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Die Israel-Lobby Wie Die Amerikanische Außenpolitik Beeinflusst Wird

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Die Israel-Lobby Wie Die Amerikanische Außenpolitik Beeinflusst Wird John J. Mearsheimer, Stephen M. Walt Die Israel-Lobby Wie die amerikanische Außenpolitik beeinflusst wird Aus dem Englischen von Ulrike Bischoff , Claudia Buchholtz, Birgit, Lamerz-Beckschäfer, Ute Mareik , Dr. Harald Stadler, Anmerkungen Campus Verlag Frankfurt/New York ISBN 978-3-593-38377-4 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlags unzulässig. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Copyright © 2007 Alle deutschsprachigen Rechte bei Campus Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt/Main Anmerkungen Falls nicht anders angegeben, beziehen sich die Verweise auf folgende Publikationen und Nachrichten- agenturen auf Online-Content: American Prospect, Associated Press, Boston Globe, Chicago Sun-Times, Chicago Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, Daily Telegraph (London), Financial Times, Forward, Guar- dian, Haaretz, Independent, International Herald Tribune, Inter Press Service, Jerusalem Post, Jewish Week, Los Angeles Times, Nation, Newsweek, New York Review of Books, New York Sun, New York Times, Observer, Reuters, Sunday Telegraph (London), Sunday Times (London), Time, Times (London), USA Today, U.S. News & World Report, Wall Street Journal, Washington Monthly, Washington Post, Washington Times, und Weekly Standard. Einige Publikationen wurden über digitale Archive wie Lexis- Nexis, FACTIVA, oder JSTOR erschlossen. Einleitung 1 Joshua Mitnick, „Iran Threat Steals Show at Herzliya“, Jewish Week, 26. Januar 2007. Siehe auch Ron Kampeas, „As Candidates Enter 2008 Race, They Begin Courting Jewish Support“, JTA.org, 25. Januar 2007; Ron Kampeas, „AIPAC Conference—The First Primary?“, JTA.org, 6. März 2007; Joshua Mitnick, „Candidates Court Israel, Cite Iran Risks“, Washington Times, 24. Januar 2007; und M. J. Rosenberg, „Pandering Not Required“, Weekly Opinion Column, Ausgabe Nr. 310, Israel Policy Forum, Washington, DC, 9. Februar 2007. Niederschriften der Vorträge von Edwards, Gingrich, McCain und Romney sind zu finden unter www.herzliyaconference.org/Eng/_Articles/Article.asp?Cate goryID=226&ArticleID=1599. 2 „Senator Clinton’s Remarks to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)“, 1. Februar 2007. Eine Kopie davon ist zu finden unter http://clinton.senate.gov/news/statements/details.cfm?id=268474. Siehe Joshua Frank, „Hillary Clinton and the Israel Lobby“, Antiwar.com, 23. Januar 2007; und E. J. Kessler, „Hillary the Favorite in Race for Jewish Donations“, Forward, 26. Januar 2007. 3 Thomas Beaumont, „Up-Close Obama Urges Compassion in Mideast“, Des Moines Register (online), 12. März 2007; James D. Besser, „Obama Set for Big Jewish Push“, Jewish Week, 16. Februar 2007; Larry Cohler-Esses, „Obama Pivots Away from Dovish Past“, Jewish Week, 9. März 2007; und Lynn Sweet, „Obama to Offer Pro-Israel Views at Chicago Gathering“, Chicago Sun-Times, 1. März 2007. 4 Pro-israelische Statements von McCain, Clinton, Obama, Romney, Richardson und Brownback siehe „The Road to the White House: Israel-US Ties“, Jerusalem Post, 24. Mai 2007. 5 In seiner unterhaltsamen Populärgeschichte Power, Faith, and Fantasy: America in the Middle East 1776 to the Present (New York: Norton, 2007) zeichnet der israelisch-amerikanische Autor Michael B. Oren lebendige Porträts des früheren amerikanischen Engagements in der Region. Seine Argumenta- tion, die er bei öffentlichen Vorträgen explizit geführt hat, legt nahe, dass es US-amerikanisches Enga- gement im Nahen Osten schon lange vor der Entstehung Israels gab und folglich die aktuelle amerika- nische Unterstützung für den jüdischen Staat wenig mit den Aktivitäten der Israel-Lobby zu tun hat. Eine typische Äußerung Orens findet sich in seiner Rede vor der AIPAC Policy Conference 2007, wo er über das AIPAC sagt, es sei »Ausdruck einer fast 400 Jahre alten Tradition, in der die Vorstellung von den Vereinigten Staaten praktisch untrennbar mit der Vorstellung der jüdischen Staats verknüpft ist. Diese Überzeugung ist so alt wie diese Nation selbst: Wer an den jüdischen Staat glaubt, glaubt an die Vereinigten Staaten.« Dieses seltsame Argument ignoriert, wie sehr die Rolle der USA im Nahen 1 Osten sich seit 1776 (und besonders seit 1948 und 1967) verändert hat. Siehe auch unter www.aipac. org/Publications/Oren-PC-2007.pdf. 6 Der Historiker Peter L. Hahn drückt es so aus: »Vor dem Zweiten Weltkrieg interessierten sich die Ver- einigten Staaten offiziell wenig für den Nahen Osten. Zwar beschäftigte man sich in Europa seit langem mit der so genannten orientalischen Frage, dabei ging es um die Vorherrschaft im Nahen Osten (und in Südasien), doch die Regierung in Washington hatte keine strategischen oder politischen Interessen in der Gegend und vermied es daher, in die dortigen Rivalitäten hineingezogen zu werden.« Siehe sein Buch Crisis and Crossfire: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 (Washington, DC: Poto- mac Books, 2005), S. 1. 7 Macmillan schreibt auch über die Regelung für Palästina: »Im Unterschied zu dem, was nach dem zwei- ten Weltkrieg geschah, spielten die Vereinigten Staaten eine untergeordnete Rolle.« Siehe Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World (New York: Random House, 2001), S. 422–423. 8 Über die Ursprünge der saudisch-amerikanischen Zusammenarbeit in Sicherheitsfragen siehe Nadav Safran, Saudi Arabia: The Ceaseless Quest for Security (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), S. 60–68; und Rachel Bronson, Thicker than Oil: America’s Uneasy Partnership with Saudi Arabia (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), Kapitel 1–2. Über den Bagdadpakt siehe Stephen M. Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), S. 58–59. 9 Wieseltiers Kommentar erscheint in seiner Besprechung der Memoiren des palästinensischen Intellek- tuellen Sari Nusseibeh. Siehe „Sympathy for the Other“, New York Times Book Review, 1. April 2007, S. 13. 10 Diese Behauptung beruht auf einer kurzen Notiz von Carter. Er hatte 1987 einen Brief von der Tochter eines ehemaligen Nazi-Gefängniswärters bekommen, die gegen die Abschiebung ihres Vaters protes- tierte. Carters Notiz auf diesem Brief bestand aus einem einzigen Satz, brachte keine Sympathie für den ehemaligen Wärter zum Ausdruck und empfahl seinerseits kein besonderes Vorgehen. Sie besagte ledig- lich, er hoffe, das Office of Special Investigations (die US-Behörde, die für die Verfolgung von Kriegs- verbrechen aus der Nazizeit zuständig ist) würde »aus humanitären Gründen auf betroffene Familien besondere Rücksicht« nehmen. Trotzdem wurde diese Episode benutzt, um Carter zu verleumden, er sympathisiere mit dem Nationalsozialismus. Siehe Daniel Freedman, „President Carter Interceded on Behalf of Former Nazi Guard“, New York Sun, 19. Januar 2007. 11 Jodie T. Allen und Alec Tyson, „The U.S. Public’s Pro-Israel History“, Pew Research Center, 19. Juli 2006, unter http://pewresearch.org/pubs/39/the-us-publics-pro-israel-history; und Pew Research Center for the People and the Press in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Council on Foreign Relations, „America’s Place in the World 2005: An Investigation of the Attitudes of American Opinion Leaders and the Ame- rican Public about International Affairs“, November 2005, S. 11–12. 12 Die Umfrage wurde von Zogby International zwischen dem 10. und 12. Oktober 2006 für das Council for the National Interest durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse sind unter www.cnionline.org/learn/polls/czand- lobby/index2.htm verfügbar. 13 Daniel Maliniak et al., „Inside the Ivory Tower“, Foreign Policy 159, März-April 2007, S. 66. 14 Deshalb wollte Osama bin Laden ursprünglich am 11. September 2001 das Kapitol angreifen; er sah es als führende Bastion der Unterstützung für Israel in den Vereinigten Staaten. „Outline of the 9/11 Plot“, Staff Statement Nr. 16, The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, 16. Juni 2004, S. 4. 15 Michael Massing, „The Storm over the Israel Lobby“, New York Review of Books, 8. Juni 2006; und Jeffrey Goldberg, „Real Insiders“, New Yorker, 4. Juli 2005. 16 Nadav Safran schrieb in einem Buch von 1963 über die amerikanisch-israelische Allianz: »Die Juden sind nicht die erste ethnische oder religiöse Gruppe in Amerika, die versucht die amerikanische Außen- politik im Sinne ihrer Freunde oder religiösen Brüder und Schwestern zu beeinflussen ... Ethnoreligiöse Politik, genau wie die Politik von Interessengruppen allgemein, war eine unausweichliche Konsequenz des Pluralismus und der Interessenvielfalt im amerikanischen Alltag.« Siehe The United States and Israel (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), S. 276. 17 Nützliche Titel sind: Tony Smith, Foreign Attachments: The Power of Ethnic Groups in the Making of American Foreign Policy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000); Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy, Hrsg. M. E. Ahrari (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1987); Ethnicity and U.S. Foreign 2 Policy, Hrsg. A. A. Said (New York: Praeger, 1981); Charles McC. Mathias, Jr., „Ethnic Groups and Foreign Policy“, Foreign Affairs 59, Nr. 5 (Sommer 1981); Alexander DeConde, Ethnicity, Race and American Foreign Policy (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992); Yossi Shain, „Ethnic Dias- poras and U.S. Foreign Policy“, Political Science Quarterly 109, Nr. 5 (1994–1995); Paul Watanabe, Ethnic Groups, Congress, and American Foreign Policy: The Politics of the Turkish Arms Embargo (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984); Patrick J. Haney und Walt Vanderbush, „The Role of Ethnic Interest Groups in U.S.
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