleto e Benevento: atti del XVI Congresso internazionale di studi sull’alto Medioevo (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2003), pp. 214–217 [pp. 205–242]. 94. For the church and its mosaics, see Marco Fabbri, “La basilica paleocris- tiana,” and Roberta Giuliani, “I mosaici del complesso archeologico di Santa Maria di Siponto,” in Siponto Antica , pp. 179–187 and 197–223; also R. Morena Cassano, “Mosaici paleocristiani di Puglia,” M é langes de l’École fran ç aise de Rome 88 (1976): 280–293. 95. Claudia Barsanti discusses the plutei with bibliography, “Una breve nota sui plutei di Siponto, Monte Sant’Angelo e Benevento,” in Siponto Antica, pp. 224–229. 96. Bertelli et al., “Sulle tracce dei Longobardi in Puglia,” pp. 349–350; also S ö rries, Bilder , p. 234. 97. See the various essays in Plague and the End of Antiquity, the Pandemic of 541–750 , edited by Lester K. Little (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), particularly Peter Sarris, “Bubonic Plague in Byzantium: the Evidence of Non-Literary Sources,” pp. 119–134. 98. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, translated by W. G. Ryan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 202–203; For Barontius, AASS, September 8.71. 99. Deliyannis suggests the connection between San Michele Africisco and plague (Ravenna , pp. 250–254). She presents a translation of its foundation inscription while analyzing the architecture and decoration of the now largely destroyed church. The mosaics of the apse and triumphal arch exist only as restorations based on earlier drawings and a nineteenth-century reproduction. 100. S ö rries, Bilder , pp. 233–234. 101. Martin, Pouille , p. 147. 102. Vita de St. Artellaide Virgine Beneventi in Italia 5, AASS, March I.264. 103. Introductory overviews of the Lombard settlement with bibliogra- phies include Neil Christie, The (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), pp. 69–91, Chris Wickham, Early Medieval Italy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989), pp. 28–47; and Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy , pp. 54–99. 104. Stefano Gasparri, I Duchi Longobardi (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1978), speaks to the foundations of the various duchies; Marcello Rotili specifically addresses the Duchy of Benevento, “Benevento e il suo territorio: persistenze e trasformazioni,” I longobardi dei ducati di Spoleto e Benevento , pp. 827–879. 105. For example, Eberhard Gothein, Die Kulturentwicklung Sü d–Italiens in Einzeldarstellungen (Breslau: Wilhelm Koebner, 1886), pp. 76–97, who salutes Michael as a “Volksheiliger der Langobarden.” Giorgio Otranto repeated the mantra as late as 1988: “Per una metodologia della ricerca storico-agiografica,” p. 385. 182 NOTES

106. Wickham charts the trajectory of urban decay and change in early medi- eval Italy, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Europe and the Mediterranean 400– 800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 644–656. 107. Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, p. 65. For Lombard paganism, see Steven C. Fanning, “Lombard Arianism Reconsidered,” Speculum 56 (1981): 241–258, although much of his evidence derives from papal rhetoric and the vita of St. Barbatus of Benevento. Gian Piero Bognetti, who stressed Lombard Arianism, spoke of phases of conversion, seeing the entire ethnic group to move from Catholicism to Arianism and back again, “S. Maria Foris Portas di Castelseprio e la storia religiosa dei Longobardi,” Santa Maria di Castelseprio (Milan: Fondazione Treccani degli Alfieri per la storia di Milano, 1948), pp. 33–34; Bognetti emphasized the Archangel’s role in the downfall of Arianism, but had to acknowledge Michael’s ambiguity and appeal to all, “I e la storia della Chiesa nel regno dei Longobardi,” L’Et à longobarda 3 (Milan: Giufré , 1967), pp. 334–335. 108. Everett lays out the most recent view of the Lombard occupation, their Romanization, and their religious persuasion (Lombard Literacy, pp. 54–99). T. S. Brown explores the Byzantine perspective, Gentlemen and Officers, Imperial Administration and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy A. D. 554– 800 (Rome: British School at Rome, 1984), particularly pp. 39–60. Also, Stefano Palmieri, “Duchi, principi e vescovi nella Longobardia meridion- ale,” in Longobardia e longobardi nell’Italia meridionale, le istituzioni ecclesiastiche, edited by Giancarlo Andenna and Giorgio Picasso (Milan: Vita e pensiero, 1996), pp. 43–99. 109. Otranto, “Il santuario micaelico dei Gargano,” p. 387. 110. Paul the Deacon, HL V.6–10, MGH SRL, p. 146–149. 111. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 44, pp. 64–65. For a photograph, see Il Santuario di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Gargano dalle origini al X secolo , edited by Giorgio Otranto and Carlo Carletti, Scavi e ricerche 4 (Bari: Edipuglia, 1990), pl. 35, p. 96. Otranto interprets the text to refer to Grimoald and Romuald I, “Il Regnum longobardo e il santuario micaelico del Gargano: note di epigrafia e storia,” Vetera Christianorum 22 (1985): 170–173. 112. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” p. 65. Flavia de Rubeis, “La tradizione epigra- fica longobarda nei ducati di Spoleto e Benevento,”in I longobardi dei ducati di Spoleto e Benevento , pp. 486–490; also Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, p. 269. 113. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 82, p. 90; Carletti, “Iscrizioni,” in Culte et pè lerinage, p. 93, and <>, Monteluco e monti sacri (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1994), pp. 66–67; Otranto, “Il santuario di san Michele sul gargano,” pp. 227–228. See as well Everett, Literacy in Lombard Italy, pp. 240–241, for a discussion of epigraphical “frontality.” 114. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” p. 90; Otranto and Carletti provide pho- tographs, Il Santuario di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Gargano , plates. 32–33, pp. 92–93. 115. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” pp. 90–91. NOTES 183

116. Ibid., pp. 88–89; de Rubeis, “La tradizione epigrafica longobarda,” pp. 492–493. Gaidemar’s work compares well with two inscriptions from eighth/ninth c. Siponto found in the Curia Arcivescovale di Manfredonia: Cristianziano Serricchio, “Due iscrizioni altomedievali,” Siponto Antica, pp. 275–279. 117. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 81, p. 88, and p. 20 for the phrasing. 118. Trotta, “Il luoghi del <>, pp. 144–149. 119. Renzulli, “La costruzione dell’ingresso monumentale,” in Culto e insedia- menti , pp. 167–172. 120. Everett, “Hagiography of Dispossession,” p. 381. 121. M ü ller-Riehle, Missale Beneventanum von Canosa, dates on pp. 37, 43, 45; propers for the September 29 festival, pp. 149–150. 122. De festis praecipuis item de virtutibus 32, PL 110.60. Everett, “Hagiography of Dispossession,” p. 365, f. 8, discusses the background and manuscript information. 123. Everett posits this argument as the motivation for the actual composition of one and only one version of the Liber, which he places in the mid- eighth century, “Hagiography of dispossession.” 124. Carletti, “Iscrizioni murali,” no. 58, p. 73; no. 71, p. 80; n. 87, p. 93; n. 88, p. 93; n. 101, p. 106. 125. Ibid., no. 61, p. 75; no. 62, p. 75; no. 83, p. 91; no. 8, p. 39; no. 10, p. 41. 126. Ibid., no. 58, p. 72. 127. R. Derolez and U. Schwab, “The Runic Inscriptions of Monte S. Angelo (Gargano),” Academiae Analecta 45 (1983): 95–130. 128. Otranto, “Il santuario di San Michele sul Gargano,” p. 230. 129. Paul the Deacon, HL V.3, p. 145. Bognetti attributes the construction of this church to Grimoald, Santa Maria di Castelseprio , p. 344. 130. As Donald A. Bullough suggests, along with other such possibilities as S. Michele Maggiore or an oratory within a tower in the west city wall “south of the Porta Maria, which before 839 had been annexed to the monastery of S. Maria Teodota,” “Urban Change in Early Medieval Italy: The Example of ,” Papers of the British School at Rome 34 (1966): 125– 126 [82–130], for a list of Michaeline dedications and p. 89 for a brief discussion of the tur ris ubi est oratorium in honore sancti Archangeli Michaelis . For Lombard relationships with cities and bibliography, see Cristina La Rocca, “Public Buildings and Urban Change in in the Early Mediaeval Period,” in The City in Late Antiquity, edited by John Rich (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 161–180. 131. Paul the Deacon, HL V.33, p. 155. 132. Paul the Deacon, HL V.41, p 161. 133. Philip Grierson and Mark Blackburn, Medieval European Coinage , vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pl. 16, p. 64; also Giorgio Otranto and Carlo Carletti, Il Santuario di S. Michele Arcangelo sul Gargano dalle origini al X secolo, pl. 19, p. 46. 134. Mark Blackburn, “Money and Coinage,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History , vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 666. 184 NOTES

135. E. Bernareggi, Il sistema economico e la monetazione dei Longobardi nell’Italia superiore (Milan: Mario Ratto, 1960), p. 76. See Medieval European Coinage , p. 432, pl. 8, for Ostrogothic pseudoimperial issues with Victory reverses, particularly Figure 122. The copy retained the bust and name of Justinian on the obverse. The winged victory stands left and holds a cross.

5 Michael Goes North 1. Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis archangeli in Monte qui dicitur Tumba V, edited by Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes, Chroniques latines du Mont Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe siè cle) 1 (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2009), pp. 98–99. All Latin citations are from Bouet’s edition. Mabillon’s edition is published as Apparitio de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Tumba, AASS, September 8.76–79, which John Charles Arnold translates into English: “The ‘Revelatio Ecclesiae de Sancti Michaelis’ and the Mediterranean Origins of Mont St.-Michel,” The Heroic Age 10 (May 2007), http://www. mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/arnold.html . All English citations are from that publication. For the relics, see Fran ç ois Neveux, “Les reliques du Mont-Saint-Michel,” in Culte et pè lerinages à Saint Michel en occident, les trois monts d é di é s à l’Archange , edited by Pierre Bouet, Giorgio Otranto, and André Vauchez (Rome: É cole franç aise de Rome, 2003), pp. 245–269. Also, Jacques Dubois, “Le tré sor des reliques de l’abbaye du Mont Saint–Michel,” Mill é naire monastique , vol. 1, pp. 501–593. 2. Bernardus monachus francus, Itinerarium 18, PL 121.574. 3. Revelatio V. 4. Walter Goffart addresses the historiographical issues surrounding this “transformation” model as opposed to that of “decline and fall,” Barbarian Tides (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), as does James J. O’Donnell, Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2005.07.69, http:// bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2005/2005-07-69.html (accessed July 24, 2012). O’Donnell reviews Peter Heather’s The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (London: Pan MacMillan, 2005), and Bryan Ward-Perkins’s The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), both of which tend toward the “decline and fall” model. Paul Halsall makes the case for “transformation,” in Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West 376–568 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007) as does Chris Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). For the Frankish settlement, see Edward James, The (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), and Ian Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms (London: Longman, 1994), who includes as well a brief discussion of the Burgundian settlement (pp. 8–13). Justin Favrod presents an expansive analysis of the Burgundian foundation, Histoire politique du royaume Burgonde (443–534) , Biblioth è que historique vaudoise 113 (Lausanne: Bibliothè que historique vaudoise, 1997). Walter Goffart adduces a possible technical and legal NOTES 185

context for settlement, Barbarians and Romans, 418–584: The Techniques of Accomodation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 127–161. 5. Favrod, Histoire politique, pp. 363–373; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms, pp. 71–87. 6. For Clovis, W. M. Daly reviews the historiography, “Clovis, How Barbaric, How Pagan?” Speculum 69 (1994): 619–664; James, Franks , pp. 78 ff.; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 41–49; Halsall, Barbarian Migrations , pp. 303–310. 7. Yitzhak Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, AD 481–751 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), presents the most forceful argument for this swift and thorough Christianization of Gaul, especially pp. 154–206. Hen’s “maximalist” posi- tion conflicts with recent analyses of the exceptionally slow Christianization of Hispania as discerned in the archeological record: Michael Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2010), pp. 215–255. James sees a lengthier process for Gaul (Franks , pp. 121– 128). Wickham (Framing ) and Halsall (Barbarian Migrations) both insist on regional variations as a basic analytical principle for the early medieval West. Felice Lifshitz concurs with Hen’s suggestion that shifting perceptions as to “proper” Christianity led to eighth-century characterizations of the Merovingian Church as lax, “pagan,” and “barbaric”: The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1995), pp. 1–17. 8. Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul. For the coin hoards, refer to Aline Rousselle, Croire et guérir. La Foi en Gaule dans l’Antiquit é tardive (Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 31–64. For the socioeconomic context, see Halsall, Barbarian Migrations , pp. 81–86, 346–357; Wickham, Framing , pp. 168–203. 9. Rousselle, Croire et gu é rir , pp. 65–96. 10. See S. Deyts, “Nouvelles figurations anatomiques en bois des sources de la Seine,” Revue arché ologique de l’Est 20 (1969), pp. 235–245, and the discus- sions of T. G. E. Powell, The Celts (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1983), pp. 166–179. Also É mile Thévenot, Divinit é s et sanctuaires de la Gaule (Paris: A. Fayard, 1968), pp. 200–221. 11. Roy Kotansky, “Two Amulets against Hailstorm,” text A:9–10, Greek Magical Amulets, Part 1, Papyrologica Coloniensia 22 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994), pp. 46–53. 12. For an amulet from the Cairene market, refer to London Hay 10122, a generic gynecological spell dating from the mid-seventh century incorpo- rating drawn figures, ring letters, signs, and at least fifteen legible angelic names. It comprised part of an archive of five amulets written by the same scribe, all for generic clients, and surely offered to the public on the thriving amulet market operating within Old Cairo: W. E. Crum, “Magical Texts in Coptic—II,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 20 (1934): 197–200, translated by D. Frankfurter, Ancient Christian Magic, p. 17. Skemer briefly discusses Cairene amulets, the Geniza depository, and Byzantine amulet production in Binding Words, pp. 27–29. St. Boniface addressed the issue of a Roman amulet market, St. Bonifatii et Lulli Epistolae 50, edited by 186 NOTES

M. Tangl, MGH Ep. Sel. I, pp. 84–85 with translation by E. Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), pp. 59–60. 13. For text, date, and commentary, see R. S. O. Tomlinson, “‘Sede in tuo loco ’: A fourth-century Uterine Phylactery in Latin from Roman Britain,” Zeitschrift f ü r Papyrologie und Epigraphik 15 (1997): 291–294. Mention of Greek and Aramaic versions by M. W. C. Hassall and R. S. O. Tomlinson, “Roman Britain in 1995,” Britannia 27 (1996): 444, f. 24. For other British examples, see Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets: The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze “Lamellae .” Part 1 . Papyrologica Coloniensia 22 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994), pp. 13–15. 14. For a compendium of Romano-British defixiones , refer to the website “Curse Tablets of Roman Britain,” http://curses.csad.ox.ac.uk/index.shtml and its bibliography, http://curses.csad.ox.ac.uk/tablets/bibliography.shtml (accessed July 23, 2012). For the dossier from Bath, see Barry Cunliffe, The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath. Vol 2. The Finds from the Sacred Spring (Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 1988). 15. Caesarius of Arles, Sermo L.1–3, edited by Germain Morin, CCSL 103 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1953), p. 225–226. 16. Caesarius of Arles, Sermo LIV.1, ibid., pp. 235–236. 17. Ibid., LIV.5, p. 239 and LIII, pp. 233–235. 18. Ibid., LII.5, p. 232. 19. Ibid., CXCII.4, CCSL 104, p. 782. 20. Hen uses the sermons of Caesarius as evidence for an absence of a pagan sensibility during the later fifth and sixth centuries (Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, p. 171), but for a more moderate view, see William E. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, the Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 201–243. 21. Sinodus Antissiodorensis 3, Concilia Galliae , edited by Charles Munier and Charles de Clercq CCSL 148 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1963), p. 163. Also, Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, pp. 184–185. 22. Rouselle, Croire et gu é rir , pp. 171–208. Also, Raymond Van Dam, Saints and Their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); and Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), especially pp. 115–300; Sulpicius Severus, Vie de Saint Martin, introduction, edition, translation, and commen- tary by Jacques Fontaine, SC 133–135 (Paris: É ditions du Cerf, 1967–69), English translation by F. R. Hoare, The Western Fathers (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954), pp. 10–44. 23. Martin conformed much more closely to the pattern of the “desert fathers” whose asceticism allowed them to lead the “angelic life,” as Clare Stancliffe points out. See St. Martin and His Hagiographer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 233–248. Compare Martin with St. of Egypt: Athanasius of Alexandria, The Life of Antony and the Letter to Marcellinus , translated by Robert C. Gregg (New York: Paulist Press, 1980), as well as the Desert NOTES 187

Fathers, Benedicta Ward, The Desert Christian: The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (New York: MacMillan, 1975). Also, Derwas Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford: Blackwell, 1966). 24. Sulpicius Severus, VM 14. 25. Sulpicius Severus, VM 19. 26. Stancliffe, St. Martin and His Hagiographer , pp. 236–239. St. Antony delivered a lengthy discourse on discernment among angels and demons: Athanasius, Vita Antonii 17–33. 27. Sulpicius Severus, VM 23. 28. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VIII.15, pp. 380–383. 29. Van Dam, Saints and Their Miracles , particularly pp. 116–149. 30. Gregory of Tours, Libri de virtutibus sancti Martini episcopi II.4, edited by Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM I.2, pp. 160–161; Sozomen, Histoire ecclé siastique II.4. 31. Cassiodorus-Epiphanius, Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita II.19, edited by Walter Jacob and Rudolf Hanslik, CSEL 71 (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1952), p. 118. For background and bibliography, see James J. O’Donnell, Cassiodorus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), Chapter 6, 1995 “Postprint,” http://www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/jod/texts/cass- book/chap6.html. Also, M. L. W. Laistner, “The Value and Influence of Cassiodorus’ Ecclesiastical History,” in The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages , edited by Chester G. Starr (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1957), pp. 22–39. 32. Averil Cameron, “The Byzantine Sources of Gregory of Tours,” Journal of Theological Studies 26 (1975): 421–426. 33. Gregory of Tours, Liber in Gloria Martyrum 7, edited by Bruno Krusch and Wilhelm Levison, MGH SRM I.2, p. 43. 34. Colette Lamy-Lassalle catalogues the earliest sites and the altars, “Sanctuaires consacr és à Saint Michel en France des origines à la fin du ixe siè cle,” Mill é naire monastique 3, pp. 113–126. 35. As made clear by the vita of Marcellus of Die 9.1, Fran ç ois Dolbeau, “La vie en prose de Saint Marcel, ev ê que de Die,” Francia 11 (1983): 124 [97–130]; Favrod, Royaume burgonde , pp. 367–373. 36. Paul S. Barnwell, Emperor, Prefects, and Kings—The Roman West, 395– 565 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), pp. 82–89. 37. Only fragments of the text remain. Avitus of Vienne, Sermo XVII, “In dedi- catione ecclesiae archangeli Michaelis,”edited by Rudolf Peiper, MGH AA 6.2 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1883), pp. 125–126. For background and con- text on Avitus, see Avitus of Vienne, Letters and Selected Prose, translated with introduction and notes by Danuta Shanzer and Ian Wood (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002), pp. 3–27. Also, Ian Wood, “The Audience of Architecture in Post-Roman Gaul,” The Anglo-Saxon Church: Papers on History, Architecture, and Archaeology in Honour of Dr. H. M. Taylor , edited by L. A. S. Butler, Richard Morris, and Harold McCarter Taylor, CBA Research Report 60 (London: Council for British Archaeology, 1986), pp. 74–79; and A. Coville, R é cherches sur l’histoire de Lyon du Vè me siè cle au 188 NOTES

IX è me siè cle (Paris: A. Picard, 1928), pp. 209–210, 465–466. Wood points to Avitus’s appreciation of Michael’s presence (The Anglo-Saxon Church, p. 77). Ann R. Meyer discusses the theme of Jacob’s Ladder and Michael within the later traditional liturgy for church dedications, particularly with regard to St. Denis: Medieval Allegory and the Building of the New Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 84–87. References to Jacob’s Ladder and Gen 28.11-12 occur in the second of two sermons for the dedication of a church, which Albert H ö fer attributed to Caesarius of Arles, “Zwei unbekannte Sermones des Caesarius von Arles,” Revue b é n é- dictine 74 (1964): 49. 38. Epitaphium Caretenes religiosae reginae , MGH AA 6.2, p. 185. Gerd Kampers provides the best overview and discussion of the epitaph, “Caretena— Kö nigin und Asketin,” Francia 27 (2000): 1–32; Wood, “The Audience of Architecture in Post-Roman Gaul,” The Anglo-Saxon Church, and Coville, R é cherches sur l’histoire de Lyon , pp. 209–210, 465–466. 39. Vita Rusticolae sive Marciae abbatissae Arelatensis 8, edited by Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM IV (Berlin: Hahn, 1892), p. 343. Jo Ann McNamara supplies the date of her appointment in Sainted Women of the Dark Ages , edited and translated by J. McNamara, J. Halborg, and G. Whatley (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), p. 120. The old convent was built in the fifth cen- tury around a baptistery dedicated to John the Baptist. The community definitely had relocated by the early ninth century: J. Hubert, “La topog- raphie religieuse d’Arles au VIe si è cle,” Cahiers archéologiques 2 (1947): 21–23 [17–27]. 40. Andrea Schaller states as her principal thesis that the early medieval Michael had no individual character or unique iconography, as he simply channeled God’s powers: Der Erzengel Michael im fr ü hen Mittelalter: Ikonographie und Verehrung eines Heiligen ohne Vita (Bern: Peter Lang, 2006), pp. 18–20. 41. McNamara, Sainted Women , pp. 60–65, provides background. 42. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VI.29, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 295–297. 43. Ibid. 44. The little story of Disciola’s passing telescoped allusions to texts that Gregory knew well. One was an early Latin version of the Transitus Mariae of which he made use when he recounted the Assumption of the Virgin in Glory of the Martyrs. In Gregory’s retelling, as the apostles kept vigil around Mary’s deathbed, “Jesus came with his angels, and receiving her soul, he handed it to the angel Michael and then departed.” A recital of the discovery of the True Cross by Constantine’s mother Helena immediately followed, Liber in Gloria Martyrum, 4–5, MGH SRM I.2, p. 39. 45. Gregory of Tours, DLHF III, prologue, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 96–97; Ian Wood, Gregory of Tours (Bangor: Headstart History, 1994), pp. 33–35. 46. Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms, pp. 43–54; James, Franks , pp. 121–160; Favrod, Histoire politique , p. 361 ff.; Van Dam, Leadership and Community , pp. 57 ff. 47. Roger Collins, Visigothic Spain 409–711 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), pp. 57–69; and Early Medieval Spain, Unity in Diversity 400–1000 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983), pp. 32–58. NOTES 189

48. Martin Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours: History and Society in the Sixth Century , translated by Christopher Carroll (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 126. 49. Heinzelmann understands Gregory to view the antithesis of good and evil as the driving force of history, maintaining that Gregory constructed a model of historical writing around paired characters and events that represented divine power in conflict with diabolical power (ibid., pp. 101 ff.). 50. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VI.45, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 317–319. The bibli- cal citation is taken from Lewis Thorpe’s translation of Gregory’s Histories (London: Penguin, 1974), p. 379. 51. Heinzelmann addresses Gregory as a theologically concerned author of his- tory ( Gregory of Tours , pp. 153–166). 52. For a discussion of the “locust and the caterpillar” in Arian exegesis, see Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997), pp. 13, 20, 35, and for its connection to Joel 2.25, p. 838. 53. Gregory of Tours, DLHF VI.45, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 317–319. 54. Actus Pontificum Cenomannis in urbe degentium 11, edited by Gustave Busson and Ambroise Ledru, Archives historiques du Maine II (Le Mans: Socié t é des archives historiques du Maine, 1901), pp. 99–100. 55 . Liber in Gloria Confessorum 39, MGH SRM I.2, p. 322. English translation by Raymond van Dam, The Glory of the Confessors (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988), pp. 51–52. 56. A second- or third-century “love” amulet from Tunisia inscribed the image of a sword on the reverse (evocative of the phallus), with magic signs placed within the blade and the word ma í noito, “may she be driven mad (sexually)” written within the handle: Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets 62, pp. 369–373. 57. Sulpicius Severus, VM 14.3–4. 58. Origen, Selecta in Iesum Nave, PG 12.822. Here God places the Israelites under the command of Michael following the death of Moses. 59. Giselle De Nie noted the resonances with Jesus, Views from a Many-Windowed Tower: Studies of Imagination in the Work of Gregory of Tours (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1987), p. 228. 60. Liber in Gloria Confessorum 39. 61. De Nie, Views from a Many-Windowed Tower , p. 228. 62. Rousselle discusses Marcellus’s practical approach to medicine that centered on appropriate treatment rather than theory (Croire et gu é rir, pp. 85–88). 63. Marcellus of Bordeaux, De medicamentis liber, 36.35, edited by Maximilian Niedermann, Corpus Medicorum Latinorum V (Leipzig/Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1916), p. 372. 64. Ibid., 36.27, p. 371; 36.32, p. 372. 65. Ibid., 36.70, p. 379. 66. Aline Rousselle discusses the medical abilities of St. Martin who healed the eyes of Paulinus of Nola, VM 19: “Du sanctuaire au thaumaturge: la gué rison en Gaul au IVe siè cle,” Annales 31 (1976): 1085–1107. 67. Testament of Solomon 6.9, edition and introduction by Chester Charlton McCown (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1922), pp. 23–24. 190 NOTES

Translated by M. Whittaker in Sparks, The Apocryphal Old Testament, pp. 733– 751. The text, which dates to the third century and apparently circulated only in Greek, has much in common with the weltanschauung of the magic papyri. 68. While Giselle De Nie had characterized these amulets as “magical” when she wrote Views from a Many-Windowed Tower, p. 228, she later understood that within the context of sixth-century Gaul, these sorts of practices were “Christian” because they drew upon “divine” power based in Scripture. “Pagan magic” appealed to diabolical power: “Caesarius of Arles and Gregory of Tours: Two Sixth-Century Gallic Bishops and ‘Christian Magic,’” in Word, Image and Experience: Dynamics of Miracle and Self–Perception in Sixth–Century Gaul (Burlington, VT: Ashgate/Variorum, 2003), V.173–78. 69. Isabelle Moreira also notes the demonic origin and the scriptural remedy: Dreams, Visions, and Spiritual Authority (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), p. 84. 70. Sinodus Antissiodorensis 3, Concilia Galliae , p. 163. 71. Hubert Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich: Die Collectio Vetus Gallica, die ä lteste systematische Kanonessammlung des frä nkischen Gallien (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 1–17, 38–39. Mordek stressed that the canons of Laodicea entered Gaul through the older Dionysia rather than the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (long attributed to Isidore of Seville), or the later Dionysia-Hadriana collection received from Pope Hadrian at ’s request. For the Dionysia and Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, see Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta Iuris Antiquissima II, edited by C. H. Turner (Oxford: Clarendon, 1907). Also, Rosamond McKitterick, “Knowledge of Canon Law in the Frankish Kingdoms before 789; the Manuscript Evidence,” Journal of Theological Studies 36 (1985): 97–117. 72. Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich , p. 524: De his, qui angelos colunt. Quod non oporteat christianos ecclesiam Dei derelinquere et ire atque angelos nominare et congregationes facere, que interdicta noscuntur. Si quis igitur inventus fuerit huic occulte idolatrie serviens, sit anathema, quia dereliquit Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum, Filium Dei, et se idolatriae tradidit. 73. See Giselle De Nie’s “History and Miracle: Gregory’s Use of Metaphor” for insight into Gregory’s understanding that language manifests its cor- responding ideal concept: The World of Gregory of Tours , edited by Kathleen Mitchell and Ian Wood (Leiden: Brill, 2002), pp. 261–279. 74. Das Decretum Gelasianum V.8.6, edited by Ernst von Dobschü tz (Leipzig: Teubner, 1912), p. 13: Phylacteria omnia quae non angelorum, ut illi confingunt, sed daemonum magis nominibus conscripta sunt. 75. Gregory of Tours, DLHF IX.6, MGH SRM I.1, pp. 417–418. 76. Gregory construed as a “false prophet” and thus a forerunner of the Antichrist: Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours , pp. 76–87. 77. See, e.g., Michel Rouche, who insisted on an Irish origin for Mont Saint-Michel: “Le Combat des saints anges et des demons: la victoire de Saint Michel,” in Santi e demoni nell’alto medioevo occidentale 1, Settimane di studio 36 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1989), NOTES 191

pp. 544–546 [pp. 533–571]. Philippe Faure modifies this position to admit Monte Gargano alongside the “celtic lands” as the “twin poles” for the cult’s northern diffusion: “L’ange du haut Moyen Âge occidental (IVe–IXe siè- cles): création ou tradition?” Médiévales 15 (1988): 39 [31–49]. 78. Olga Antonovna Dobias Rozadestvenskaia, La culte de Saint Michel et le Moyen  ge latin (Paris: A. Picard, 1922). This French version represents an abridgment of the Russian original published in Leningrad in 1918. 79. Andrea Schaller coins the term “irisches Gegenmodell”: Der Erzengel Michael, p. 16. Eberhard Gothein discusses the Germanic Michael, Die Kulturentwicklung Sü d-Italiens , pp. 76–97; Bognetti viewed the archangel as something of a Lombard “national” saint: “I ‘Loca Sanctorum’ e la storia della Chiesa nel regno dei Longobardi,” pp. 334–335. 80. It has not yet disappeared, as seen with Thomas Cahill’s How the Irish Saved Civilization (New York: Anchor Books, 1995), although that book’s con- tents do not adhere to this position quite as rigidly as the title would sug- gest. Felice Lifshitz uses the terms “iromania,” “irophilia,” or “insularophilia” when clearly delineating this historiographical position, its formation, and its purposes (The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria , pp. 72–99). 81. See the various articles in Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism , edited by H. B. Clarke and Mary Brennan, BAR International Series 113 (Oxford: BAR, 1981) and Die Iren und Europa im fr ü heren Mittelalter, edited by Heinz L öwe, 2 vols. (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982). Also, Cyril Vogel, La Discipline p é nitentielle en Gaule des origines à la fin du VII siè cle (Paris: Letouzey et Ané , 1952). 82. Recent conferences have brought together scholars of both Mont Saint- Michel and Monte Gargano: Culte et pè lerinages à Saint Michel and Culto e santuari. These publications reflect the impact of Europeanization on the nationalist historiography that has framed work on this cult for many decades. 83. Adomn á n’s Life of Columba , edited and translated by Alan Orr Anderson and Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991). 84. Jean-Michel Picard, “Structural Patterns in Early Hiberno-Latin Hagiography,” Peritia 4 (1985): 76–77 [67–82]. Further criticism in Kathleen Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), pp. 219–247; Richard Sharpe, Medieval Irish Saints’ Lives: An Introduction to “Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae” (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991). 85. Jean-Michel Picard, “The Purpose of Adomná n’s Vita Columbae,” Peritia 1 (1982): 160–177. As to the structure and governance of the early Irish church, Colman Etchingham provides the most recent overview. See Church Organisation in Ireland, AD 650–1000 (Maynooth: Laigin Publications, 1999). Etchingham argues for a diversity of structures, with episcopal con- trol coexisting with that of abbots and patrons. Richard Sharpe discusses the historiographical issues and positions with regard to these structures, “Some Problems Concerning the Organization of the Church in Early Medieval Ireland,” Peritia 3 (1984): 230–270, as he critiques Kathleen Hughes’s 192 NOTES

influential view of an episcopal structure changing into an abbatial structure as found in her The Church in Early Irish Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 39–78, and “The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept? ” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies I (1981): 1–20. 86. Life of Saint Columba III.9. 87. Rozhdestvenskaia, La culte , Chapter 3 , generally for her Insular/Irish thesis, pp. 26–28, specifically for Mont Saint-Michel; p. 30 for dedications. 88. Revelatio 4. 89. Walter Horn, Jenny White Marshall, and Grellan D. Rourke, The Forgotten Hermitage of Skellig Michael (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p. 10. Edward Bourke provides a description of the site and its structures: “A Preliminary Analysis of the Inner Enclosure of Skellig Michael, Co. Kerry,” in Above and Beyond: Essays in Memory of Leo Swan, edited by Tom Condit and Christiaan Corlett (Wicklow: Wordwell, 2005), pp. 121–137. Also, Liam de Paor, “A Survey of Scelig Mhich í l,” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 85 (1955): 174–187. Jean-Pierre Mouton speaks to the evangelization of the Avranchin and Cotentin by Saints Pair and Scubillion from Poitou: Histoire religieuse du Mont-Saint-Michel (Rennes: É ditions Ouest-France, 2009), pp. 25–29. 90. Martyrology of Tallaght, edited by R. I. Best and Henry J. Lawlor, HBS 68 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1931). Nora Chadwick, The Age of the Saints in the Early Celtic Church (London: Oxford University Press,1961), p 101. 91. The Forgotten Hermitage , p. 10, dates the church and correlates it with textual evidence. 92. VM 6. Gallinaria, found off the coast of Genoa, predated not only Lé rins, the “nursery of Gallican bishops,” but also the Skellig, Iona, and Lindisfarne: Chadwick, The Age of the Saints , p. 95. 93. Das Irische Palimpsestsakramentar im CLM 14429 der Staatsbibliothek M ü nchen , edited by Alban Dold and Leo Eizenhö fer, Texte und Arbeiten 53/54 (Beuron: Beuroner Kunstverlag, 1964), pp. 30–40. Also, Neil Xavier O’Donoghue, The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2011), 77–79; and J. Autenrieth, “Irische Handschriftenü berlieferung auf der Reichenau,” in Die Iren und Europa im fr ü heren Mittelalter , vol. 2, edited by Heinz Lö we (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982), pp. 903–915. 94. Das Irische Palimpsestsakramentar, pp. 80–112, for a detailed description of the formulae and their antecedents. Antiphonary of Bangor, edited by F. E. Warren and William Griggs, HBS, vols. 4 and 10 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1893–95); and Michael Curran, The Antiphonary of Bangor and the Early Irish Monastic Liturgy (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1984). 95. The Stowe Missal, MS D.II.3 in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy Dublin , edited by George F. Warner, HBS 31–32 (London: Boydell Press, 1989), with the litany and the memento in vol. 32, p. 3 and p. 14. The last bishop mentioned in the diptychs of the Stowe Missal is Maileruen, or S. Maelruain of Tallaght, whose death in 792 provides a terminus post quem NOTES 193

for the mass portion of the book. O’Donoghue discusses the text and its contents, The Eucharist in Pre-Norman Ireland, p. 62–77; Klaus Gamber, “Irische Liturgiebü cher und ihre Verbreitung auf dem Kontinent,” Die Iren und Europa, vol. I, pp. 536–548, locates Stowe within the context of all Irish liturgical manuscripts. 96. A conclusion reached as well by Jean-Michel Picard, “La diffu- sion du culte de saint Michel en Irlande mé di évale,” Culto e santuari, pp. 136–143 [pp. 133–146]. 97. Martyrology of Tallaght, introductory remarks and entry on p. 75. Also Paul Grosjean, “Le Martyrologe de Tallaght,” Analecta Bollandiana 51 (1933): 117–130. 98. Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee, edited by Whitley Stokes, HBS 29 (London: Harrison and Sons,1905), pp. xxxvii–xxxviii; Peter O’Dwyer, C é l í D é . Spiritual Reform in Ireland, 750–900 (Dublin: Editions Tailliura, 1981), p. 142; Hughes, Sources , pp. 205–210. 99. The others being two feasts at Christmas, two at Easter, Pentecost, the Return from Egypt, and the Presentation in the Temple, O’Dwyer, C é l í D é , p. 113–114; Martyrology of Oengus , p. 197. 100 . Martyrology of Oengus , p. 213. 101. Westley Follett, “Archangelum mirum magnum: a Hiberno-Latin hymn attributed to Má el Rú ain of Tallaght,” The Journal of Medieval Latin 19 (2009): 106–129. 102. Westley Follett provides the most recent interpretation, C é li Dé in Ireland, Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages (Woodbridge, UK/ Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2006), especially p. 189 ff. Follett builds upon the insights of Brian Lambkin, “Blathmac and the Cé ili Dé ; a Reappraisal,” Celtica 23 (1999): 132–154. Lambkin challenges a Culdee rejection of the secular world as articulated by O’Dwyer, C é l í D é , pp. 1–28. O’Dwyer understood the desire of the Cé li D é to recover the original inspiration of the anchoritic movement, but disagreed with Kathleen Hughes’s asser- tion that the Culdees constituted actual self-contained communities (The Church in Early Irish Society , pp. 173–174). 103. O’Dwyer, C é l í D é , pp. 28–30. 104. Evangeliorum Quattuor Codex Lindisfarnensis , facsimile edition by Thomas Downing Kendrick et al., vol. 1 (Olten and Lausanne: Urs Graf, 1956–60), pp. 34–37. Also, Michelle P. Brown, The Lindisfarne Gospels: Society, Spirituality and the Scribe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 182–185, for the liturgical apparatus and more generally for a wealth of information on the text and book production as well as exhaustive bibliography. 105. Bede provides the context, Ecclesiastical History of the English people , IV.1–2, edited and translated by Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 329–337; Germain Morin indicates the actual liturgical reading, “Liturgie et basiliques de Rome au milieu du VIIe siè cle d’après les listes d’évangiles de Wü rzburg,” Revue Bé n é dictine 28 (1911): 316 [296–330]. 194 NOTES

106. Bertram Colgrave, The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). The identification of the author stems from Bede, Ecclesiastical History IV.2, who speaks of an Æ ddi or Stephanus invited from Canterbury to Northumbria by Wilfrid, although D. P. Kirby concludes otherwise: “Bede, Eddius Stephanus and the ‘Life of Wilfrid,’” English Historical Review 98 (1983): 101–114. Brown provides the quote, Lindisfarne Gospels , p. 10. 107. For his early career, VW 1–6; for his connections with Aunemundus and Luxeuil, Ian Wood, “Ripon, Francia and the Franks Casket in the Early Middle Ages,” Northern History 26 (1990): 10–13 [1–19]. As for the Synod of Whitby, VW 10 and Bede, HE III.25, ibid., pp. 294–309; Henry Mayr- Harting, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (State College, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), pp. 103–113; Brown, Lindisfarne Gospels , 30–36. 108. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 110–111. 109. VW 24–33; 46–55. Wallace-Hadrill, Frankish Church, pp. 110–111; Mayr- Harting, Coming of Christianit y, pp. 127–147. 110. Toussaints du Plessis , Histoire de l’église de Meaux, vol. 1 (Paris: Julien- Michel Gandouin et Pierre-Franç ois Giffart, 1731), p. 18; Friedrich Prinz, Fr ü hes Mö nchtum im Frankenreich (Vienna: Oldenbourg, 1965), pp. 124–126; Geneviè ve Aliette de Rohan-Chabot, marquise de Maillé , Les Cryptes de Jouarre (Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1971), pp. 51–52. 111. VW 56. 112. et ecce vir stetit ante me in veste candida (Acts 10.30, Vulgate). VW 56. William Trent Foley, Images of Sanctity in Eddius Stephanus’ Life of Bishop Wilfrid, an Early English Saint’s Life (Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen, 1992), p. 38, draws attention to the citation, but does not fully develop the logic behind its use. 113. VW 67; Foley, Images of Sanctity, 38–39. 114. Foley, Images of Sanctity , pp. 13–20. 115. H. P. R. Finberg, “The Archangel Michael in Britain,” Mill é naire Monastique 3, p. 462; Elsmarie Knö gel-Anrich, Schriftquellen zur Kunstgeschichte der Merowingerzeit (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1992), p. 216, citing Richard of Hexham, De statu et episcopis Hagustaldensis ecclesiae 3, written c. 1150. 116. Mayr-Harting, Coming of Christianity, pp. 156–159; Finberg, “The Archangel Michael in Britain,” p. 462. 117. Owen Chadwick, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the Welsh Church,” in Studies in Early British History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), pp. 183, suggests that this current began with the Roman missions of the early seventh century. 118. Guillaume de Saint-Pair, Le roman du Mont Saint-Michel (XIIe siè cle ) 66–68, edited by Catherine Bougy (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen & Scriptorial—Ville d’Avranches, 2009), p. 117; Jacques Hourlier, “Le Mont Saint-Michel avant 966,” Mill é naire monastique 1, pp. 16–18; Mouton, Histoire religieuse du Mont-Saint-Michel , pp. 25–29. NOTES 195

119. Marcel Lelegard, “Saint Aubert,” Mill é naire monastique 1, pp. 29–30, and more recently Katherine Allen Smith, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s Body: The Making of the Cult of Aubert of Avranches at Mont-Saint- Michel,” Journal of Medieval History 29 (2003): 347–360. 120. The composition of Revelatio is dated from c. 816 to c. 867. Pierre Bouet opts for the earlier date, “La Revelatio et les origines du culte à Saint Michel sur le Mont Tombe,” Culte et pè lerinages, pp. 65–90, while Nicholas Simonnet presents an equally plausible argument for the latter, “La fondation du Mont- Saint-Michel d’apr ès la ‘Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis,’”Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l’Ouest 106 (1999): 7–23. For Bouet, the work origi- nates in the aftermath of the Council of Aachen (816), which imposed the Institutio canicorum on all cathedral and basilican communities. According to its canon 101, all members of those communities fell under the direction of the local bishop. The then bishop of Avranches asserted his authority by means of this hagiographical history of the foundation. Simmonet sees its genesis in the years 850–867 when, as the Mount began to come under Breton domination, the bishop of Avranches used the text to support tradi- tional Frankish claims to the region. 121. John James G. Alexander establishes the date at 708 with dedication in 709, citing the chronicle of Robert of Torigni, Norman Illumination at Mont St.-Michel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), p. 1, n. 1. Chadwick, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the Welsh Church,” p. 184, suggests 709, following the chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux. 122. Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 255–268. 123 . Annales Cambriae , edited by John Williams ab Ithel, Rerum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores (London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1860), p. 9; Nennius, British History and the Welsh Annals , edited and trans- lated by John Morris (London: Phillimore, 1980), p. 47. Kathleen Hughes provides background on the text, The Welsh Latin Chronicles: Annales Cambriae and Related Texts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974); Owen Chadwick discusses the dates, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the Welsh Church,” p. 184. 124. Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 3, edited by Georg Waitz, MGH SS IV, pp.79–80; Michel Parisse, “Origines et dé veloppe- ment de l’abbaye de Saint-Mihiel (VIIe–XIIe siècles),” Saint-Mihiel: journé es d’études meusiennes, 6–7 Octobre 1973 , Annales de l’Est 48 (Nancy: L’Université , 1974), pp. 25–32; Georges Weill, “Le culte de Saint Michel à Saint-Mihiel,” Mill é naire Monastique 3, pp. 325–328. 125. Liber Historiae Francorum 46 and Fredegar, Chronicarum cum continuationi- bus , Continuatio 3, edited by Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM II, pp. 319–320 and p. 170; Richard Gerberding, The Rise of the Carolingians and the Liber Historiae Francorum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp. 78–80; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms , pp. 227–229; Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 1. 126. Vincent Juhel and Catherine Vincent, “Culte et sanctuaires de Saint Michel en France,” Culto e santuari, pp. 183–193, suggest the Wulfing-Pippinid 196 NOTES

rivalry; Bouet, “La Revelatio et les origines,” p. 88, points to Aubert’s plau- sible political affiliation. 127. Gerberding, The Rise of the Carolingians , pp. 100–105. 128. Chartae Latinae Antiquores 599, edited by Albert Bruckner and Robert Marichal, vol. 15 (Dietikon-Zurich: Urs Graf Verlag, 1986). 129. Juhel and Vincent, “Culte et sanctuaires de Saint Michel en France,” p. 191. 130. Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 2; Juhel and Vincent, “Culte et sanctuaires de Saint Michel en France,” p. 191. 131. Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, pp. 9–124; Michael McCormick, The Origins of the European Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 83–115, 523–570. 132. Chartae Latinae Antiquores 88–89, p. 669; David Ganz and Walter Goffart, “Charters Earlier than 800 from French Collections,” Speculum 65 (1990): 930. 133. None number among the 30 written in b-miniscule that may have come from the mother house of Jouarre: Rosamond McKitterick, “Nun’s Scriptoria in England and Francia in the Eighth Century,” Francia 19 (1989): 11–12. 134. Chartae Latinae Antiquores 19, p. 682: The distinctive “a-z” script associated with nearby Laon locates the latter tag to Sens (McCormick, European Economy , pp. 290–318). 135 . Revelatio 8. 136. Revelatio 7. Katherine Allen Smith, “Architectural Mimesis and Historical Memory at the Abbey of Mont-Saint-Michel,” in Negotiating Community and Difference in Medieval Europe , edited by Katherine Allen Smith and Scott Wells (Leiden: Brill, 2009), pp. 65–82. 137. Michel de Boü ard, “L’Église Nôtre-Dame-sous-Terre au Mont Saint- Michel,” Journal de Savants (1961): 10–27; Yves-Marie Froidevaux, “L’Église N ô tre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint–Michel,” Monuments historiques de la France 7 (1961): 145–166. Florence Margo usefully sum- marizes these articles in a recent analysis, “Les crypts romanes du Mont Saint-Michel, ordonnance des espaces,” Espace ecclé sial et liturgie au Moyen  ge , Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient 53 (Lyon: La Maison de l’Orient et de la M é diterrané e, 2010), pp. 369–378. 138. Froidevaux, “L’Église N ô tre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint- Michel,” p. 147. 139. de Bo ü ard, “L’Église Nôtre-Dame-sous-Terre au Mont Saint-Michel,” p. 24. 140. Froidevaux, “L’Église N ô tre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint- Michel,” argued for the original integrity of the structure and believed it an imitation of the double caves of the Apulian shrine, an opinion reprised by Marco Trotta and Antonio Renzulli, “La grotta garganica: rapporti con Mont-Saint-Michel e interventi Longobardi,” Culte et P è lerinage , pp. 427– 448. For the most recent findings, see Christian Sapin, Maylis Baylé et al., “Arch é ologie du bâ ti et arché omé trie au Mont-Saint-Michel, nouvelles NOTES 197

approches de Notre-Dame-sous-Terre,” Arch é ologie mé di é vale 38 (2008): 71–122. 141. Silvia Bettochi points to similarities but too greatly characterizes the texts as mere doublets, “Note su due tradizioni micaeliche altomedievali: il Gargano e Mont Saint-Michel,” Vetera Christianorum , 31 (1994): 333–355. Bouet, “La Revelatio et les origines du culte à Saint Michel sur le Mont Tombe,” p. 72–74, correctly notes the great differences between the two texts even though the Liber serves as an important source. 142. Revelatio 5–6. 143. Revelatio 1; Pierre Bouet notes these citations, “La Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis et son auteur,” Tabularia: sources é crites de la Normandie mé di é vale , http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/crahm/revue/tabularia/bouetfreculf.html. Also, “La Revelatio et les origines du culte à Saint Michel sur le Mont Tombe,” p. 73. 144. Hrabanus Maurus, De festis praecipuis item de virtutibus 32, PL 110.60–63. For background and bibliography on the homiliary, see Nicholas Everett, “The Liber de Apparitione S. Michaelis in Monte Gargano and the Hagiography of Dispossession,” Analecta bollandiana 120 (2002): 365, n. 8. 145. Avranches, Bibliothè que municipale, MS 211, ff. 156–210; Hourlier, “Les sources é crites de l’histoire montoise anté rieure à 966,” Mill é naire Monastique 2, pp. 124–128. 146. Avranches, MS 211, f. 156; for a black-and-white facsimile, see Mill é naire Monastique I, pl. 2. For color images, http://www.aisling-1198.org/dos- siers/calligraphie-et-enluminure/nos-realisations/reproduction-du- manuscrit-n-211-davranches/ . 147. Revelatio 1, citing Liber 2, and the phrase “from among the seven always standing in view of the Lord” (Tobit 12.15), as well as Liber Responsalis, PL 78.805 for the “Doorkeeper of Paradise.” 148. As Yitzhak Hen has characterized it, The Bobbio Missal: Liturgy and Religious Culture in Merovingian Gaul, edited by Yitzhak Hen and Rob Meens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), particularly Hen’s intro- duction, pp. 1–7, and Rosamond McKitterick’s “The Scripts of the Bobbio Missal,” pp. 19–52. The text is printed in the Bobbio Missal, A Gallican Massbook (MS Paris. Lat. 13246), edited by E. A. Lowe, HBS, vols. 53, 58, and 61 (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1917–20), with the Michael Mass in facsimile in vol. 53, ff. 193v–195v and print version in vol. 58, pp. 117–118. 149. Germain Morin, “La ‘Missa in honore sancti Michahel’ du missal de Bobbio,” Revue bénédictine 15 (1898): 106–108; and Faure, “L’ange du haut Moyen Âge,” pp. 38–39. 150. All thoroughly discussed by McKitterick, “The Scripts of the Bobbio Missal,” pp. 19–52; and Hen, “The Liturgy of the Bobbio Missal,” The Bobbio Missal, pp. 140–153. Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, succinctly summarizes the arguments and provides supplemental bibliography (pp. 323–324). 151. Morin, “La ‘Missa in honore sancti Michahel,’” p. 107. 198 NOTES

152. Leo 846, p. 106, Bobbio Missal 397, p. 118: in die festivitatis hodierne quo in honore beati archangeli michahelis dedicata nomine tuo loca sacris sunt instituta mistriis. 153. Leo 846, p. 107, Bobbio Missal 397, p. 118: sollemnitate oblacio (sic) nostra fiat accepta . 154. precis populi tui domine: Das Sacramentarium Triplex , edited by Odilo Heiming, Corpus Ambrosiano Liturgicum I (Mü nster/Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1968). The phrase also appears in the feast of Pope Marcellus on January 16, n. 399, p. 36; St. Romanus, November 18, n. 2704, p. 253; the fifth Sunday of Advent, n. 120, p. 11; St. Lawrence outside the walls, n. 571, p. 52. 155. G. Morin, “La ‘Missa in honore sancti Michahel,’” p. 107. 156. Antoine Chavasse furnished the classic study, Le sacramentaire gé lasien (Tournai: Desclé e, 1958). Vogel summarizes the literature and presents bib- liography (Medieval Liturgy, pp. 64–70). E. A. Lowe points out the non- Roman accretions, particularly in quires 35 and 36, which comprise Paris Bib. Nat. 7193: “The Vatican MS of the Gelasian Sacramentary and its Supplement at Paris,”Journal of Theological Studies 27 (1925/26): 357–373. 157. Liber sacramentorum Romanae Aeclesiae ordinis anni circuli (Sacramentorium Gelasianum, Cod. Vaticanus Reginensis lat. 316 + Paris Bib. Nat. 7193 [ff. 41–56] ), edited by Leo Eizenhoefer, Petrus Siffrin, and Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, RED Series Maior, Fontes IV (Rome: Casa Editrice Herder, 1960). As to the at èlier of origin, Bernard Bischoff offered Chelles, “Die Kö lner Nonnenhandschriften und das Skriptorium von Chelles,” Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewä hlte Aufsä tze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, Band 1 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1966), pp. 16–34. Rosamond McKitterick challenged Bischoff’s findings in “The Diffusion of Insular Culture in Neustria between 650 and 850: The Implications of the Manuscript Evidence,” La Neustrie: les pays au nord de la Loire de 650 à 850 , edited by Hartmut Atsma, vol. 2 (Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1989), pp. 395–432, and then went on to propose Jouarre, “Nuns’ Scriptoria in England and Francia in the Eighth Century,” Francia 19 (1992): 1–35. 158. Lowe, “The Vatican MS of the Gelasian Sacramentary and its Supplement at Paris,” pp. 357–373. 159. Liber sacramentorum , p. 200. 160. Liber sacramentorum 1033, p. 200; and Leo 858, p. 108: Beati archangeli Michahelis intervencione suffulti supplices te, domine, depraecamus, ut quos honore prosequimur, contingamus et mente : per. Liber sacramentorum 1035, p. 200; and Leo 847, p. 107: Munus populi tui, domine, quaesumus dignanter adsume quod non nostris meritis, sed sancti archangeli tui Michahelis deprecacione sit gratum, per . 161. Liber Sacramentarium 1032, p. 200; and Sacramentarium Triplex 2556, p. 239. Da nobis, omnipotens deus, beati archangeli Michahelis eotenus honore proficere, ut cuius in terram gloriam praedicamus, praecibus adiuvemur in caelis: per. 162. Liber sacramentorium 1034, p. 200; and Sacramentarium Triplex 2555, p. 238: Perpetuum nobis, domine, tuae miseracionis praesta subsidium, quibus et angelica praestetisti suffragia non deese: per . NOTES 199

163. Liber sacramentarium 1036 and Sacramentarium Triplex 2554, p. 238: Adesto plebi tuae, misericors deus, et ut graciae tuae beneficia pociora percipiat, beati Michahelis archangeli fac supplicem deprecacionibus sublevari: per. 164 . Bobbio Missal 497, p. 153: + inimici per pasionem domini nostri tibi coniuro parcias ut non percucias + inimici per sanguenem domini nostri iesum christi tibi coniuro ut parcias non percocias + inimici per resorecionem domini tibi coniuro ut parcias ut non percucias . . . Find similar examples among P. Oxy. 924, P. Oxy. 1151, PGM IV.1227–64, or Vienna G 337, Rainer 1: Ancient Christian Magic, pp. 39–45. 165. Bobbio Missal 497: + ante ostio domno centorione paraletecos torquitur ante ostio dumno centorione paraletecos torquitur ante ostio domno centorione paraletecos torquitur . . . For the historiola , see David Frankfurter, “Narrating Power: The Theory and Practice of the Magical Historiola in Ritual Spells,” in Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, edited by Marvin Meyer and Paul Mirecki (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 457–476. 166 . Bobbio Missal 497, p. 153: + angelus micael + angelus gabriel angelus oriel angelus racoel angelus paracoel angelus oriel angelus rafael dignate illo salvare i nomene patri et filio et spiritoi sancto sanctus aridios sanctus donatos sanctus severus ad omnem dimonio miridiano sibi noctornom.” Skemer, Binding Words, pp. 105–107. 167. Ian Wood calls attention to these connections in “Liturgy in the Rhô ne Valley and the Bobbio Missal,” in The Bobbio Missal , pp. 206–218. 168. A point made by Skemer, Binding Words, pp. 125–169, which although directed toward a later period would certainly pertain to the early eighth century. Also refer to Karen Jolly’s discussion of a “middle practice,” that negotiation among folkloric elements and the liturgical and doctrinal concepts of formal Christianity to produce practices that most Christians (including elites) found useful, potent, necessary, and pious: Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), particularly pp. 1–34.

6 Michael Contained: The Carolingian Cultus 1. This material on Aldebert has appeared as “The Containment of Angels: Boniface, Aldebert, and the Roman Synod of 745,” Quaestiones medii aevi novae 17 (2013): 211–242. I thank the editor Prof. Wojciech Falkowski for its inclusion here. The entire protocol of the synod is published as Ep. 59, St. Bonifatii et Lulli Epistolae, edited by Michael Tangl, MGH Ep. Sel. I, pp. 108–120. Translated by Ephraim Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , with a new introduction and bibliography by T. F. X. Noble (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), pp. 76–85. Aldebert was tried along with the “Scot” Clemens, who was accused of sexual indiscretions and the teaching of the salvation of all, even the unbap- tized. Aldebert’s sacrilega figures prominently in Michael Glatthaar’s Bonifatius und das Sakrileg, Freiburger Beiträ ge zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte 17 (Frankfort am Main: Peter Lang, 2004), pp. 146–164. 200 NOTES

2. The bibliography on this topic is enormous. For a recent summary of the major concepts, see Thomas F. X. Noble, Images, Iconoclasm, and the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), pp. 230–242; and The Republic of St. Peter, the Birth of the Papal State 680–825 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), pp. 61–98. Also, Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977), pp. 80–154; Walter Ullman, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London: Methuen & Co, Ltd., 1969), pp. 43–110; J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, “The Via Regia of the Carolingian age,” Early Medieval History (London: Basil Blackwell, 1975), pp. 181–200. Felice Lifshitz rightly discerns the demonic as a perversion of the ordo pur- sued by Carolingian rulers and discusses a political discourse that embodied these concerns to emanate from Carolingian circles during the early eighth century (The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria , pp. 56–71). 3. Timothy Reuter used the phrase “canonical rightness” in his “Saint Boniface and Europe,” in The Greatest Englishman, edited by Timothy Reuther (Exeter: The Paternoster Press, 1980), p. 80 [pp. 71–94], when translating Willibald’s canonica rectitudo, Vita Bonifatii 46, AASS June I.469. The standard modern biography of Boniface remains Theodor Schieffer’s Winfrid-Bonifatius und die christliche Grundlegung Europas (Freiburg: Herder, 1954). John-Henry Clay summarizes the career of Boniface, using a lengthy bibliography of English and German works, as he centers his analysis of the conversion mission to Hessia around the phenomonology of landscape. See In the Shadow of Death: Saint Boniface and the Conversion of Hessia, 721–54 , Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 11 (Turnholt: Brepols, 2010), pp. 189– 236 and pp. 19–54, for Bonifatian historiography. For other basic and acces- sible English introductions to Boniface and his work, see T. F. X. Noble’s introduction to Emerton’s The Letters of Saint Boniface, pp. vii–xxxv; and John Sladden’s Boniface of Devon (Exeter: The Paternoster Press, 1980), which unfortunately lacks a scholarly apparatus, as well as J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 143–161. Also, Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity , pp. 262–274. 4. Ep. 59, p. 114, for the autohagiography and p. 115 for the “Letter from Heaven”; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface, pp. 81–82. Clovis Brunel addresses the phenomenon of heavenly letters: “Versions espagnoles, pro- ven ç ales et franç aise de la Lettre du Christ tomb é e du Ciel,” Analecta bol- landiana 68 (1950): 383–396. 5. Patrick Geary construes him in this positive light: “The Ninth-Century Trade: A Response to Popular Piety,” in Religion and the People 800–1700, edited by James Obelkevich (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), p. 10. Geary’s characterization builds upon Peter Brown’s now classic article, “The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,” in Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (London, 1982), pp. 80–101. 6. Raoul Manselli, “Resistenze dei culti antichi nella pratica religiosa dei laici nelle campagne,” Cristianizzazione ed organizzazione ecclesiastica delle NOTES 201

campagne nell’alto medioevo: espansione e resistenze , Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 28.1 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1982), pp. 90–94. Geary also construes him as one of “the numerous wandering bishops who opposed the strongly pro-Roman ecclesiastical structure espoused by Boniface,” “The Ninth- Century Relic Trade,” p. 11. Nicole Zeddies is rather too quick to dismiss Manselli’s contentions as pushing the evidence too far, “Bonifatius und zwei nü tzliche Rebellen: die H ä retiker Aldebert und Clemens,” in Ordnung und Aufruhr im Mittelalter , edited by M. T. F ögen, Studien zur europ ä ischen Rechtsgeschichte 70 (Frankfort am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1995), pp. 225–226, n. 25 [pp. 217–263]. For penance and its insular connec- tions, see Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom, second edition (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007), pp. 241–260; and Cyril Vogel, La Discipline pénitentielle en Gaule des origines à la fin du VII siècle (Paris: Letouzey et Ané , 1952). 7. Ep. 59, p. 112; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 79. 8. Karlmanni principis capitulare 1–5 (Concilium Germanicum) and Karlmanni principis capitulare Liptinense 1 (Council of Les Estinnes), edited by Alfred Boretius, MGH Capitularia regum francorum, vol. I, pp. 25 and 28. Wilfried Hartmann provides the dates, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Italien (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schö ningh, 1989), while Hans Joachim Sch ü ssler discusses the literature, “Die frä nkische Reichteilung von Vieux- Poitiers (742) und die Reform der Kirche in den Teilreichen Carlomans und Pippins,” Francia 13 (1985): 88 ff. Also, Jö rg Jarnut, “Bonifatius und die fr ä nkischen Reformkonzilien (743–748),” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fü r Rechtsgeschichte , Kanonistische Abteilung 65 (1979): 1–26. 9. Karlmanni principis capitulare 5 and Karlmanni principis capitulare Liptinense 4. Alan Dierkens examines the Indiculus and its manuscript history, “Superstitions, christianisme et paganisme à la fin de l’époque mé rovingi- enne: à propos de l’Indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum ,” in Magie, Sorcellerie, Parapsychologie , edited by H. Hasquin (Brussels: É ditions de l’Universit é de Bruxelles, 1984), pp. 9–26. Also, Glatthaar, Bonifatius und das Sakrileg, pp. 580–599. 10. Pippini principis capitulare Suessionense 2 and 7 (Capitulary of Soissons), edited by Alfred Boretius, MGH Capitularia regum francorum, vol. I, pp. 29–30. 11. Pippini principis capitulare Suessionense 1, p. 29. Zeddies, “Bonifatius und zwei nü tzliche Rebellen,” pp. 257–263, cites Hartmann, Synoden , pp. 56 ff, as she points to the correlations with Nicea and other past ecumenical councils, a view held as well by Willibald in his Vita Bonifatii 44, AASS June I, p. 468. 12. The manuscript tradition preserves the date of June 22, 744, but Paul Speck securely establishes the date of 743 in “Artabasdos, Bonifatius und die drei Pallia,” Zeitschrift fü r Kirchengeschichte 76 (1985): 179–195. 13. Ep. 57, pp. 103–104; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 73–74. 14. Lutz E. von Padberg, Bonifatius, Missionar und Reformer (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2003), p. 98. 202 NOTES

15. Percy Ernst Schramm calls attention to Boniface’s preoccupation with legal- ity as rooted in the canons: “Der heilige Bonifaz als Mensch,” Archiv fü r mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 20 (1968): 30–34 [9–36]. 16. Ep. 57, p. 104; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 73–74. 17. Ep. 59, p. 117; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 83. 18. Ep. 60, p. 123; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 88. 19. Ep. 77, pp. 160–161; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 113. 20. Willibald, Vita Bonifatii 43, AASS June I.468 with translation in Soldiers of Christ—Saints and Saints’ Lives from Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, edited by T. F. X. Noble and T. Head (State College: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), p. 131. 21. Auctore presbytero Moguntino, Vita Bonifatii Supplementum, AASS June I.474. 22. The litany, found in Montpellier MS H 409, Faculté de Mé decine, appeals to Mary, then to “Sancte Michael, Sancte Gabrihel, Sancte Rafahel, Sancte Orihel, Sancte Raguhel, Sancte Tobihel, Sancte Cherubim, Sancte Seraphim” et al., edited by Jean Mabillon in Vetera analecta (Farnborough: Gregg, 1967 reprint), pp. 170–171. See Astrid Kr ü ger for the most recent work on lita- nies, Litanei-Handschriften der Karolingerzeit , MGH Hilfsmittel 24 (Hannover: Hann’sche Buchhandlung, 2007), and her designation of the Litany of Soissons as “eine der ä ltesten kontinentalen Litaneien” (p. 20). Jeffrey Russell discusses it, “Saint Boniface and the Eccentrics,” Church History 33 (1964): 238 [235–247]. 23. Maurice Coens summarizes the evidence for its Soissonais origin in “Anciennes litanies des saints,” Analecta Bollandiana 62 (1944): 130– 131 [126–168]. Glatthaar calls Soisson Aldebert’s “Hochburg”: Bonifatius und das Sakrileg , p. 153. 24. Eugen Ewig, pointing to the 23 Neustrian bishops present at the Council of Soissons, notes in the litany the prominence of saints from the metro- politan province of Rheims (which includes Soissons) as well as the lack of saints from Austrasian dioceses and infers its performance at that royal gathering: “Beobachtungen zur Entwicklung der frä nkischen Reichskirche unter Chrodegang von Metz,” Fr ü hmittelalterliche Studien 2 (1968): 74–77 [67–77]. 25. Russell makes the suggestion, “Saint Boniface and the Eccentrics,” p. 238, drawing upon Henri Leclercq’s linkage of these names with Gnostic sects, s. v. Anges , in Dictionnaire d’arché ologie chré tienne et de liturgie, edited by Fernand Cabrol and Henri Leclercq, vol. 1 (Paris: Letouzey et Ané , 1903), cols. 2153– 2157 [2080–2161]. Certainly Irenaeus of Lyon’s second-century treatise Adversus haereses meticulously catalogued lists of suspect angels when iden- tifying and refuting “Gnostic” sects, but the small number of early medieval manuscripts would point to its exceptionally limited circulation. E. A. Lowe did not index Irenaeus in his comprehensive study of pre-ninth-century manuscripts: Codices Latini Antiquores, Supplementum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966). Dominic Unger notes only a ninth-century manuscript pre- pared at Corbie and another dating from 1166, but copied from an earlier NOTES 203

version known to Florus of Lyon, for it retains his preface: St. Irenaeus of Lyon: Against the Heresies, vol. 1, Ancient Christian Writers Series 15 (New York: Paulist Press, 1992), pp. 11–14. Karen. L. King’s What is Gnosticism (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2003), maps the current scholarly dilemma as to overarching definitions of “Gnostic-ism.” 26. Acipi domine anima famili tui illi, adsistant ei angeli tui septem : rafael estu ei sanitas, racuel estu ei aiutur hab amnibus artefecis gabole ne timiat, michail estu ei clepius iusticia, rumiel estu ei aiutur, saltyel esto ei protectur, danail estu i sani- tas . In Donatien de Bruyne, “Une messe gallicane iné dite pro defuncto,” R é vue bénédictine 34 (1922): 156 [156–158]; also Fragment of Bruyne, edited by Donatien de Bruyne in Missale Gallicanum Vetus , edited by Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, RED, Fontes 3 (Rome: Herder, 1958), pp. 96–97. 27. Ep. 10, pp. 7–15; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 3–9. Patrick Sims-Williams provides criticsm: Religion and Literature in Western England 600–800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 243–272; also, “A Recension of Boniface’s Letter to Eadburg about the Monk of Wenlock’s Vision,” Latin Learning and English Lore 1, edited by Katherine O’Brien and Andy Orchard (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), pp. 194–214. 28. Louis Gougaud discusses the genre and provides a bibliography of known loricae, “Étude sur les ‘Loricae’ celtiques et sur les priè res qui s’en approchent,” Bulletin d’ancienne litté rature et d’arch é ologie chré tiennes 1 (1911): 265–281, with further discussion of structure in vol. 2 (1912), 33–41 and 101–127. Both Thomas Hill, “Invocation of the Trinity and the Tradition of the Lorica in Old English Poetry,” Speculum 56 (1981): 259–267; and Kuno Meyer, “Scuap Chrabaid or Besom of Devotion,” Otia merseiana 2 (1900–1901): 92–105, prove helpful here. 29. The Laidcenn appears in The Book of Cerne, Cambridge UL L1.I.10, ff. 43r–44v; edited with introduction and notes by A. B. Kuypers, The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop Commonly Called the Book of Cerne (Cambridge: University Press, 1902), pp. 85–88. A translation of the Laidcenn appears in Gildae, De Excidio Britanniae, Fragmenta, Liber de Paenitentia, Accedit et Lorica Gildae, edited and commentary by Hugh Williams (London: David Nutt 1899), pp. 305–313. 30. Cambridge UL L1.I.10 f. 77r and Kuypers, The Prayer Book , pp. 153–154. See as well Michelle Brown, The Book of Cerne: Prayer, Patronage and Power in Ninth-Century England (The : University of Toronto Press, 1996), p. 138; and Kathleen Hughes, “Some Aspects of Irish Influence on Early English Private Prayer,” Studia Celtica 5 (1970): 48–61. 31. Ep. 59, p. 117: orationem, quam sibi Aldebertus componere nisus est; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 83. 32. Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface, p. 83. 33. Ibid. 34. Valerie Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 169. Flint likens Aldebert’s prayer to an exorcism published as a supplement to Bé luze’s edition of the Formulary of Marculf, in 204 NOTES

Giovan Domenico Mansi and Philippe Labbe, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. XVIIIB (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1901), pp. 661–664: Insuper invocamus te, Deus Deorum, omnipotens rex aeterne, qui sedis in medio duos Cherubin as Seraphin . The exorcism to which Flint compares the angelic petition, however, only calls upon the specific angels Michael, Gabriel, and , along with the “celestial virtues and angels of God,” the Cherubim, and the Seraphim. It makes no recourse to a more exotic nomenclature. 35 . Bobbio Missal , p. 153. 36. Waldemar Deonna, “Abra, Abraca: la croix-talisman de Lausanne,” Genava 22 (1944): 116–137. 37. Berlin 5565; Walter Belz, “Die koptischen Zauberpapyri der Papyrus- Sammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin,” Archiv fü r Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 29 (1983): 61–63; translated by Meyer, Ancient Christian Magic , p. 93. 38. Ep. 50, pp. 84–85; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 59–60. Also, Walter E. Crum, “Magical Texts in Coptic—II,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 20 (1934): 197–200, translated by David Frankfurter, Ancient Christian Magic , p. 171; Skemer, Binding Words , pp. 27–29. 39. Ep. 50, pp. 84–85. 40. As Gary Vikan points out in “Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Devotionalia as Evidence of the Appearance of Pilgrimage Shrines” and “Two Byzantine Amuletic Armbands and the Group to which They Belong,” in Sacred Images and Sacred Power in Byzantium (Aldershot/Burlington: Ashgate, 2003), VI.377–88 and XI 33–44 and plates. 41. For the importance of Jewish communities in early medieval Francia, see Bernard S. Bachrach, Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977), pp. 44–65; also Bernhard Blumenkranz, Juifs et Chr é tiens dans le monde occidental 430–1096 (Paris: Mouton & Co, 1960), particularly pp. 55–64. 42. Ep. 50, pp. 84–85. Lifshitz points to changing concepts of “proper” Christianity as an aspect of Carolingian delegitimation of Merovingian rule. Carolingian power erased the “paganism” that the previous dynasty had tol- erated ( The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria , pp. 56–71). 43. Ep. 43, p. 69; Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , p. 48. 44. See Glatthaar, Bonifatius und Sakrileg , p. 580. 45. Jan Frederik Niermeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus (Leiden: Brill, 1976); Du Cange et al., Glossarium mediæ et infim æ latinitatis (Niort: L. Favre, 1883–87). 46. Das Decretum Gelasianum V.8.6, edited by Ernst von Dobschü tz (Leipzig: Teubner, 1912), p. 13: Phylacteria omnia quae non angelorum, ut illi confingunt, sed daemonum magis nominibus conscripta sunt. Ep. 32, pp. 55–56; and Ep. 33, pp. 57–58, where Boniface begs guidance from elder authorities in a scru- pulous effort to obtain authoritative guidance as to canons regulating con- sanguineous marriages. Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface , pp. 39–41. NOTES 205

47. Fulda Landesbibliothek, Codex Bonifatius 2. The Decretum Gelasianum , cap. 3–5 appears on 57r–61v. Lutz E. von Padberg and Hans-Walter Stork provide text, background and commentary: Der Ragyndrudis—Codex des Hl. Bonifatius (Paderborn: Bonifatius Druck-Buch-Verlag, 1994). 48. Michel Aaij summarizes the scholarly arguments for and against Bonifatian ownership as well as the book’s connections with the martyrdom: “Boniface’s Booklife: How the Ragyndrudis Codex Came to be a Vita Bonifatii ,” The Heroic Age: A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe, issue 10 (May 2007), http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/aaij.html . Aaij does, however, ignore the paleographical and codicological evidence as well as per- sonal connections that point toward insular, and quite plausible Bonifatian, connections with the book. See, e.g., Malcolm Parkes, “The Handwriting of St. Boniface,” Beitr ä ge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 98 (1976): 161–179. Rosamond McKitterick, points to the insular dotting on 115v and 117r, and the frequent “diminuendo effect” on 117r in “The dif- fusion of insular culture in Neustria between 650 and 850,” as well as the personal connections, “Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in : Reflections on the Manuscript Evidence,” in Books, Scribes, and Learning in the Frankish Kingdoms, 6th–9th centuries (Aldershot/Burlington: Ashgate, 1994), III.415 and IV.291 [III.395–432 and IV.291–329]. Also, Padberg and Stork, Der Ragyndrudis—Codex, pp. 90–95. 49. Kr ü ger, Litanei–Handschriften , p. 762, for the text and pp. 331–32, for a description of the manuscript, Angers, Bibliothè que municipale 91 (83), fol. 130v–133v. She provides numerous other examples of “orthodox” litanies (p. 579 ff.). 50. Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, p. 77. 51. Examples include the Phillips Sacramentary, nos. 910–917 (copied c. 800 in eastern Francia), Liber Sacramentorum Augustodunensis , edited by Odilo Heiming, CCSL 159B; the Sacramentary of Gellone, nos. 1518–1527 (probably copied at Holy Cross Abbey, Meaux during the 790s), Liber Sacramentorum Gellonensis , edited by Antoine Dumas and Jean Deshusses, CCSL 159 and 159 A; the Sacramentary of Angoul ême, nos. 1387–1394 (possibly copied there c. 800), Liber Sacramentorum Engolismensis, edited by Patrick Saint-Roch, CCSL 159C; the Sacramentary of St. Gall (copied between 790 and 817 either at Chur or St. Gall), Das fränkische Sacramentarium Gelasianum in alamannischer Ü berlieferung, nos. 1242–1249, edited by Leo Cunibert Mohlberg (Mü nster, 1918). 52. Opening prayer: Deus qui miro ordine angelorum ministeria hominumque dispen- sas, concede propitius ut quibus tibi ministrantibus in coelo semper assistitur, ab his in terra nostra vita muniatur. 53. Eucharistic Prayer: VD. Sancti Michahelis archangeli merita praedicantes; quamvis enim nobis sit angelica veneranda sublimitas, quae in maiestatis tuae consistit con- spectu, illa tamen est propensius honoranda, quae in eius ordinis dignitate caelestis militiae meruit principatum ; Postcommunion prayer: Beati archangeli tui micha- helis intercessione suffulti, supplicis te domine deprecamur ut quos honore prose- quimur, contingamus et mente, per dominum . 206 NOTES

54. Secreta: Hostias tibi domine laudis offerimus, suppliciter deprecantes ut angelico pro nobis interveniente suffragio, et placates accipias, et ad salute nostrum provenire con- cedes, per dominum nostrum. 55. Prayer over the people: Adesto plebi tui misericors deus, et ut gratiae tuae beneficia potiora percipiat, beati michahelis archangeli fac supplicem deprecationibus sublevari . 56. Liber Responsalis, PL 78.804. 57. The Calendar of St. Willibrord from MS Paris Lat. 10837, edited by Henry Austin Wilson, HBS 55 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1918). Also, Nancy Netzer, “Willibrord’s Scriptorium at Echternach and Its Relationship to Ireland and Lindisfarne,” in St. Cuthbert, His Cult and Community, edited by Gerald Bonner, D. W. Rollason, and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1989), pp. 205–206 [pp. 203–212]. 58. Walderdorffer Kalendar-Fragment, Berlin lat. fol. 877 + Regensburg Grä flich Walderdorffsche Bibliothek, in Missale Francorum , RED, Fontes II, edited by Leo Eizenh ö fer, Peter Siffrin, and Leo Cunibert Mohlberg (Rome: Herder, 1957), pp. 79–85. For further commentary and bibliography, see Bernhard Bischoff, Die Sü dostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit 1/Die bayrischen Diö zesen (Leipzig: Harassowitz, 1960), pp. 183–184. For opinions on the type of sacramentary used by Boniface, Hieronymus Frank opts for a Gelasian-type sacramentary, “Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und das von him benutzte Sakramentar,” in Sankt Bonifatius: Gedenkgabe zum zwö lf- hundertsten Todestag (Fulda: Parzeller, 1954), pp. 58–88, while Christopher Hohler would favor a Gregorian, “The Type of Sacramentary Used by St. Boniface,” ibid., pp. 89–93. Either type used similar Roman texts for a cel- ebration on September 29. 59. McKitterick, The Frankish Church , pp. 80–154. 60. Admonitio Generalis 14–18, MGH Capitularia regum francorum 1. pp. 55. No. 16: Item in eodem concilio (Council of Laodicea) ut ignota angelorum nomina nec fingantur, nec nominentur, nisi illos quos habemus in auctoritate: id sunt Michahel, Gabrihel, Raphahel. 61. Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense, MGH Concilia Aevi Carolini 2.1, p.208. 62. Capitula ecclesiastica 19, MGH Capitularia regum francorum 1, p. 179. 63. Concilium Moguntinense A. 813 36, MGH Concilia Aevi Carolini 2.1, pp. 269–270. 64. Mayke De Jong, “The Empire as ecclesia : Hrabanus Maurus and Biblical his- toria for Rulers,” in The Uses of the Past in the Middle Ages, edited by Yitzhak Hen and Michael Innes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 191–226; Janet Nelson, “Kingship and Empire,” in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, edited by Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 55 [pp. 52–87]. 65. Revelatio ecclesiae 1. 66. Revelatio ecclesiae 1. Liber Responsalis , PL 78.804. 67. et spiritus prophetarum prophetis subjecti sunt (Vulgate); Et quia spiritus prophet- arum non semper est prophetis subjectus ( Revelatio IV). Bouet notes the discrep- ancy, Revelatio ecclesiae , p. 96, f. 26. NOTES 207

68. De translatione et miraculis beati Autberti, edited by Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes, Chroniques latines du Mont Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe siè cle), vol. 1 (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2009), pp. 248–255. Katherine Allen Smith discusses the skull relic, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s Body,” pp. 351–353, as does Marc Dé ceneux, Mont-Saint-Michel, histoire d’un mythe (Rennes: É ditions Ouest-France, 1997), pp. 130–137. 69. Smith, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s Body,” pp. 347–360; Lelegard, “Saint Aubert,” Mill é naire monastique , vol. I, pp. 29–52.

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INDEX

Notes: Locators followed by ‘n’ refer to notes. Index of Ancient Books 12b), 21, 145n21; Hullin 40a and Texts (bHul 40a), 16, 148n61; Menahot Old Testament 110a (bMen 110a), 16, 148n61; ḥ Genesis: 6.1–2, 30; 16.12, 11; 18.1– Zeba im 62a, (bZev 62a), 148n61, 15, 42; 28, 187n37 15, 148n61 Exodus: 2.12, 31; 14.21–22, 62; Midrashim: Genesis Rabbah 48.1 15.3, 155n137; 20.19, 21 (Gen R 48.1), 13, 145n28; Genesis Deuteronomy: 7.1–2, 155n137; Rabbah 48.9 (Gen R 48.9), 32.8, 147n45; 32.8–9, 15; 32.9, 48 145n28 Judges: 13.2–6, 11; 13.18, 11; New Testament 13.22, 11 Matthew: 8.5, 117; 13.24–30, 26; 1 Kings: 15.9–24, 52; 19.8–11, 134 17.1–9, 116; 18.1–10, 81; 18.10, 2 Kings: 19.35, 134 110; 13.40–43, 26; 26.53, 26; 1 Chronicles: 11.17–20, 84 28.1–7, 26 2 Chronicles: 16.12, 52; Mark: 1.13, 26; 7.32–35, 104; 14.1–16.12, 52 8.22–26, 104; 9.14–29, 47; 9.28, Psalms: 18.6–19 (Vulgate 23.10), 47; 16.5–7, 26 154n37; 24.10 (NSRV 31.18), Luke: 1.12, 132; 1.26, 26; 2.8–15, 82; 30.19 (NSRV 38.14), 164n65; 26; 10.16–21, 64; 22.43, 26; 37.14, 164n65; 72.1, 85; 82.1, 16; 24.1–7, 26 104.4, 29; 110, 154n131; 110.4, 28 John: 5.1–4, 40; 5.4, 43; 12.27–32, Isaiah: 6.1–3, 12, 83; 24.21–23, 11; 26; 20.11–13, 26 27.1, 54; 30.3, 13; 63.1–3, 30, 75; Acts of the Apostles: 1.10, 27; 5.18– 24.21–23, 154n137 19, 27; 10.3, 111, 194n112; 12.6–11, Ezekiel: 1.5, 12; 1.15, 12 27; 14.8–18, 27; 23.8–9, 15 Daniel: 7.9–10, 12; 10.7, 30; 10.12– 1 Corinthians: 10.21, 96; 14. 20, 15; 10.13, 9; 10.21, 9; 12.1–2, 32, 134 15; 12.2, 17 Colossians: 1.15–16, 28; 2.16–18, Joel: 1.4, 101; 2.25, 101 27, 60; 2.18, 2, 5, 48, 49, 59, 60, Micah: 7.9, 13 154n127; 2.20, 28; 4.17, 62 Rabbinical Sources Hebrews: 1.3–4, 58; 1.6, 58; 2.2–10, Babylonian Talmud (Talmud 64; 2.5–9, 29, 150; 7.3, 28 Bavli); Hagigah 12b (bHag 1 John: 4.1, 134 252 INDEX

New Testament—Continued Augustine of Hippo: De civitate Jude: 5, 31; 6–8, 31; 9, 9, 31, 48, 56 dei, 3, 142n6, 150n95, 150n97; Revelation: 1.1–5, 81; 12.7–9, 9, Quaestiones in Heptateuch, 3, 142n9 30; 19.9, 29; 19.11–16, 29, 30; Chrysippos, presbyter of 22.8–9, 2 Jerusalem: Enkōmion eis ton ē Deuterocanonical and archángelon Micha l, 48, 165n70 Pseudepigraphal Works Collectio Arrianae Veronensis: De Tobit: 8.2–5, 103; 11.10–13, 103; Solemnitatibus, 57, 169n117 11.14, 17; 12.12–15, 16, 127; Cyril of Jerusalem: Procatechesis, 40, 12.15, 12, 110, 197n147; 12.14, 17 160n19 2 Maccabees: 3.25, 30; 10.29–30, Deux homélies anoméennes pour 14; 11.6–8, 14 l’Octave de Pâques: Homily II, 57, Assumption of Moses, 31 169n119 Life of Adam and Eve, 43, 162n37 Die Bücher der Einsetzung der 3 Baruch: 11–16, 17, 165n69 Erzengel Michael und Gabriel, 64, 1 Enoch: 9.3, 16; 10.11–16, 14; 10.20– 171n149 22, 14; 20, 13; 21.5, 13; 67.4–6, 43; Eusebius of Caesarea: Life of Constantine (Vita Constantini), 82, 2; Book of Watchers (I Enoch 42, 52, 53, 54, 161n29, 166n90, 6–36), 9, 14 167n92, 167n94, 167n97, Jubilees: 2.2, 12 167n98; Commentaria in Isaiah, Testament of Solomon, 104, 54, 167n101, 167n102; Tricennial 190n67 Oration (Eis Konstantí̄ non ton basiléa Dead Sea Scrolls: War Scroll, triakontaeterí̄ kos) , 54, 167n105 15; 1QM, 147n49, 147n50; Grattius: Cynegeticon, 69, 173n5 Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: Gregory the Great: Dialogues, 70, 4QShirShabb 403 1 I 31, 147n51; 71, 173n13 4QShirShabb 405, 146n52; Herodian: Histories, 53, 167n97 Melchizedek Text: 11QMelch Herodotus: Histories, 19, 149n79 2.16, 16 Hesiod: Works and Days, 20, Ancient Authors 149n82 Acta Iohannis, 45, 163n48 Hilary of Poitiers: De trinitate, 58, Acta Philippi, 45, 163n48 170n128, 170n129 Aelius Aristides: Sacred Tales, 46, 50, Homer: Iliad, 19, 69, 149n80; 164n59 Odyssey, 20, 149n81 Ambrose of Milan: De Sacramentis, Iamblichus: The Mysteries of 40, 160n17, 160n18 Egypt (Les mystères d’Égypte), 22, Anonymi in Iob commentarii, 57, 151n100 169n121, 169n123 In Lucae evangelium reliquiae Asterius the Sophist: Homily tractatus antiquissimi, 57, 169n115 2.10–11, 102, 169n116 Julian the Arian: Der Athanasius of Alexandria: Contra Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian gentes, 60, 171n138; First Oration (Commentary on Job), 57, 169n118 against the Arians, 58, 170n125, Justin Martyr: 1 Apologia, 33, 47, 170n126; Third Oration against the 156n160, 164n63; Dialogue with Arians, 58, 170n127 Trypho, 33, 157n163 INDEX 253

Liber de apparitione de Sancti 165n74, 165n75, 166n79, 166.81, Michaelis in Monte Gargano, 187n30 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 85, 88, 90, 92, Strabo: Geōgraphika, 69, 173n4 115, 172n1 Suetonius: The Twelve Caesars, Lycophron: Aléxandra, 69, 173n3 “Vespasianus” 7, 51, 166n85 Narratio de miraculo a Michaele Theodoret of Cyrrus: Quaestiones Archangelo Chonis patrato = in libros Regum III, 52, 166n89; The Miracle of St. Michael the Interpretatio epistolae ad Archangel at Chonae (BHG Colossanenseis, 60, 61, 171n140, 1282), 43, 44, 61, 142n11, 171n142 162n38 Inscriptions Origen: Homily 13 on Luke, 48, Corpus inscriptiones latinarum 165n68; Selecta in Iesum Nave, 103, VI.1.142, 23 189n58 XIV.24, 23 Pantaleon: Encomium in maximum et Inscriptiones christianae aegypti, 49, 31, gloriosissimum Michaelem coelestis 155n148 militae principem, 39, 40, 160n16; Monte Gargano Inscriptions, 73, 75, 85, Narratio miraculorum maximi 88–91, 175n29, 177n44, 181n90, archangeli Michaelis, 37, 157n4 182n111, 182n112, 182n113, Pausanias: Graeciae Descriptio, 45, 69, 183n115, 183n117, 183n124, 70, 164n56, 173n6 183n125, 183n126 Philo of Alexandria: On Dreams, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes 20, 21, 150n89, 150n90, 150n91, des Cyclades: nos. 1–3, 31–40, 150n94; On the Giants, 20, 21, 155n151 150n89 Index of Persons, Places, Plato: Apology, 20; Phaedrus, 61; Events, and Things Symposium, 20; Timaeus, 21, Aaron, 16, 28, 155n145 150n88 Abbahu, 18 Plutarch: Isis and Osiris, 20, 150n86; abbeys The Obsolescence of the Oracles, 20, at Aisnay, 100 149n85 at Poitiers, 100, 101 Procopius: Buildings, 77, 177n49, at Meaux, 110 177n50; Wars, 79, 85, 178n59, at Hexham, 111 178n60, 178n61, 178n62, 181n91, at Mont Saint–Michel, 1, 114 181.n92 at St. Davids, 112 Pseudo–Dionysius: Celestial Hierarchy, at St. Gall, 131 75, 176n42 Abimelech, 129 Pseudo–Vigilius of Thapsus: Contra Abraham, 11, 33, 39, 42 Varimadum, 58, 59, 170n130 Well of, 42 Severus, bishop of Antioch: Abrasax, Abraxas, 18, 25, 95, 128–9 Cathedral Homily LXXII, 55, 56, Adam, 43, 64, 75, 84 168n108, 168n109, 168n110 Addan quarter of Constantinople, Sozomen; Ecclesiastical History (Histoire 64, 76 ecclésiastique), 42, 43, 49, 50, 73, 75, Adgan, pilgrim, 91 161n29, 161n30, 161n35, 165n73, Admonitio generalis, 132–3, 206n60 254 INDEX

Adōnai, 24–5, 32 and the Gelasian Decree, 105, Adullam, 84 130, 133 aeshma daeva, 14 for healing, 32, 103, 104, 118 see also Zoroastrianism holy figures on, 32 Aethelwald, Bishop of Litchfield, 127 incantations on, 32, 33, 128 Africisco, 85 Jewish, 128 Church of San Michele, 86 Jewish, to invoke Michael, 4 Agaune, 89 magical vs. Christian, 190n68 Church of St. Maurice, 89 pagan practices, 33, 71, 104 , Dukes of Benevento, 113 in Palestine, 18 , King, 88 in Peterborough, bronze, uterine, 95 Ahura Mazda, 13, 14 proscribed, 7, 59, 96, 105, 119, 121, see also Zoroastrianism 130, 133, 138 Aisnay, 100 protection from disease, injury, 32, Akkadia, 13 33, 103, 117, 137 Akoubia, 24 protection from demons, magic, 32, see also curse tablets 71, 103 , duke of , 91 scriptures on, 32 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, 56–60 to summon spirits, 7, 33 see also Arian Controversy texts, 46, 96 Alexandria, 1, 16, 48, 56–7 in Tunisia, 189n56 Althaenus, waters of, 69 Anaplos, see Hestiae Ambrose of Milan, catechetical Anastasius, emperor, 77, 78 homilies, 40, 160n17, 160n18 Anatolia, 2, 23, 27, 37 amesha spintas, 13, 14 angels see also Zoroastrianism advocates for the dead, 57 amoenus, 45, 46 accoutrements of, 10, 76, 82, 83, 103 see also water, source of healing and anonymous, 26, 34, 107 divine power apparition of, 57, 94, 154n136 amulet markets, 32 coercion of, 19, 24, 32, 41, 54, at Cairo, 95, 129, 185n12 79, 130 at Rome, 95, 129, 185n12 created by God, 33, 58; see also amuletic prayers, 7, 32, 117, 129, 131 Christ, creator of angels amulets, 4, 6, 93, 95, 96, 102, 105, 117– creation of, 26, 29 19, 128, 129, 137 discernment of 3, 42, 62, 96, 100, at Apulia, 71 118, 134, 138; see also distinction at Arles, 96 between good and evil spirits at Avignon (bronze phylactery) distinguished from daimons, 23, naming Abrasax, Oamoutha, 95 25, 28 at Bath, depicting Sulis Minerva, duties of, 2, 3, 12, 13, 18, 19, 26, 77, Mercury, Neptune, 96 96, 107, 145n23, 147n45 and the Bobbio Missal, 117, 128 fallen 2, 14, 30, 48, 86; see also in Britain, 95 demons at Cairo, 95, 129, 185n12 function vs. nature, 19, 33, 58, and the Canons of Laodicea, 133 144n14, 147n45 Frankish cross talisman, 128 guardian angels, 14, 16, 31, 80, 81, 90 INDEX 255 as guardians, 15, 18, 19, 32, 41, 63, 83 triumph over Satan, 48, 56, 97 as guardians of the Gates of veneration, 3, 5, 18, 25, 27, 33, 42, Heaven, 57 55, 59; acceptable methods, 10, healing, 18, 37, 48, 84 28, 59, 60, 119, 121; at Chonae, 5, , 2, 3, 9, 12, 14, 15, 27, 62; by many faiths, 10, 23, 31, 17, 18, 21, 26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 47, 32; prohibition of, 2, 3, 5, 6, 17, 48, 54–9, 64, 65, 74, 75, 77, 82, 18, 25, 27–33, 38, 48, 49, 55, 59, 83, 135 60–2, 137 heavenly priests, 15 (mal’akh Yahweh), 11, hierarchy of, 12, 13, 22, 25, 55–60, 129 26, 30, 33, 40, 103, 111, 134 humans souls as, 31, 32, 41 Angelics, 32 humility of, 3, 31 angelolatry, 18, 25, 59, 60 intercessors, 2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24, angelology, 12, 20–22, 35, 48, 56, 59, 42, 60 61, 75 invocations: amuletic, 18, 31, 32, angelomorphic humanity, 28 63, 94, 95, 117, 119, 149n76; Angels of the Presence, 12–14 incantations, 19, 32; inscriptions, angelus interpres, 145n22 31, 32; in place of Christ, 32; Ansuini, pilgrim, 91 intersection of rituals, 41; Anthimus, papal candidate, 79 liturgical performance of, 15, 22, Antiochus IV, 14, 15 94; magical, 18, 19, 24, 31, 41, see also Hasmonaean Rebellion 60, 63, 94; prayer, 17, 18, 24, 25, Antioch, 2, 55–6, 97 28, 118, 119; prohibition of, 118, Antiochene exegesis, 60, 61 131, 133, 134; ritual, 19, 28, 32, Apocalypses, 11, 12, 31, 144n15 41, 63; subversive of ecclesiastical Apodonia, 72, 73, 89, 90 authority, 94 see also Monte Gargano, cave logoi, 21 shrine manifestations of God, 11, 33, 34 Apollo, 19, 23, 69 messengers, 19, 21, 26, 27, 29, 33, 57, apostles, 27, 45, 47, 72, 73, 76, 81, 122, 58, 96 188n44 miscegenation with humans, 14, apparitions, 11, 13, 22, 46, 53, 57 30, 31 see also Michael, apparitions naming of, 59, 125; prohibited, 50, Appion, Bishop of Syene, 75 60, 105, 119, 133 Apulia, 2, 67, 68, 70, 71, 85, 86, 90, 92, pagan conceptions of, 10, 151n101 99, 115, 134 portals to higher divinities, 25 Aquilinus, see Michael, healer, of power, 17, 22, 25, 30, 68, 97, Aquilinus 102, 131; manipulation of, 24; Aquitaine, 112 suppression of, 25, 26, 68, 74, 92, Archangelum mirum magnum, 109 132, 135 Aram, kingdom of, 52 presence of, 12, 15, 26, 27, 43, 56, Archippos at Chonae, 44, 62, 63, 96 128; see also Michael, presence of Archistrategos, see Michael, subordinate, 12, 17, 18, 19, 23, 25, 26, Archistrategos 28, 29, 55–60 Arian church, 78, 81, 94, 99, 101, 102 theological discourse regarding, 12, Arian rulers, 7, 67, 78, 87, 88, 94, 99, 143n16 101, 118 256 INDEX

Arian Controversy, 38, 55–63 Aunemundus, Bishop of Lyons, 110 see also Nicaea, First Council of; Austrasia, Austrasia–Burgundy, Nicene creed; Trinitarian theology 112, 113 Arianism, 7, 55–63, 78–82, 88, 94, Autpertus, see St. Aubert 99–102, 118, 168n111, 168n114, Auxerre, Council of, 96, 104 169n121 Avitus of Vienne, sermon at dedication and angelology, 56, 61; see also of Michaelion in Lyons, 99 angelology Avranches, 2, 93, 112 Gregory of Tours’ campaign Avranchin, evangelization of, 192n89 against, 101 as heresy, 55, 56, 60, 61, 78, 88, 101, Baal, 41 102, 118 Baalbek, 23, 24, 152n11 and festal calendar, 81 see also Gaionas see also Arius; Trinity, subordinationist Babylon, 12, 13, 16 Christology Bacaulis, 56 Aristides, Aelius, 46, 50 Baino, 134 Arius, 56, 59 Bangor Antiphonary, 108 see also Arianism baptisms, 5, 40, 46, 47, 70, 71 Ark of the Covenant, 53 paraliturgical, 5, 40, 46, 63, 138 Arles, 96, 100, 118, 188n39 barbarians Arnavutköyü, 49 classical ethnography of, 178n59 Arricus, pilgrim, 91 in Procopius, 178n59 Artemis, 45 Bari, 2, 72, 94, 113 Asa, King of Judah, 52 Barnabas, mistaken for Zeus, 27 Ascension Day, Celeberation of, 133 Baronius, Cesare and Annales Ascetics, Asceticism, 37, 38, 62, 63, 74, ecclesiastici, 86 97, 100, 105, 108, 109 basilica of St. Eufemia, 74 Asclepiodotos, 79 Bath, 96 Asclepius, see Asklepios Bayeux Tapestry, 141n1 Asiel, 18 Belial, 15, 16 Asklepios, 41, 46, 50, 69 beliefs, mixing of, 5, 6, 12, 19, 23, 32, Asmodeus, 14, 104 34, 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, 47–9, 60, 63 Assyrian religions, 13, 133, 134 Belisarius, 79, 85 Assumption of the Virgin, 188n44 Ben–hadad, king of Damascus, 52 Asterius the Sophist, 102 Benevento, 73, 85–8, 90, 113 Atargatis, 39 Beneventan Missal, 81, 90, 179n79, Athanasius of Alexandria, 56–8, 60 183n121 see also Arian Controversy; Trinitarian Bernardus, Frankish Monk, pilgrim, 1, theology; Trinity, co–ordinationist 2, 91, 113, 141n1 Christology Bertram, Bishop of Le Mans, 102 Athens, 70 Bethesda, 40 Attica, 69 Bethlehem, 84 Attis, 39, 151–2n108 binding spell, 24 Aubert, Bishop, see St. Aubert see also curse tablets Augustine of Hippo, and angel Bitheem, 71 worship, 3 Bithynia, 77 INDEX 257

Black Sea, 77, 84 catechetical homilies blood of the Cross, 75, 81, 117 of Ambrose, 40 Bobbio Missal, 115–17, 128, 197n148, of Cyril of Jerusalem, 40, 160n17, 197n149, 197n150, 198n152, 160n18, 160n19 198n153, 199n164, 199n165, Cave of Themisonion, 69 199n166, 199n167, 204n35 Cave of Adullam, 84 and amulets, 117, 128, 199n164 Cave Gods (spēlaitai), 69 and healing, 117, 199n164 see also Apollo, Hercules, Hermes and the Mass for the King, 118 Céli Dé, 109, 119, 193n102 and Michael Mass, 116, 197n149 see also Culdees and St. Sigismund of Burgundy, 118 Chairetopa, 43–50, 56, 59, 60, 63 Boniface, see St. Boniface Keretapa, 163n46 bonus angelus, see Vibia miracle at, 45, 46, 47, 61 Book of Cerne, 127 prayerhouse at, 45 , 49, 77 Chalcedon, Council of, 38, 77 Bozrah, 30, 75 Chalcedonians, 83, 84 bull, 67, 69–71, 85, 115, 134 Neo–Chalcedonian, 84 see also Monte Gargano, miracle at; Châ lons–sur–Marne, 113 Mont Saint–Michel Charlemagne, 132, 134, 190n71 Burgundy, 94, 99–101, 112, 118, 131 , 1 Burning Bush, 11, 58 Chelles, 114, 116 Byzantine Empire, 37, 44, 64, 73, 83–6, Cherubim, 11, 13, 48, 127, 128, 144n16 88, 91, 113 Childebert III, 112 Childeric II, 112 Caesarius, Bishop of Arles, 96 Chilperic, 101 and paganism, 186n20 Chonae as Chairetopa, see Chairetopa Calabria, 85 Chonae, in Phrygia, 4–6, 27, 43, 44, 62, Calchas, 69 63, 74, 81, 92, 96, 105, 106, 139, canon law collections 142n11, 163n46 Dionysia, 105, 119 curative/sacred waters, 4–6, 43, 44, Canons of Laodicea, 59, 60, 105, 61–3, 105, 106 190n71; gatherings of angels, identified as origin point of Michael prohibitions of angels, 59, 60, 105, cult, 4, 5, 92 119, 133; see also orthopraxy miracle at, 4, 5, 44, 61–3, 81 Vetus Gallica, 105, 190n71 shared space, 5, 6, 43, 44, 63 Capitula ecclesiastica, 133, 206n62 and orthodoxy, 62, 74 Caretena, 99, 100, 118 Chosen People, 9, 34, 64, 77, 93, 100 Carloman, 123, 124, 126 Christ, 3, 8, 32, 40 and Concilium Germanicum, as angel, 30, 42, 153n119 123, 126 Ascension, 27, 30, 57, 75, 133 alleged follower of Aldebert, 126 as God, 30, 31, 58, 64 Carolingian royal ideology, 133, 191n2 authority of, 31, 57 see also Francia Commander of the Host of the Carthage, 24, 85, 99 Lord, 28–30, 57–9, 82, 137 Cassiodorus, 98 created by God, 55–7 Castel Sant’ Angelo, 86 creator of angels, 29, 56, 57–9 258 INDEX

Christ—Continued Christology Crucifixion, 25, 28–30, 50, 53, angelomorphic, 25, 26, 33, 154n136 75, 100 co–ordinationist, 25 distinct from angels, 58, 59, 64 subordinationist, 29 distinct from God, 57 Theopaschite formula, 84, 180n86 divine and human, 38, 57, 77, 84 Chrysopolis, Battle of, 53, 54 divinity, 26, 29, 31 Churches dedicated to Michael as healer, 104, 117 Apulia, 99 humiliation of, 29, 30, 50, 58 Arles, 100 as intercessor, 3, 29, 30, 57, 58, 137 Le Mans, 102 in Jewish monotheism, 153n118 Lyon, 99 Logos, 21, 33 Pavia, 91 made flesh, 4, 25–7, 29, 50, 75 Rome, 80, 99 and Melchizedek, 28 Skellig Michael, 108, 115 Redeemer, 57 on the Via Salaria, 80 relics of, 74, 75 Classe, 82–4, 116 Resurrection, 25–9, 31 cleansing sacrifice of atonement, 29 healing, 45, 47, 63, 69, 97 Savior, 57, 58, 61, 64, 74 spiritual, 9, 14, 22, 30, 45, 47, 54, 60, Son of God, 3, 25–9, 32–4, 38, 44, 63, 69, 100 45–7, 54–9, 61–4, 69, 77, 84, 85, Cleuomedes and uterine phylactery, 95 102, 105, 117, 137 cloaks, 30, 67, 75, 82, 83, 97 subordinate, 54, 55, 77, 102; see also see also Michael, rubrus palliolus; Theology of Victory; Trinity Monte Gargano, relics suffering of death, 26, 29, 30, Clovis, 94, 101 58, 64 coins, 41, 42, 53, 76, 77, 87, 91, 94 superiority to angels and Michael, Colossae, 4, 5, 27, 28, 44, 45, 48, 59, 29–31, 34, 35, 55–9, 62, 63, 74, 75, 163n49 152n17 see also Chonae, in Phrygia supreme powers of, 25, 26, 28, 30 Colossian error, 153n123 susceptible to change, 57, 58; see also Columbanus, 116 Arianism Compiè gne, 113 transcendence, 29, 50, 55 Concilium Germanicum, 123, 132 Transfiguration, 47, 83, 116 conlatio, 72, 175n25 The Eternal Word, 33, 42, 48, 55, Constans II, 73, 88 57, 58 Constantine, 38, 42, 49, 51–5, 63, 98 Theology of Victory, 54, 55 as Victor, 53 triumph over Satan, 9, 26, 29, 30, 54, Constantinople, 5, 49, 53, 61, 68, 71, 64, 97 76, 77, 79, 83, 85–7, 90, 92, 99, Christianity 113, 114 dominant, claims of superiority, diffusion of Michael cult to, 5, 49 58, 60 First Council of, 61 dominant, takes over landscape, 43–6, covenantal nomism, 144n15 49, 69–71, 122, 161n33 converts, 28, 33, 41, 45, 50, 54, 97, 106, Christianization, 32, 38, 49, 63, 69, 70, 111, 129, 164n58 94, 96, 184n7, 192n89 coniuro, 121, 128–30 INDEX 259

Corbo, pilgrim, 91 Puteoli, 24 Corinth, 19, 40, 41, 44, 76 Roman Britain, 95, 96 Fountain of the Lamps, 41, 63 Cybele, Magna Mater, 39, 151n108 Cornelius, centurion, conversion cyclopean wall at Notre–Dame–sous– of, 111 Terre, 1, 114, 115, 141n2, 142n3 correlation of earthly and Heavenly actions, 15, 16, 24, 38, 51–4, 63, daimons, 19–25, 34 74, 75, 77 chthonic, 23, 24 see also Theology of Victory distinct from angels, 21, 23 correlation of condition of soul and Eros, 20 body, 43, 45, 48, 63 evil, 20, 54, 56 Cosmic Hierarchy, 10, 14, 30–32, 48, functioning as angels, 21, 24 50, 54–8, 62, 74 guardians, 20, 21, 24, 100 cosmology, 11, 13 humans aspiring to, 20, 22 Greek, 14, 19, 21, 28 intercessors, 20, 21, 34 Jewish, 13 interior force vs. exterior being, 20 Cotentin, evangelization of, 192n89 logoi, 21 crimson, as symbol, 30, 67, 68, 73–5, manipulation of, 24, 54 97, 114 and Plato’s Apology, 20 Cross, Divine, 50–52, 72, 75, 188n44 and Plato’s Symposium, 20 imagery of, 52, 53 and Plato’s Timaeus, 21 inscription on, 41 Plutarch, 20–22 vigils, 109 Socrates, 20 crosses, 30, 41, 43, 44, 50–3, 73, 75, 76, Xenocrates, 20 82, 91, 98, 100, 102, 109–11, 116, Damascus, 52 118, 126, 128 David, king, 52, 84 Crucifixion, see Christ, Crucifixion Dead Sea Scrolls, literature regarding, Culdees, 119, 193n102 157n54 see also Céli Dé Dedication of St. Michael, 29 Sept., cults 133 angels, 17, 33, 41 see also festivals Hypsistarian, 151n107 Dedicatio basilicae Michaelis archangeli in Michael, see Michael, cult of Monte Gargano, in Martyrology of of Sabazios, 151n108 Jerome, 108 saints, 4, 38 see also Monte Gargano statues, agálmata, 69 defixiones, see curse tablets of the Virgin, 111 Delos, 17 Cunaldu, pilgrim, 90 demons, 6, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 30, 33, 37, Cunipert, 91 47, 48, 64, 70, 71, 74, 93, 96, 100, gold tremisses, 91 104, 107, 117, 121, 124, 125, 127, SCS MIHAHIL coin inscription, 91 130, 131, 133–5, 138 cures, 40, 43, 46–8, 50, 52, 77, 95, 96, on amulets, 105, 138 98, 102–4, 118 discernment of, 3, 62, 63, 94 curse tablets, 24, 25, 41, 54, 93, 95, 96 exorcism of, 104 Bath, 96 perversion of just administration, Gaul, 95 121–131 260 INDEX demons—Continued Eros, 20 possession, 37, 47, 71, 104 Essenes, 15, 17 posing as angels, 7, 63, 94, 98, 105, Eucharist, 59, 64, 68, 75, 82, 83, 92, 118, 124 117, 131, 132 worship of, 3, 56, 117, 124–131, 138 theology of, 82 Desiderius, “necromancer” at Tours, Eucharist for the Incorporeal Spirits 105, 106 (hoi asómatoi), November 8, 64, 65, diadems, 30, 53 81, 90 diakónein, 26 see also festivals diffusion, see Michael, cult of, Eusebius of Caesarea, 42, 43, 52–5 diffusion of Evagrius Scholasticus, 99 Dionysia, see canon law collections exile of Jews from Israel, 11, 12 Disciola, 100–102, 118 exorcism, 47, 71, 103, 104, 109, 128 distinction between good and evil spirits, 3, 42, 62, 63, 74, 94, 96–8, Fall 100, 118, 133, 134, 138 from Grace, 3, 43, 64, 75, 114 divination, 24, 41, 59, 96 from Heaven, angels, 2, 14, 30, 48 divine authority, 31, 34, 74, 75, from Heaven, Satan, 2, 64 103, 121 fanum, fana, fanes, 95, 96, 104 douleía, 3, 33, 60, 142n7 see also water, source of healing and dream oracles, 50, 52, 69, 98, 102, 104, divine power 115, 119, 134 Fariel, 131 Driun, 69 fasting, 27, 28, 44, 97 see also Monte Gargano feet dualism, 12–15, 32, 33, 54, 78 healing of, 51, 54, 55, 98, 102, 103, see also Zoroastrianism 104; see also Michael, healer, feet symbol of Angelic triumph over Eadburg, abbess and correspondant of Satan, 97 St. Boniface, 127 wooden carvings, 96 Easter, 110, 133 Félire of Oengus, 108 ecclesiastical hierarchy, 6, 38, 39, 63, 68, festivals 71, 74, 82, 94, 98, 103, 105, 123, Apparition of St. Michael, 8 May, 8, 132, 135, 138 73, 86, 90, 108, 115 Echternach, 113, 132 Dedication of St. Michael the Edessan temples, 39 Archangel, 29 Sept., 68, 80, 90, Eddius Stephanus, 110, 111 108, 117, 131–3, 135, 136 Egypt, 2, 5, 24, 31, 32, 49, 61, 64, 77, Eucharist for the Incorporeal Spirits 90, 91, 93, 95, 128 (hoi asómatoi), 8 Nov., 46, 64, 65, Eleazar, rabbi with amulet, 18 81, 90 Elijah, 116, 134 Apostle Philip at Hierapolis, elohim, 11, 16 Nov. 15, 81 embateúōn, and Colossians 2.18, 28 at Lindisfarne, 109 Emmanuelis, Elvius, 172n1 at Tallaght, 193n99 Ephesus, 99, 114, 163n48 fever, 40, 50, 67, 73, 103, 117, 118, 128 Epiktikos, Angel of, 32 fire, as symbol, 13, 22, 29, 30, 33, 43, 69 Epiphanius of Salamis, 32, 98 fish, 37, 38, 39, 40, 63, 99, 103, 104 INDEX 261 fishpools, healing, 37, 38, 39, 40, 63, 99 Tunic of Christ, 99 Flavians, 51 Glory of the Martyrs, 188n44 Flavigny, see monasteries Gnostics, 32, 126, 202n25 fortune telling, 129 God Forum, Roman, 64 Creator, 19, 21, 56, 57, 58 Fountain of the Lamps, see Corinth Grace of, 64 formulae, magical, 24, 32, 33, 41, 46, 47, The Father, 21, 26, 32, 33, 38, 44–7, 61, 63, 68, 71, 84, 116, 137 54–9, 62, 81, 84, 102, 117, 128 Fragment of Bruyne, 126–7, 203n26 One True, 3, 33, 46, 52, 54, 59 Francia, 1, 90, 93, 94, 97, 99, 101, 110, The Word of, see Christ, The Eternal 112–18, 121–5, 128, 131 Word Frankish Church, 7, 119, 122, 123, 131 of, 12, 13, 48, 57, 81, 82, 83, Frankish Gelasian sacramentaries, 131 92, 127, 137; unity of, 33, 61 fravashis, 14 worship of: appropriate, 17, 33, 34, see also Zoroastrianism 52; direct, 3, 17, 18, 29, 33, 34, Fredegund, 101 42, 43 Frigiselo, 86 gold, as symbol, 82, 83, 111, 132, 139 see also Africisco Golden Legend, 86 Fulda, 90, 115, 126, 130 Gothic War, 7, 67, 68, 76, 78, 79, 85, 88, fumigation, 103, 104 90, 92, 138 graffito, graffiti, 75, 87, 90, 92, 177n44 Gabriel, 3, 4, 7, 13, 15–18, 25, 26, 30, see also Monte Gargano, 41, 43, 56, 57, 71, 82–6, 90, 97, inscriptions 100, 116–18, 121, 127–8, 131, 133, Gregory the Great, Pope (r. 590–604), 138, 148n62 70, 74, 86 Gaidemar, epigrapher, 89 Gregory II, Pope, 122 Gaionas Gregory III, Pope, 122, 129 pro salute inscriptions, 23 Gregory of Tours, 97, 98, 100–106, 118, Heliopolitan angel, 152n11 119, 189n49 Gallican Liturgy, 176n41 History of the Franks, 97 Galatia, 37, 99 and Joshua, son of Nun, 103 Gargano, promontory 68, 69, 72, 76, 86 Grimoald I, duke of Benevento, 73, road system of, 71, 72, 80 88, 91 Garganus, 67, 70, 80 Gumperga, 85, 90 Gates of Heaven, 57, 73 Gundobad, 99, 118 Gaul, 91, 94–6, 98–102, 105, 106, 108, 110, 112, 116, 119, 121, 122, ha–sar ha–gadol, 16 126, 129 Hadrian I, Pope, 190n71 and Frankish Church, 94, 106, 122 Hadrian, abbot of Nisita, 110 Gelasian Decree, 105, 119, 130, Hadrian’s Tomb (Castel Sant’ 133, 135 Angelo), 86 see also St. Boniface Hagar, 11 Gelasian liturgy, 116, 131, 198n157 Hagia Sophia, 39, 64 Gelasius I, Pope (r. 492–496), 71, 72, 116 Hanani, prophet, 52 Germanus, Bishop of Paris, 176n41 ha–shem, 11, 30 Germia, 37–40, 63, 74, 98, 99 see also Yahweh 262 INDEX

Hasmonaean Rebellion, 14, 15, 30 site of healing, 49–55, 74, 77, 98; see and Antiochus IV, 14, 15 also Michael, healer; Michaelions in 2 Maccabees, 14, 30 Hexham, 111 Ḥayyot, 12 Church of St. Andrew, 111 healing, 6, 17, 19, 38–40, 47, 103–5 Hierapolis, 81, 163n48 animals, 69 temples at, 39 fish nibbling, 37, 39, 63 Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, 58, 170n128 of the crippled, 105 see also Trinitarian theology of ears, 104 Hildebert of St. Wandrille, 113 of eyes, 69, 94, 103–5 himation, see cloaks of fevers, 117, 118, 128 Historia Tripartita (Tripartite History), of langoretica, 117 98, 99 magical, 59, 103, 104 historiola, 117 of paralysis, 69, 117, 128 ho á ngelos ho mé gas, 147n46 physical sensations of, 38, 46 hoi asómatoi, see festivals, Eucharist for source of, 164n58 the Incorporeal Spirits water, see Michael, healer, water; Holy Justice, 23 water, source of healing and Holy , 12 divine power Holy Land, pilgrimage, 1, 74, 76, 90, see also Michael, healer 113 Heaven Holy Sepulchre, 69, 75, 90–92, seven tiers of, 12, 13; ‘Araboth, 113, 114 seventh tier 12; Makon, sixth tier, Holy Spirit, 13, 32–4, 38, 43, 45–7, 55, 12; Zebul, 16 56, 58, 61, 62, 84, 117, 137 Heavenly Court, 4, 18, 57, 76, 81, 83 Hrabanus Maurus, 90 Heavenly tribunal, 31 Hupsistos, 23, 24 Heavenly Watchers, 11, 83 Dios, 22 see also angels Highest God, 22, 23, 53 Hebrew Scriptures, 9, 11, 12 Theos, 23 Hekhalot literature, 149n76 Zeus, 22, 23, 53 Heliodoros, Angel of 32 Hymettus, Cave of Pan, 70 Heliopolitan Angel, 23, 24 hypostatis, 13, 77, 145n30 see also Gaionas Hypsistarians, 151n107 Helios, Sun God, 23, 24 see also Hupsistos Hellenes, see pagans Hypsistos inscriptions, 151n104 Heracleia, 45 Herakleon, Angel of, 32 Iamblichus, see Neoplatonism Hercules, 69 Iaō, 25, 32, 41, 95 heresy, 59, 101, 123, 124 Iao ̄ Ēl Michael̄ Nephtho, 24 heretics, 7, 56, 59, 61, 68, 78, 101, 102, see also curse tablets 105, 125, 126, 130 Iconium, 44 Hermes, 18, 19, 23, 27, 69 idolatry of angels, 56, 59, 60, 105, 138 see also Mercury imperial authority, 39, 51, 53, 63, 74, Hesiod, 20 77–80, 84 Hestiae (Anaplos), 49, 77 imperial iconography, 53–54, goddess, 49 167n95 INDEX 263 imperial ideology, 6, 38, 39, 78, 79, attitude toward Michael, 4, 5, 15, 16 83, 99 cultic practices, in correlation with imperial hierarchy, 76, 80, 83 angels, 16 Incarnation, 4, 50, 84, 100, 102 Rabbinical teachings on angels, 12, doctrine of, 102 16, 18 incense, 4, 42, 69 Jouarre, 116 incubation, 50, 69, 98 Joel, the Prophet, 101 see also dream oracles John the Apostle, 2, 39, 45, 76 Indos River, 163n46 John 5:4, date of composition, 159n15 inscriptions, 6, 22–4, 31, 49, 85 John the Baptist, 133 at Alexandria, 31 John, author of Revelation, 29, 76, 81, at Thera, 31 163n48 on tombstones, 31 admonished not to worship at Stratonicaea, 22 angels, 29 intercessors, 1, 3, 4 John, apostle, at Ephesus, 99 see also Michael, as intercessor Joshua, at Jericho and “angel of the Iona, 107, 109 Lord,” 11, 103 Ireland, 106–10, 119 Jove, 19, 23, 24 “Irish countermodel,” see Michael, cult Jove of Baalbek (Angel of Baalbek), of, diffusion of origins of, 152n111 Irenaeus of Lyon, 202n25 see also Gaionas on Catharists, 32 Judaism on Gnostics, 32 pre–exilic, 12 on Noesians, 32 post–exilic, 11, 12 on Valesians, 32 engagement with other religions, on Angelics, 32 12–14, 19, 22, 23, 32 Iris, as ángelos, 19 Judan, Rabbi, 17 Ishmael, 11 Judas Maccabaeus, 14, 15 Isidore of Seville, 190n71 see also Hasmonaean Rebellion Israel, 4, 11, 12, 15–17, 19, 29, 34, 48, Julianus Argentarius, and Ravenna, 82 52, 81, 93, 134, 137 Jupiter, 23 see also True Israel see also Jove Israelites, 84 Justin Martyr, 33, 34, 46, 47, 61 Isaac, 11, 42, 83 Justin I, Byzantine emperor, 64, 76 Justin II, Byzantine emperor, 99 Jacob, 11 Justinian I, Byzantine emperor 7, 37, Jacob’s Ladder, 21, 99 67, 76–9, 81–4, 86, 91 see also Philo of Alexandria; Avitus of Vienne Kadmos, Mt., 44 Jericho, battle of, and “angel of the Lord,” 11, 103 Le Mans, Church of the Virgin and St. Jerusalem, 1, 2, 12, 26, 39, 90, 91, 114, Gervasius, 102 115, 161n34 , 52, 53 Jesus, see Christ labellum, grafitto at Monte Gargano, 75 Jews Labeo, Cornelius, 21 as magical specialists, 149n78 see also Middle Platonism 264 INDEX

Lactantius, 167n96 Lindisfarne Gospels, 109, 110, 193n104, Lakish, Simeon b., 13 194n106, 194n107 lamellae, 24 Litany of Soissons, and Aldebert, 126, see also curse tablets 202n22 lamps, 41–3 Logos, 33, 34 and lychnomancy, 41 theology of 33, 34; see also Philo of Laodicea, 45, 46, 59, 60, 69, 105, 132, Alexandria 133, 135 Lombards, 73, 76, 87–91, 106 Council of, 59, 60, 132, 133 and paganism, 87 Canons of, see canon law collections; and Michael, 87–91 see also orthopraxy loricae, 127 pagan pilgrim from, 45–7, 60, 61 Lueken, Wilhelm, 4, 5, 142n10 see also Chairetopa see also Religionsgeschichte Larino, bishop of, and dedication of lychnomancy, see lamps Michael church, 72 Lycophron, 69 latreía, 3, 33, 34, 142n7 Lykos River, 44 Laurence of Siponto, see Saints Lyon, 99, 105, 110, 116, 118 Lausanne Cathedral, and Frankish Michaelion at, 99, 118 amulet, 128 Leo XIII, Pope, Michael prayer, 9 Má el Rú ain, bishop of Tallaght, Les Estinnes, Council of, 123 108, 109 Leviathan as Satan, 169n118 Archangelum mirum magnum, 109 Lections, Roman, dating of, 179n73 and the Célí Dé (Culdees), 109, 119, libelli missarum, 116 193n102 Liber de apparitione de Sancti Michaelis in and Cross vigils, 109 Monte Gargano, 67, 68, 70, 72 magic papyri, 24, 25, 41 the “Bull,” 70 magic spells, 6, 10, 13, 19, 24, 32, 33, the “Battle,” 70, 85 46, 47, 54, 59, 63, 71, 93–5, 104, the “Dedication,” 70 117, 118, 121, 128, 129, 137, 138, Hrabanus Maurus, 90 190n67 and author of Revelatio ecclesiae, 115 Mainz, 133 Liber Responsalis, 115, 132, 133, Council of, 7, 133 197n147, 206n56, 206n66 mal’akh Yahweh, 9, 11 Liberatus of Carthage, use of Historia mal’akh, malakh’im, 9, 10, 11, 12 Tripartita in Breviarium, 99 Mamre, 33, 63 Licinius, emperor 53, 54 Manfredonia, see Siponto Life of Adam and Eve, historiographical Marcellus of Bordeaux, podagra debate, 162n37 remedies, 103, 104 Life of St. Columba, 107 see also feet, healing of Light, as symbol, 15, 21, 23, 27, 31, Marianu, pilgrim, 90 43, 47, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 64, 71, Marsoupe River, 112 105, 109 see also St. Mihiel–Verdun Lightning, as symbol, 12, 27, 30, 64, Martyrology of Jerome, 80, 108 67, 134 Martyrology of Tallaght, 108 Lindisfarne, 109, 116 Mary, 4, 26, 38, 133 see also festivals assumption of, 133 INDEX 265

Mattinata, town on the Gargano, 72 32, 38, 48, 62–5, 74, 75, 132, 135, Maxentius, emperor, 52 157n9 Maximian, bishop of Ravenna, 82, 84 conflation with other divinities, Meaux, 110 19, 106 Meer, archangel, 71 conflation with Christ, 31 Melodos, Romanos, 84 conflation with The Father, Son and Melchizedek, 16, 28, 29 The Holy Spirit, 44–6 see also Dead Sea Scrolls conflicting aspects of Christ and Mercia, 127 Michael, 8, 10, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, Mercury, 23, 96, 106 34, 132, 137 see also Hermes conquerer of Satan, 8, 9, 15–8, 30, Meribah, rebellion at, 155n145 31, 33, 37, 39, 47, 48, 51, 63, 64, Merovingian liturgy, 176n41 67, 70, 96, 97, 100, 108, 118, metángelos, 19 137, 139 Metatron, 148n62 cult of, 4, 6, 8, 16, 17, 34, 35, 37, Meuse River, 113 46, 48, 49, 55, 58, 87, 94, 99, 111, Miaphysite, 77 121–36; diffusion of, 4–7, 38, 49, Micah, prophet, 13 67, 68, 91–3, 99, 106, 109–119, Michael the Archangel 138; “Irish countermodel,” 106, absence during Christ’s earthly 119; via Monte Gargano, 67, 68, ministry, 26, 34, 132 70, 71, 76, 93; origins of, 4–7, 38, accoutrements, 10, 56, 76, 83, 88, 103 49, 68, 70, 71, 143n15, 165n72; advocate of the dead, 8, 9, 17, 31, 57 sanctioned by church, 7, 8, 10, 58, angel of the Resurrection, 84 131, 138 angel of the Lord, 40, 103, 111 dedications, 7, 63, 64, 67, 72, 76, 77, anthropomorphism of, 7, 8, 68, 74, 80, 91, 99, 102, 108, 115; see also 93, 94, 138 Michaelions; Mont Saint–Michel apparitions, 4, 5, 38, 44, 45, 49, 71, defeat of Samaēl, 64 86, 93, 94, 95, 100, 101, 110, 111, discernment of, 63, 74, 94, 96, 138; 115, 118; at Chonae, 4, 5, 44, see also distinction between good 45, 62, 63, 138, 139; at Monte and evil spirits Gargano, 67, 68, 70–72, 85, dispute with Satan over Moses’ body, 94, 110 31, 109, 155n144 Archistrategos, 6, 11, 14, 15, 17, 28, divinity of, 4, 10, 39 32–4, 37–9, 45, 47–9, 52, 53, 55, Doctrine of the Trinity, 6, 63, 77; see 58, 61–4, 67; 68, 74, 77, 78, 83, also Arianism; Trinitarian theology 87, 88, 91, 92, 96, 100, 118, 134, Doorkeeper of Paradise, 92, 115, 134 135, 138 Dragon, slaying of, 30, 108, 167n95 cedes duties to Christ, 28, 29, 34, 57 ecclesiastical control of, 7, 63, 68, 75, chief divine agent, 4, 10, 17, 25, 28, 64 93, 102, 105, 138 champion of the Chosen People, 9, episcopal mediator, 34, 63, 64, 74 15, 48 ecumenical status, 5, 10, 19, 48 circumscribed in place and time, 6, Field Marshal of the Host of the 68, 74, 98 Lord, see Archistrategos Commander of the Host of the footprints of, see posterula pusilla Lord, 2, 3, 4, 11, 15–17, 26, 28, 29, four offices of, 143n17 266 INDEX

Michael the Archangel—Continued 37, 63; via amulets, 4–8, 31, 32, grasps St. Aubert’s head, 134 58, 63, 68, 102, 118, 138; via guardian, 9, 15, 32, 63, 67, 68, 75, 81, extraliturgical rituals, 6, 8, 10, 85–7, 90–2, 99, 100, 135, 136 17–19, 60, 63, 138; via magical Guardian of Israel, 4, 15, 17, 19, 34, spells, 24, 31, 63, 68, 157n9; via 48, 81, 100 prayer, 4, 8, 10, 17, 34, 50, 68, 117; Guardian of the Chosen People, 9, via supervised liturgical appeals, 6, 84, 100, 137 7, 60, 63, 68, 74, 138 healer, 2, 4, 5, 8, 17, 25, 37–9, Irish attitudes toward, 107 43, 46, 47, 49, 52, 71, 80, 86, Jewish warrior–priest, 4 157n9; of Aquilinus, 50, 52, 98; Mannu–ki–ili, 13 at Chairetopa, 45–7, 61; of feet, miracle at, 4, 25, 37–40, 44–6, 49, 63, 37, 38, 50–5, 98, 103; at Germia, 64, 157n9 37–9, 63; at Hestiae, 49–55; at mixed pilgrimage, 5, 38, 47 Monte Gargano, 67; according New Dispensation, 137 to Probianus, 50–53, 98; at water, not human, 3, 6, 29, 56 4–6, 37–40, 43–7, 61–3, 67, 75, Orthodox Victor, 63, 68, 76–8, 86, 77, 105, 106; see also Chairetopa; 87, 93, 99–101; see also Theology Hestiae of Victory Heavenly High Priest, 4, 15–17, 28, Perfect eye of Zeus, 4, 24 29, 34, 48, 137 Platonic daimon, 34 humility of, 4, 31, 132 portal to the higher/other divinities, identification with Melchizedek, 16 4, 10, 19, 34 image co–opted to elevate Christ, posterula pusilla, 2, 7, 67, 68, 72, 74; 25, 26, 30 as Christic images, 74, 75; see also images of, 51, 54, 56, 76, 77, 88, 91; Monte; Gargano, relics see also Theology of Victory power constrained, 10, 19, 24–6, 41, imperial ideology, 6, 38, 39, 51, 68, 74, 94, 102, 106, 135, 136 63, 76–8, 83, 84, 87, 88, 92, 133, praepositus sacris cubiculis, subservient 167n95; see also Theology of in imperial hierarchy, 83 Victory presence of, 5, 7, 12, 18, 26, 39, 42–4, imperial patronage of, 5, 6, 37, 46, 47, 49, 63, 67–9, 74, 83, 86, 87, 38, 63 92, 94, 100, 116, 118, 135, 136, imperial supporter, 7, 38, 48, 49, 51, 138, 139 54, 55, 63, 76–8; see also Theology preserver of purity, 9, 14, 17 of Victory Prince of the Heavenly Host, 9, 11, Imperial Victor, 54, 55, 63, 64, 68, 15, 16, 18, 30, 99, 147n46, 76–8, 91; see also Theology of 148n61 Victory protector, 2, 6, 8, 9, 14, 16, 17, 32, 39, incorporeal, 3, 4, 6, 38 40, 48, 77, 80, 109, 137; of empire, intercessor, 2, 7, 9, 16, 17, 24, 28, 34, 39, 63, 77; see also Theology of 37–9, 48, 64, 65, 68, 77, 78, 81, 99, Victory 117, 137, 148n62 psychopomp, 4, 10, 31, 34 invocation of: alongside Trinity, 47, purifier of water, 40, 43, 60, 68 61; through Archippos, 62, 63; Quis ut Deus (He who is as God), 3, through Theodore of Sykeon, 9, 13, 26, 47, 64, 74, 109 INDEX 267

relics of, 7, 94, 99, 102, 112–114, Frankish, 116, 131, 132 135, 138; see also posterula pusilla; at Lindisfarne, 110 rubrus; palliolus at Milan, 117 shield–bearer, 109 of Pope Vigilius, 68 rubrus palliolus (red cape), 67, 73, 75, Roman, 122, 131–3 84; see also Monte Gargano, relics at Tallaght, 108 sacrifices to, 18 of Frankish–Gelasian sacramentaries, saint, 7, 8, 68 131, 133 segregation of, 135 Michaelions, 7, 49–55, 63, 64, 72, 76, signifier, 31 77, 86, 100 spiritual patron, 110, 123 see also dedications subordinate, 17–19, 26, 29–31, 34, Middle Platonism, 21, 22 35, 55–8, 62, 63, 74, 76, 83, 131 and Cornelius Labeo, 21 substitution for non–Christian and Philo of Alexandria, 20, 21 divinities (Mercury, Mithras, and Plutarch, 20 Wodin, Wotan), 5, 87, 106 and Xenocrates, 20 taxiarch, 45, 48 Milan, 40, 116, 117 triumph over Satan, 8, 9, 15–18, Miracle of St. Michael the Archangel at 30–3, 37, 39, 47, 48, 51, 63, 64, 67, Chonae, dating of text, 163n47 70, 96, 97, 100, 108, 118, 137, 139 “funnel,” punning on Chonae, 44 Throne Companion, 83 Orthodox commemoration of, Sept. Trinity, supporter of, 7, 55, 62–8, 6, 44; see also festivals 74, 77 salvation of prayerhouse, 44 tutor, 67, 100 Mission of the Seventy, Eucharist veneration, 2, 6, 25, 37, 39, 68, 81, for the Incorporeal Spirits (hoi 118; apostolic resistance to, 3, asómatoi), 64 38; appropriate methods of, 10, Mithras, 70, 106 55, 60, 61, 63, 98; as a divinity, monasteries 4, 6; as if a human saint, 3, 4, 68, Bobbio, 115, 116 74, 138; in Ireland, 106–9, 119; Derry, 107 in God’s name, 4, 55, 61–3, 137; Durrow, 107 incorporation of pre–Christian Flavigny in Burgundy, 131 elements, 39, 68, 70; liturgical, 7, Fulda, 90, 115 10, 15, 68, 76, 122; prohibition of, Iona, 107 2, 3, 7, 18, 33, 49, 55, 56, 58, 61, Nisita, 110 62; ritual and spatial intersection, Oundle, 111 6, 38–40, 42, 47, 49, 63, 67, 75, Ripon, 110 135, 136; shared space of, 39–45, St. John at Arles, 118, 188n39 47, 63, 68, 69; three formations of, Saints Peter and Paul at Le 37, 38, 63 Mans, 102 Victor over Satan, 33, 51, 53, 63, St. Wandrille, 113 64, 67 San Michele in Pavia, 91 warrior, 30, 87, 88, 109 Tallaght, 108 and Overseer, 67, 83 Monasticism, 106 Michael Mass Monk of Wenlock, 127 and First Siege of Rome, 80, 179n72 Monophysite, 77–9, 83, 84 268 INDEX

Mont Saint–Michel, 1, 2, 7, 93, 107, Arthelais, 87; St. Aubert, 114; 115, 133–5, 139 Teospard, 89; Totoh, 90; Zillo, 90 construction of, 93, 107, 142n3 relics, 3, 7, 67, 74, 75, 93, 98, 113, founding of 112, 114, 119 114, 119, 135, 138; posterula pusilla, Frankish attitudes toward, 133, 134 2, 7, 67, 68, 72–5, 85, 86, 89, 114, and Godwinson, Harold, 41n1 135, 138; rubrus palliolus, 7, 67, 68, lectionary, 10th c. (Avranches MS 73–5, 84, 85, 92, 114, 135, 138; 211), 115, 116, 197n145, n146, stilla, 7, 67, 73–5, 84, 92 n148 Siponto’s influence, 174n21 Mediterranean background, 119 and St. Aubert, 114 relationship to Skellig Michael, 107, and subjugation of angelic power, 108, 115 40, 74, 75 relationship to St. Mihiel–Verdun, Moses, 11, 20, 21, 31, 48, 56, 58, 62, 112, 113 109, 116, 148n62, 155n145 relics from Monte Gargano, 7, 94, 135 Mount Horeb, 134 rivalry with St. Mihiel–Verdun, 113 Mount Kadmos, 44 Monte Gargano, 2, 7, 67, 69, 70, 80, 87, Mount of Olives, 26 92, 106, 134 Altar of the Rock, 89 Naples, 67, 73, 85, 110, 134 Apodonia, 89 Nazareth, 26 basylica grandis, 72, 73, 89, 90 necromancy, 20, 24, 25, 41, 105 cave shrine, 2, 7, 67–75, 80, 84–94, Neo–Chalcedonian orthodoxy, 84 134, 138, 177n44; economic Neoplatonism, 21, 23, 24, 75 preconditions for, 83–6; and Porphyry, 21, 22 replication of the Holy Sepulchre, and Iamblichus, 22 69, 75, 76, 91, 92, 114; constructed Nepthys, see Iao ̄ Ēl Michael̄ Nephtho by Michael, “made without Neptune, 19, 96 human hands,” 67, 72, 74, 75; Neustria, 112, 113, 115, 123, 134, 135 Church of St. Peter, 70–72 Nicaea, First Council of, 56, 59, 61 ecclesiastical authority over, 87–91 see also Arian Controversy; festival of May 8, 73, 86, 90, 108, Trinitarian theology 115; see also festivals Nicene Creed, 56, 59 founding of, 86, 92 Nicene–Chalcedonian theology/ inscriptions, 75, 85, 87–90, 92 orthodoxy, 68, 77, 80, 83 Lombard patronage of, 87–91 nomism, covenantal, 144n15 longa porticus, 72, 73, 90 Northumbria, 107, 109, 110 Michael’s apparition at, 94, 110 Nôtre–Dame–sous–Terre, 1, 114, 115, miracle at, 67, 69, 70 141n2 pagan attack on, 67, 73, 85, 134 cyclopean wall at, 1, 114, 115 Peter and Paul arch, 73, 89 nunneries pilgrims to, 7, 67, 68, 84, 89, 90, at Chelles, 114 91, 113; Adgan, 91; Ansuini, 91; at Lyons, 118 Arricus, 91; Corbo, 91; Cunaldu, Nuriel, 18 90; Eadhrid, 91; Ludenus, 75; Marianu, 90; Raidunis, 89; Oamoutha, 95 Ramberta, 90; Rodicisi, 91; St. Odysseus, 20 INDEX 269

Oengus, 108, 109 Perctarit, 91 Ofanim, 12 Pergamon and Sabazios, 151n108 Old Gelasian Sacramentary, 116, 117 Pescheria, Church of S. Angelo, Oracles, 11, 20, 23, 50, 54, 98, 102, 104, 178n64 115, 119, 134 Pessinus, 39 Oracle of Oenoanda, 23 Peter, apostle, 27, 39, 72, 105, 111 see also Zeus; Hupsistos , 131 “origin and diffusion,” theory, 4, 5, Pharisees, 15, 16 164n66 Phokensepseuarektathoumisaktai, magical Origen of Alexandria, 48, 103 word, 24 ōrōrphōr, magical word, 33 see also curse tablets Orthodox Victor, 64, 68, 76, 77, 87, 88, phiálē, 148n65 91, 93, 138 Philip, apostle, 45, 81 orthopraxy, 16, 17, 34, 59, 60 entrance into Hieropolis, 163n48 Ostia, 23, 79, 82 Phillips Sacramentary, see Sacramentary Ostragoths, 7, 67, 68, 76, 78, 79, 91, 98 of Autun Romanization of, 78, 79, 94 Philistines, 11, 84 Oundle, see monasteries Philo of Alexandria, 20–22, 33, 34, 150n87 paganism, 94, 96, 129, 132, 186n20 and angelology, 21 pagans, 4–10, 19–22, 27, 31–3, 38–42, and Jacob’s Ladder, 21 45–8, 56, 59, 61, 68, 88, 96, 97, and Logos theology, 21, 33 103, 104, 123, 129, 138 see also Middle Platonism attack on Chonae, see Chonae Phrygia, site of Chonae, 4, 5, 23, 27, 43, attack on Monte Gargano, see Monte 47, 49–61, 81, 86, 92 Gargano Pilgrim of Piacenza, 74 misperceptions/angel worship, 42, pilgrimages, 1, 2, 5, 6, 37–9, 44–7, 87, 151n101 90, 99, 137, 141n1 Pakerbeth, 24 shared sites, 38, 47, 137, 161n34 Pale Rider, John’s vision of, 29, 30 anthropology of, 157n6 Palestine, 17, 33, 90, 146n44 pilgrims, 1–7, 37–47, 60, 63, 67, 68, pallium, symbol of authority, 51, 122 74–7, 84, 87–92, 99, 113 –15, 129, paludamentum, –a, symbol of authority, 137, 141n1 82–4, 97 accounts of miracles, 4, 115 see also cloaks amulets, 129 Paniel, 127 Pippin II, 112, 113 Pantaleon, chartophylax of Hagia Pippin III, 113, 123–5, 131 Sophia, 39, 40 adoption of the Roman Diocesan Paraguel, 117, 118, 128 System, 123 Patathnax, magical word, 24 usurpation of Frankish throne, 131 see also curse tablets Pippinids, 113 Paul, apostle, 2, 3, 81, 105, 127 Plague of Justinian, 86, 88 mistaken for Hermes, 27 Plato, 20, 21, 23, 61 Pausanius, 45, 69 Plutarch, 20–22, 149n85 Pavia, 88, 91 see also Middle Platonism Church of Michael, 183n130 Pluto, 23 270 INDEX podagra, podagrica, 98, 102–4 Rheims, 113 see also Michael, healer, feet Reisbach, Freising, and Salzburg, Podaleirius, 69 Council of, 133 Poitiers, 58, 100, 101, 118 relics, 3, 7, 93, 98, 99, 135 Holy Cross Abbey, 100, 101 dispersal of, 4 Probianus, and Hestiae 50, 52, 53, 98 evoking ecclesiatical and imperial see also Michael, healer authority, 68 Porphyry, 21, 22 at Arles, 100 see also Neoplatonism at Germia, 99 Procopius, 55, 56, 79, 85, 86, 178n59 at Monte Gagarno, see Monte proskúnein, 29 Gargano, relics Pseudo–Dionysius, 75 taken from Monte Gagarno, Pseudo–Vigilius of Thapsus, 170n130 92–4, 106 psychopomp, 4, 10, 23, 31, 34 at Mont Saint Michel, 94 Puglia, see Apulia of St. Sigismund of Burgundy, 118 purity, 9, 12, 15–17, 22, 30, 45, 56, 68, of the True Cross, 100, 118 97, 101 of Wilfred of York, 111 purple, as symbol, 56, 75, 77, 82, 83, Religion, phenomenology of, 159n10 100, 180n84 Religionsgeschichte, 5 Requiem Mass, 31, 126, 127 qadoshim̄ (Holy Ones), 154n126 Resurrection, 15, 16, 26, 27, 40, 102 Quis ut Deus, see Michael, Quis ut Deus doctrine of, 102 Qumran, 15, 16, 28 Revelatio ecclesiae, 112, 114, 115, 133, see also Dead Sea Scrolls 135, 141n1, 184n1, 195n120 Rheneai epitaphs, 17 Racuel/, 13, 105, 117, 118, 121, Rhodes, 5 125–8, 139 Rhô ne River, 94 Radegund, 100 Rigobert, Archbishop of , 113 Ragyndrudis Codex, 130, 205n47, Rigunth, Frankish princess, 101, 205n48 102, 118 see also St. Boniface Ripon, 110 Raidunis, pilgrim, 89 rituals, blending of, 6, 32, 38, 40, 42–4, Ramberta, pilgrim, 90 47–50, 63, 93 Rape of Prosperina, and Vibia, 23 robor, 69 Raphael, 4, 7, 13, 14, 16–18, 24, 25, 71, Rome, 1, 7, 38, 51, 63, 68, 75, 79, 80, 103, 104, 117, 118, 121, 125–8, 86, 90, 95, 99, 106, 108, 110, 131, 133, 138 114–16, 119, 121, 124, 126, divine authority recognized, 121 129, 138 see also healing, fumigation; Book of Romanos Melodos, 84 Tobit Romuald I, Duke of Benevento, Ravenna, 74, 80, 82, 83, 86 88–90 Church of San Vitale, 83 Romuald II, Duke of Benevento, 85, Reccared, Visigoth prince 101 88–90 Red Sea, 62, 93 royal ideology parting of, 62 Lombard, 88 reductionism, 102 Carolingian, 122, 133 INDEX 271

role of Michael in, 88, 118, 133 the Ragyndrudis Codex, 130; Rozhdestvenskaia, Olga Dobias, 106 letter to Rome, 201n12 Rumiel, 127 St. Barbatus of Benevento, 90 rural landscape, 7, 46, 47, 69, 70, 72, 94, St. Columba, 107, 109 96, 122, 123, 138 Saints Cosmas and Damian, 86 St. Denis, 113 Sabaō, 24, 95 St. Donatus, 117 Sabazios, 23, 151n108 St. Faro, 110 Sacramentarium Triplex, 131, 198n154, St. Hubert, 113 199n162, 199n163 St. Laurence of Siponto, 71, 85, Sacramentary of Angoulême, 131 86, 88 Sacramentary of Autun, 131 St. Martin of Tours, 96, 97, 102, 107 Sacramentary of Gellone, 131 St. Mihiel–Verdun, 112, 113 Sacramentary of Leo (Sacramentarium St. Pair, 192n89 veronense), 80, 116, 117, 131 St. Peter, relics of, 122 see also Michael Mass, Pope Vigilius St. Radegund, Holy Cross relics, 100 Sacramentary of St. Gall, 131 St. Rusticola of Arles, 100, 103, 118 sacred landscape, 5, 6, 37–40, 42, 67, 69, St. Scubilion, 192n89 80, 92, 107, 139 St. Severus, 117 physical engagement with, 38–40 St. Sigusmund of Burgundy, 118 sacrifices to the dead, condemned by St. Stephen, 112 Gregory III, 129 St. Symphorian, 112 Sadducees, 15, 16, 27 St. Wandrille, 113 saints, cults, 4, 38 Saltyel, 126 Saints salvation, 2, 3, 15, 21, 23, 28, 39, 50, 55, St. Aidan, 109 57, 58, 61, 64, 67, 69, 74, 81, 84, St. , and discernment 85, 100, 102, 106, 108, 122, 125, between angels and demons, 127, 134 187n26 Salzburg, 133 St. Apollinaris, 74, 82 Samaēl, 64 St. Aridius, 117 San Apollinare in Classe, 82–4, 116 St. Arthelais of Benevento, 86, 87 see also Classe St. Aubert, Bishop of Avranches, 1, 2, San Apollinare Nuovo, 82 93, 94, 107, 112–15, 134–6, 139, see also Ravenna, Theodoric the 142n3; pilgrimage, 114; mark of Ostrogoth, Arianism Michael on head of, 134 San Michele in Africisco, 86 St. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 3 see also Ravenna St. Boniface, archbishop of San Vitale in Ravenna, 83 Mainz, 121–132; and amulets, Saraqael/Saraqiel, 13, 105, 139 129; authority of canons, 125; sar–tseva–ha–shem, see Michael, condemnation of Aldebert, 125, Archistrategos 130; ecclesiastical structure in Satan, 2, 8, 9, 26, 29, 30–3, 48, 51, 54, Austrasia, 123; Gelasian Decree, 56, 57, 64, 74, 96, 97, 100, 101, 130; Frankish Church System, 105, 108, 137, 139 122, 123; labels Aldebert a inferior to Christ, 169n118 “pseudoprophet,” 122, 124; and prosecution of, 155n145 272 INDEX sculpting of human images, Stowe Missal, 108, 193n95 forbidden, 96 Strabo, 69 Scythian monks, and Theopaschite Stratonicaea, 22, 151n102 formula, 84 see also Hupsistos Second Temple Judaism, 9, 10, 11, 13, Studius, and Germia, 37 144n15 Suetonius, 51 Sefer ha–Razim, and appeals to angels, Sulpicius Severus, Life of St. Martin, 96, 149n76 97, 103, 107 Semyaza, 14 Suriel, 16 Sennacherib, Assyrian king, 134 Symmachus, Pope, 80 Sens, relic tag, 114 Synaxarium Ecclesiae Septimania, 101 Constantinopolitanae, 162n43, 172n Septimius Severus, 167n97 Synod of 745, 121, 130–1, 133, 134, 135 Septuagint, 9, 28 acceptable forms of veneration of Seraphim, 11, 12, 48, 127, 128, 144n16 angels, 131 Serapis, 51 deposed Aldebert, 131 serpents, snakes, 13, 30, 45, 48, 53–5, impact of, 131 64, 97, 104 Synod of Whitby, 110 Severus, bishop of Antioch, 55, 56 shared spaces of worship, 2, 6, 8, 38, 39, Tallaght, 108, 109 42–50, 63, 69, 93, 137, 138, 157n6 Cellach Mac Dunchada, 109 Christianized, 43–6 feast days of, 193n99 Sicily, 69, 71, 79, 113 Talmud, 12, 16, 18 Silverius, Pope, 79 tapeinophrosúnē, and Colossians 2.18, 28 Simeon Stylites of Antioch, 97, 99 tariff penance, 106, 123 Simon, Frankish slave, 98 terebinth tree, 42 cured by Martin of Tours, 98 see also Mamre Siponto, 71, 72, 85, 88, 90, 113, 172n21, Temple of Solomon, 12, 75 174n18, 183n116 Teospard, pilgrim, 89 church at, 85 Testament of Solomon, 104, 190n67 Sisthiel, 71 Teuderigus, pilgrim, 89 Skellig Michael, 107, 108, 115 Thailand, and magical healing, 149n78 Soissons, Council of, 123, 124, 126, 132 , pilgrim, 79 recapitulation of Council of Theodora, empress, 37, 79 Nicea, 124 Theodore of Sykeon, and Germia, 37, Sol Invictus, 53 38, 63 see also Constantine Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, Sons of Heaven/Light, 15, 16 109, 110 see also Qumran Theodoret of Cyrrus, 52, 60, 61 Sosthenion, 77, 78 Theoderic the Ostrogoth, , see also Michaelions 68, 78, 82, 98, 99 Sosthiel, 139 see also Arianism Souriel, 24 Theodosius II, Byzantine emperor, 75 Sozomen, 42, 43, 49–52, 55, 98 Theology of Victory, 6, 38, 39, 49, stilla, 7, 67, 73, 74, 84 51–5, 63, 68, 76, 77, 85–8, 91, see also Monte Gargano, relics 99–101, 138 INDEX 273

see also feet, healing of; Michael, Verdun, 113 Imperial Victor; Michael, healer, Vespasian, 51, 52 feet; Michael, Orthodox Victor see also feet, healing of Theopaschite formula, see Christology Vesta, and Hestiae, 49 Thera, 31, 32, 41 Vetus Gallica, see canon law collections see also inscriptions Via Theudelinda, Lombard queen, 88 Ergitium, 72 Thrasybulus of Miletus, 19 Litoranea, 71, 72 threskeía, and Colossians 2.18, 27 Salaria, Michael church at, 80 see also angels Vibia Thuringia, 129 bonus angelus, 23, 24 Tiber River, 80 tomb, 23 Tiberius II, 98 Victory, image of, 51, 76, 91 Tobias, son of Tobit, 103 Vienne, 99, 116 Torah, 10, 16, 17, 26 Vieste, 72 , King of the Ostrogoths, 85 Vigilius, Pope (r. 537–555), 68, 79, Toyoh, pilgrim, 90 80, 138 Tours, 97–105, 118 Vincentius, 23 Trade routes, and cult diffusion, 86, 113 Visigoths, 101, 118 Transitus Mariae, 188n44 see also Arianism Trinitarian theology, 6, 32–4, 38, 55–9, Vision of the Monk of Wenlock, 127 61, 62, 83, 102, 118, 138 see also St. Boniface see also Alexander of Alexandria; visions, 15, 27, 28, 29, 46, 50–54, 57, Arian Controversy; Athanasius; 67, 98, 100, 101, 104, 107, Trinity, co–ordinationist; Nicaea, 111, 127 First Council of; Nicene Creed , Pope (r. 657–662), 110 Trinity, 6, 7, 32–4, 38, 40, 46, 47, 54–9, Vitalian, 77 61–3, 65, 68, 77, 83, 84, 102, 118, Vulcan, 69 127, 138 see also robor co–ordinationist, 56, 58; see also Vulfulaic, 97, 98 Alexander of Alexandria; Arian see also Simeon Stylites of Antioch Controversy; Trinitarian doctrine subordinationist, 56, 57; see also Arian water Controversy and resurrection, 40 Trisagion, 83 source of healing and divine power, Troy, 19, 69 6, 38–48, 69–71, 75, 77, 84, 94–6, True Israel, Michael as guardian of, 12, 105, 137 15, 17 Well of Abraham, 42 tsabaoth, see angels, Heavenly Host see also Mamre Welsh Annals, 112, 193n23 Urfa, and sacred fishpool, 39 Whitby, Synod of, 110 , 12, 13, 16, 43, 71, 117, 121, White Rider, see Pale Rider 125–8, 131 white, as symbol, 29, 30, 57, 77, 82, 83, 85, 108, 111 , 79, 85 Willibald, 126 Vari Cave, 70 Willibrord, 132 274 INDEX

Wilfrid, bishop of York, 110–12, Yom Kippur, 29 194n106 York, 110–12 see also Eddius Stephanus Word, The, see Christ, The Eternal Zacharias, Pope (r. 741–752), 121, Word 129, 130 worship, vs. veneration, 3, 4, 143n5 and Aldebert, 121–5 Wotan, 106 demons posing as angels, 121 Wulfings, 112, 113 and Gelasian Decree, 130 Wulfoald, founder of St. Mihiel–Verdun, Zaphiel, 13 112, 113 Zeno, 71 Wulfoald, majordomo for Childeric Zeus, 19, 22–4, 27, 53 II, 112 Zillo, pilgrim, 90 Zoneine, tombstone in Alexandria, 31 Xenocrates, 20 Zoroastrianism, 12, 13, 15 see also Middle Platonism amesha spintas, 12, 13 fravashis, 14 Yahweh, 11, 30 dualism, 12, 14, 15 Yehoel, 18, 148n62 Jewish attitudes toward, 146n32, Yequtiel, 18 146n37, 146n38