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König Rothari Begründet Seine Gesetze. Zum Verhältnis Vonkonsens Und Argumentation in Den ›Leges Langobardorum‹*

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König Rothari Begründet Seine Gesetze. Zum Verhältnis Vonkonsens Und Argumentation in Den ›Leges Langobardorum‹* König Rothari begründet seine Gesetze. Zum Verhältnis vonKonsens und Argumentation in den ›Leges Langobardorum‹* Heinz Holzhauer zugeeignet Christoph H. F. Meyer (Frankfurta.M.) I. Das Langobardenreich: Herrschaftund Religion II. Die ›Leges Langobardorum‹ III. Konsensfähige Aussagen im Recht: Alles nur Propaganda? IV. Beratungs- und Aufzeichnungsvorgänge IV.1 Das Edictum Rothari, Kapitel 386: Konsens, Gemeinwohl, gairethinx IV.2 Die Novellen V. EinzelneStichproben: Konsens und Kontrolle im Edikt VI. Begründungen in der lex scripta VI.1 Historische und sachliche Hintergründe VI.2 Begründungen im EdictumRothari VI.2.a Ein innerweltlicher Maßstab: Vernunftund Unvernunft VI.2.b Religiöse Begründungen: Herzen der Könige, Krankheit als Sündenstrafe und Argumente gegen angeblichen Hexenzauber VII. Schluss: Konsensuale Wege zum geschriebenen Recht *) Zur Entlastung des Anmerkungsapparats wird bei der Zitation vonQuellen des langobardischen Rechts des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts auf ausführliche bibliographische Angaben verzichtet. Zugrunde liegt stets die kritischeEdition von1868. Vgl. Edictus Langobardorum, hg. vonFriedrich Bluhme (MGH LL 4), Han- nover 1868 (ND Stuttgart/Vaduz 1965), S. 1 225. Die Vorschriften der langobardischen Könige und ben- À eventanischen Duces werden mit Ausnahmedes Edictum Rothari ausschließlich nach den abgekürzten Herrschernamen zitiert: Ed. Ro. (Edictum Rothari), Grim. (Grimoald),Liutpr. (Liutprand), Ra. (Ratchis), Aist. (Aistulf), Areg. (Aregis), Adel. (Adelgis). Die teils Grimoald, teils Liutprandzugeschriebenen soge- nanntenNotitiae werden als »Not.« in Verbindung mit einer Ordnungszahl und Seitenangabe (nach Bluhme)zitiert. Aus Platzgründen werden auch bei der Zitation vonQuellen des justinianischen Rechts Abkürzungen anstelle vollständigerbibliographischer Angaben verwendet. Sie basieren auf den Editionen vonKrüger/Mommsen.Vgl. Corpus iuris civilis, Bd. 1.1:IustinianiInstitutiones, hg. vonPaul Krüger, Berlin 171963; Bd. 1.2: Digesta, hg. vonTheodor Mommsen und Paul Krüger,Berlin 171963; Bd. 2: Codex Iustinianus, hg. vonPaul Krüger,Dublin/Zürich 141968; Bd. 3: Novellae, hg. vonRudolf Schoell und Wilhelm Kroll,Dublin/Zürich 91968. Die Abkürzungen der einzelnen Werke lauten: Inst. (Institutiones), Dig. (Digesta), Cod. (Codex Iustinianus), Nov. (Novellae). 152 CHRISTOPH H. F. MEYER Als sich im 18. Jahrhundert Gelehrte intensivermit der Geschichte der Langobarden und ihres Rechts zu beschäftigen begannen, fiel ihr Blick im Zeitalter vonAbsolutismus und Aufklärung nicht zuletzt auf Vorgänge vonBeratung und Zustimmung, als deren Ergeb- nis sich die ›Leges Langobardorum‹darstellen. So hebt etwaLodovico Antonio Mura- tori (1672 1750) im Zusammenhang mit den Langobarden hervor, dass ihre Gesetze À nicht bloß aufgrund des Willensund der Planung des Herrschers und seines Rates zu- stande gekommen sind, sondern auch durch Rat und Zustimmung der Stände und Ersten des Reiches1).Ähnliche Beobachtungen finden sich bei Pietro Giannone (1676 1748)2). À Beide Autoren hatten dabei vorallem das Kapitel 386 des ›Edictum Rothari‹ von643 vorAugen. Wenn man den Inhalt der Vorschriftbetrachtet, ist der Eindruck, den die Gelehrten daraus gewannen, durchausnachvollziehbar. Immerhin ist in Ed. Ro. 386 nicht nur davon die Rede, dass der König das Edikt erlassen hat3).Eswird auch ausdrücklichauf den Rat (consilium)und die Zustimmung (consensus)der primati iudices und des langobardischen Heeres Bezug genommen. Außerdem findet sich am Ende des Kapitels der Hinweis, dass das Gesetzbuch durch ein gairethinx bekräftigt wurde. Dieses langobardische Ritual wird oftals eine auf dem Zusammenschlagen vonSpeeren beruhende Konsensbezeugung ge- deutet. Berücksichtigt man, dass in dem betreffenden Kapitel auch der exercitus eine Rolle spielt, mag ein solcher rechtlicher Ritusnicht weiter überraschen. Die Beteiligung eines weiten Personenkreises könntezudem eine Entsprechung und vielleichtsogar eine Erklärung im Inhalt des ›Edictum Rothari‹ finden,ist doch in Ed. Ro. 386 vonder Auf- zeichnung alter ungeschriebener Gesetzeder Väter die Rede. Zum Teil ähnlicheBeob- achtungen wie für das Zustandekommen des Edikts lassen sich auch für die langobardi- schen Novellen des 8. Jahrhunderts machen4).Sogesehen scheintschon bei einerober- flächlichen Betrachtung einiges für den Gedanken zu sprechen,dass sich die ›Leges Lan- 1) Lodovico Antonio Muratori,Antiquitates italicae medii aevi, Bd. 2, Mailand 1739, Diss. XXII, Sp. 235. Vgl. Giovanni Tabacco,Latinità und Germanesimo in der italienischen Mediävistik, in: Ge- schichteund Geschichtswissenschaftinder Kultur Italiens und Deutschlands. Wissenschaftliches Kollo- quium zum hundertjährigen Bestehendes Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom (24.–25.Mai 1988), hg. vonArnold Esch und Jens Petersen (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 71), Tü- bingen 1989, S. 108–135, S. 117–122; Manuela Bragagnolo,Pubblica Felicità elimiti del potere in Lo- dovico Antonio Muratori, in: Challenging Centralism.Decentramento eautonomienel pensiero politico europeo,hg. vonLea Campos Boralevi,Florenz 2011, S. 119 130, S. 124 f. À 2) Pietro Giannone,Istoria civile del regno di Napoli, hg. vonSergio Bertelli,in: Pietro Giannone. Opere (Illuministi italiani 1), Mailand/Neapel 1971, S. 349–472, Lib. V, cap. V, S. 441 f. Vgl. Giorgio Falco,Laquestione longobarda elamoderna storiografia italiana, in: Atti del 1o congresso internazionale di studi longobardi, Spoleto 27–30 settembre 1951, Spoleto 1952, S. 153–166, S. 156 f.; Ian Wo od,The ModernOrigins of the Early Middle Ages, Oxford 2013, S. 117 f. 3) Zu Ed. Ro. 386 siehe unten S. 173–185. 4) Dazu siehe S. 185–188. KÖNIGROTHARI BEGRÜNDETSEINE GESETZE 153 gobardorum‹ im Allgemeinen und das ›EdictumRothari‹ im Besonderen durch einen konsensualen Zug auszeichnen. Wenn man allerdingsdie Quellen und die Literatur etwas genauer betrachtet, ergibt sich noch eine weitere Beobachtung, die man in ähnlicher Form auch in anderenBerei- chen der frühmittelalterlichen Geschichte machen kann. Die gerade referierten Einsich- ten stehen in einem symbiotischen Verhältniszuallgemeinen Vorstellungen über Herr- schaftund RechtsentwicklungimMittelalter, deren Wurzeln im 18. Jahrhundertliegen5). Die betreffenden Theorien stützen sich unter anderem auf deutungsoffene Passagen aus Prologen und Epilogenfrühmittelalterlicher Rechtsaufzeichnungen, die wiederum im Lichte entsprechender Fragestellungen einen allgemeineren Sinn gewinnen. Sobald man jedoch die theoretischeBeleuchtung ausschaltet, liegt das, waseben noch klar und deut- lich erkennbar schien,schnell wieder im Dunkeln. Das zeigt etwadas zuvor erwähnte gairethinx6). Weder ist bekannt, worin ein solcher Ritus bestand, noch wasseine genaueFunktion war7).Aus der etymologischen Vermu- tung, gairethinx müsse etwas mit Speeren (gaire)und einer Versammlung(thinx)zutun haben, wird ein »Speergedinge«, mit dem nach einer weiter verbreiteten Auffassung ein »›germanischer‹ Modus des Volkskonsenses« (Hannig)zum Ausdruckgebracht worden sein soll8).Ein so verstandenesRitual erscheint dann womöglich als »ein Ausgangspunkt der konsensgebundenen Herrschaftdes Mittelalters«9) (Dilcher)und als ein Indiz für »die Tradition der Dingversammlungals Grundlage des langobardischen Rechts« (Dil- cher)10).Doch kann das gairethinx erst dann als Beleg für all dies und manches andere dienen, wenn man es vordem Hintergrundentsprechender Theorien etwaüber den ger- 5) Christian Cheminade,Charles le Chauveetledébat sur le pouvoir législatifauXVIIIe siècle, in: Le prince et la norme. Ce que légiférer veut dire, hg. vonJacqueline Hoareau-Dodinau,Guillaume MØtai- rie und Pascal Texier (Cahiers de l’Institut d’Anthropologie Juridique17), Limoges2007, S. 177–193, S. 181 193; Christoph H. F. Meyer,Konsens in der Rechtsgeschichte des frühen Mittelalters, in diesem À Band S. 19–45. 6) Zum Folgenden siehe S. 181–185. 7) Immerhin spielte das gairethinx auch bei Verfügungen auf den Todesfall und Freilassungen eine Rolle. Vgl. Ed. Ro. 172, 224. Ferner siehe S. 173 f.,183. 8) Jürgen Hannig,Consensus fidelium. Frühfeudale Interpretationen des Verhältnisses vonKönigtum und Adel am Beispieldes Frankenreiches (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 27), Stuttgart 1982, S. 56 (mit älterer Literatur). 9) Gerhard Dilcher,Konsens, in: HRG 3(17. Lieferung) (22013), Sp. 109–117, Sp. 109. 10) Gerhard Dilcher,Dinggenossenschaftund Recht im langobardischen Italien, in: Recht im Wandel – Wandel des Rechts. Festschriftfür Jürgen Weitzel zum 70. Geburtstag, hg. vonIgnacio Czeguhn,Köln/ Weimar/Wien 2014, S. 69–92, S. 72. Dabei ist allerdingszuberücksichtigen, dass es keinen positiven Hin- weis auf ein entsprechendes, eigentlich im fränkischen Bereich beheimatetesdinggenossenschaftliches Verfahren in der Zeit des langobardischen Regnum (568–774) gibt. Zur Dinggenossenschaftvgl. Jürgen We itzel,Dinggenossenschaftund Recht. Untersuchungen zum Rechtsverständnis im fränkisch-deutschen Mittelalter (Quellen und Forschungenzur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im Alten Reich 15), 2Bde, Köln/ Wien 1985. 154 CHRISTOPH H. F. MEYER manischen Volkskonsens, die Dinggenossenschaftoder die Natur des Langobardenrechts betrachtet und deutet. Tritt man aus diesem Zirkel heraus, bleibt ein volkssprachiges Wort, dessen rechtlicher Gehalt nur vage zu fassen ist. Aus der sich hier abzeichnenden Bedeutung erkenntnisleitender Vorverständnisse er- gibt sich mittelbar eine Weichenstellung für die vorliegende Untersuchung. Es geht im Folgenden weder um die geradeerwähnten großen Theorien noch um die aus dem Ver- fassungs- und Rechtsverständnis
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