DOCSLIB.ORG

Giustizia E Libertà”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Giustizia E Libertà” Marco BRESCIANI The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” Marco Bresciani NEWFELPRO University of Zagreb Croatia UDK 329(4)”19” 32-05Valiani, L.”1939/1944” Izvorni znanstveni rad / Original scientific paper Primljeno / Received: 19. 04. 2016. Prihvaćeno / Accepted: 15. 05. 2016. This paper will deal with two relevant issues in the intellectual history of twentieth-century Europe: 1) the relationship between socialism, antifascism and antitotalitarianism; 2) the possibilities of a democratic revolution in the midst of the Second World War. In order to analyse them, I will focus on Leo Valiani’s biography and thought between 1939 and 1944, when he left the Communist Party and became a prominent figure of the “Partito d’Azione”. A special attention will be paid to the ways in which Valiani’s antitotalitarian and revolutionary socialism was tied to the complex legacies of the Italian antifascist group “Giustizia e Libertà”. Keywords: Antifascism, Socialism, Antitotalitarianism, Communism, “Giustizia e Libertà”, Leo Valiani, “Partito d’Azione”. Antifascism, democracy, and revolution Since the late 1980s, and especially the early 1990s, the crisis and the collapse of the Soviet Union and of the communist regimes in East Central Europe fostered the search for political cultures conciliating socialism and liberalism, antifascism and anti-totalitarianism. In particular, a harsh debate, stirred by the important but controversial work of the French historian François Furet, Le passé d’une illusion, took place with regard to the relationships and contradictions between antifascism and communism, in France as elsewhere.1 In Italy, in particular, the historical experiences of “Giustizia e Libertà” 1 See, in particular, François FURET, Le passé d’une illusion: essai sur l’idée communiste au XX siècle, Paris: Laffont 1995. For a general reconstruction, see Rethinking Antifascism. History, Memory and Politics: 1922 to the Present, Hugo GARCIA, Marcel YUSTA, Xavier TABET, Christina CLÌMACO (eds.), New York/Oxford: Berghahn, 2016. 63 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” and of the “Partito d’Azione” and their long-term political and intellectual conception of the leading role of the élites, be they political or intellectual. legacies have been placed at the core of important public debates and academic However, the impatient and energetic commitment of Valiani to different research. In the post-1989 context, these experiences and legacies turned out revolutionary projects as different as the Stalinist communist and the radical to be interesting from two standpoints: those arguing the identification of democratic one between the mid-1920s and mid-1940s did somehow expire in antifascism and democracy might emphasize its critiques of Stalin’s regime the post-1945 decades, albeit in complex and twisted ways which cannot be and its search for alternative forms of communism; those reducing antifascism the topic of this essay. to anti-liberalism might stress its adherence to the Soviet myth and its relations Born in 1909 in the cosmopolitan Fiume under the late Habsburg with the communists. monarchy to a mixed national family, Valiani chose to be loyal to the Italian Moreover, the deep crisis of the Italian political system, shaped by national tradition and identity.4 In the mid-1920s he became a communist, the post-war experience and shaken by the end of the Cold War, provoked he was engaged in the antifascist fight, arrested two times and detained an intense and highly divisive debate on antifascism and national identity. until 1936. After going into exile in Paris at the time of the Popular Fronts The tradition stemming from “Giustizia e Libertà” and the “Partito d’Azione” and personally experiencing the Spanish civil war, he came to terms with was perceived either as an opportunity for re-founding the Republican the Stalinist regime in the name of an alternative communist revolutionary institutions on antifascist national bases, or as a threat to a more cohesive and perspective as early as in the late 1930s. At the same time, he had approached post-ideological nation. In both cases, the real issue at stake was the complex post-Rosselli’s “Giustizia e Libertà” and the “Partito d’Azione”, eventually relationship among antifascism, democracy, and the Italian national tradition.2 supporting the perspective of a “democratic revolution” in the context of the In order to rethink this set of issues, Valiani provides a case in point. In Italian Resistance and of the Second World War. particular, I will focus on his complex relation with “Giustizia e Libertà” and Quite obviously, it has been (and in some respects it is still) tempting its legacies in the time span between 1938 and 1944. My main hypothesis is to connect the perspective of Valiani’s “democratic revolution” with the post- that, even though Valiani did not take part in the group, the ideas of “Giustizia 1945 context and to interpret in this light his ambivalence between intransigent e Libertà” on socialism and revolution constituted a fundamental inspiration loyalty to the constitutional democratic framework and his radical critiques of for his own critical rethinking of his previous Communist membership. the ruling class. However, what did Valiani mean by the term “democratic In spite of a growing historiography, the political biography of Leo revolution” in the pre-1945 context of war? How did this perspective relate to Valiani continues to be highly problematic. As Andrea Ricciardi has rightly its overall political and historical reflection and to the legacy of “Giustizia e pointed out in his well-researched work on the political education of Valiani, Libertà”? it is hard to combine and integrate two radically different images of Valiani: on the one hand, the late Valiani, a bank manager, a self-taught researcher of history, a senator of the Italian Republic, quite mistrustful of the short-term “Giustizia e Libertà” as a way out of communism policies of the democratic governments, but engaged in a long-term cultural battle for democracy; on the other hand, the young Valiani, a cosmopolitan I will try to answer these questions, analysing Valiani’s reflection on revolutionary in conspiracy, in prison and in exile, embedded first in the Italian communism, socialism, democracy, and above all revolution between the late Communist Party, then in “Giustizia e Libertà” and the “Partito d’Azione”.3 1930s and the mid-1940s. My concern here has less to do with understanding Obviously, it is possible to detect some continuity between the former and how and why Valiani left the Communist Party and approached “Giustizia e the latter, such as the ongoing dialogue with the political and intellectual Libertà”, than with understanding in which sense and to what extent the legacy legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” and of the “Partito d’Azione”, and the persistent of “Giustizia e Libertà” might be used as a way out of communism. In order to do this, I will provide a brief outline of Valiani’s relationship to the other 2 For the main positions in the debate see Marco REVELLI, Giovanni DE LUNA, Fascismo, antifascismo: members of “Giustizia e Libertà”. le idee, le identità, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1995; Ernesto GALLI DELLA LOGGIA, La morte della patria, Roma-Bari: Laterza 1996; Claudio NOVELLI, Il Partito d’Azione e gli italiani: moralità, politica e cittadinanza This group had been assembled in fall of 1929 by Carlo Rosselli, an nella storia repubblicana, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 2000; Dino COFRANCESCO, Sul gramsciazionismo e economist actively engaged in renovating the Socialist political culture and dintorni, Lungro di Cosenza: Marco, 2001; Antonio CARIOTI, Maledetti azionisti: un caso di uso politico in fighting the Fascist regime. His political perspective was shaped by a deep della storia, Roma: Editori Riuniti, 2001. 3 Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani: gli anni della formazione: tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione linkage with the nationalistic democratic tradition from the Risorgimento (in democratica, Milano: Franco Angeli, 2007, 7-16. For a general autobiographical account see Leo VALIANI, tune with his family environment), as well as by the personal experience of Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie. Riflessioni e ricordi raccolti da Massimo Pini, Milano: Rizzoli 1983, and more recently, „Dal comunismo all’azionismo“, Interview to Leo Valiani by Anna Pala, Annali dell’Istituto 4 See Angelo ARA, Leo Valiani uomo e storico della Mitteleuropa in ARA, Fra Nazione e Impero. Trieste, gli Ugo La Malfa, 9 (1996), 219-255. Asburgo, la Mitteleuropa, Milano: Garzanti, 2009, 553-623. 64 65 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” the Great war (albeit not on the frontline). His critical attitude towards the founder of “Giustizia e Libertà”, marked by the aforementioned contradictions, revolutionary socialism in the post-war turmoil was inspired by his elaboration was at the core of heated discussions. At that time, Franco Venturi and of a liberal socialism, whose theoretical foundation was clarified over the Aldo Garosci embodied two
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Origins of the European Integration: Staunch Italians, Cautious British Actors and the Intelligence Dimension (1942-1946) Di Claudia Nasini
    Eurostudium3w gennaio-marzo 2014 The Origins of the European Integration: Staunch Italians, Cautious British Actors and the Intelligence Dimension (1942-1946) di Claudia Nasini The idea of unity in Europe is a concept stretching back to the Middle Ages to the exponents of the Respublica Christiana. Meanwhile the Enlightenment philosophers and political thinkers recurrently advocated it as a way of embracing all the countries of the Continent in some kind of pacific order1. Yet, until the second half of the twentieth century the nationalist ethos of Europeans prevented any limitation of national sovereignty. The First World War, the millions of casualties and economic ruin in Europe made the surrendering of sovereignty a conceivable way of overcoming the causes of recurring conflicts by bringing justice and prosperity to the Old World. During the inter-war years, it became evident that the European countries were too small to solve by their own efforts the problem of a modern economy2. As a result of the misery caused by world economic crisis and the European countries’ retreating in economic isolationism, various forms of Fascism emerged in almost half of the countries of Europe3. The League of Nations failed to prevent international unrest because it had neither the political power nor the material strength to enable itself to carry 1 Cfr. Andrea Bosco, Federal Idea, vol. I, The History of Federalism from Enlightenment to 1945, London and New York, Lothian foundation, 1991, p. 99 and fll.; and J.B. Duroselle, “Europe as an historical concept”, in C. Grove Haines (ed.by) European Integration, Baltimore, 1958, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Centre Français De Recherche Sur Le Renseignement NOTE
    Centre Français de Recherche sur le Renseignement NOTE HISTORIQUE N° 25 UN « OBSEDE DU RENSEIGNEMENT » : LE DOCTEUR HENRI MARTIN Gérald Arboit En révélant l’existence des cahiers à spirales « secrets » de l’ancien directeur des Renseignements généraux (1992-2003), Yves Bertrand, impliqué dans l’affaire Clearstream1, la presse française s’est interrogée sur l’épidémie de graphomanie qui touchaient les responsables des services de renseignement français. Déjà, dans le cadre de la même procédure judiciaire, le général de division Philippe Rondot, qui, avant d’être le conseiller spécial pour le renseignement et les opérations spéciales de différents ministres de la Défense (1997-2005), avait fait ses armes au SDECE (1965- 1981), à la DST (1981-1990), à la DRM (1990-1993) et à la DGSE (1993-1997), avait du remettre à la justice ses propres carnets. Loin d’enfreindre les règles d’un métier dont les médias méconnaissent la réalité, ces notes, manuscrites ou informatisées, bourrées d’informations confidentielles sur des affaires sensibles, s’étalant sur plusieurs années, étaient à la base de leurs fonctions d’analystes du renseignement. En qualifiant ces officiers de renseignement d’« obsédés », pour reprendre la phraséologie journalistique, l’importance du travail d’analyse se trouve négligée. Mais il est vrai que l’imaginaire, façonné par des années de littérature et de cinéma consacrées à la recherche, qualifiée d’espionnage2, ne s’intéresse guère à ces fournisseurs d’informations et de connaissances pour décideurs de toute nature, qu’ils
    [Show full text]
  • Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - a Friendship for Life
    Ilona FRIED Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953 Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953 Ilona FRIED Eötvös Loránd University Budapest Hungary The correspondence between Valiani and Koestler started in Mexico in 1942, on Valiani’s arrival there, (he actually arrived in Mexico in December 1941 and stayed there until July 1943). As it is well known they got to know each other during their arrest at Roland Garros, and had all the months of the detention at Le Vernet d’Ariège for exchanging ideas and sharing views and readings. Both of them had come from a cosmopolitan Central-European background and there were only 4 years of difference of age between them (Koestler was born in 1905, under the name Kösztler Artúr, in Budapest, whereas Valiani was born in Fiume, then belonging to Hungary, under the name of Weiczen Leo in 1909). There was much in common between the two of them, also from the point of view of their political beliefs. Koestler as a journalist had been condemned to death during the Spanish Civil War, was released through the intervention of the British government. He published Spanish testament about the Spanish Civil War, a novel that had already made him famous. As he could not accept the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact he had left the Communist Party. He went to France where, he was again arrested.1 Koestler was set free after four months, after which he joined the French Foreign Legion and later on managed to enter Britain again where he served in the Pioneer Corps.
    [Show full text]
  • Communist Trade Unionism and Industrial Relations on the French Railways, 1914–1939
    Fellow Travellers Communist Trade Unionism and Industrial Relations on the French Railways, 1914–1939 STUDIES IN LABOUR HISTORY 13 Studies in Labour History ‘…a series which will undoubtedly become an important force in re-invigorating the study of Labour History.’ English Historical Review Studies in Labour History provides reassessments of broad themes along with more detailed studies arising from the latest research in the field of labour and working-class history, both in Britain and throughout the world. Most books are single-authored but there are also volumes of essays focussed on key themes and issues, usually emerging from major conferences organized by the British Society for the Study of Labour History. The series includes studies of labour organizations, including international ones, where there is a need for new research or modern reassessment. It is also its objective to extend the breadth of labour history’s gaze beyond conven- tionally organized workers, sometimes to workplace experiences in general, sometimes to industrial relations, but also to working-class lives beyond the immediate realm of work in households and communities. Fellow Travellers Communist Trade Unionism and Industrial Relations on the French Railways, 1914–1939 Thomas Beaumont Fellow Travellers LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2019 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2019 Thomas Beaumont The right of Thomas Beaumont to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
    [Show full text]
  • Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung
    [Show full text]
  • The Home Front and War in the Twentieth Century
    THE HOME FRONT AND WAR IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Proceedings of the Tenth Military History Symposium October 20-22. 1982 Edited by James Titus United States Air Force Acdemy and Office of Air Force History Headquarters USAF 1984 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Military History Symposium (U.S.) (10th : 1982) (United States Air Force Academy) The home front and war in the twentieth century Sponsored by: The Department of History and The Association of Graduates. Includes index. 1. Military history, Modem-20th century-Congresses. 2. War and society-History-20th century4ongresses. 3. War--Economic aspects-Congresses. 4. War-Economic aspects-United States4ongresses. 5. United States-Social conditions-Congresses. I. Titus, James. 11. United States Air Force Academy. Dept. of History. 111. United States Air Force Academy. Assocation of Graduates. IV. Title. D431.M54 1982 303.6'6 83-600203 ISBN 0-912799-01-3 For sale by Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 20402 11 THE TENTH MILITARY HISTORY SYMPOSIUM October 20-22, 1982 United States Air Force Academy Sponsored by The Department of History and The Association of Graduates ******* Executive Director, Tenth Military History Symposium: Lieutenant Colonel James Titus Deputy Director, Tenth Military History Symposium: Major Sidney F. Baker, USA Professor and Head, Department of History: Colonel Carl W. Reddel President, Association of Graduates: Lieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Eller, USAF. Retired Symposium Committee Members: Captain John G. Albert Captain Mark L. Dues Captain Bernard E. Harvey Captain Vernon K. Lane Captain Robert C. Owen Captain Michael W.
    [Show full text]
  • The OSS in the Italian Resistance: a Post Cold War Interpretation by Claudia Nasini
    Eurostudium3w luglio-settembre 2012 The OSS in the Italian Resistance: A Post Cold War Interpretation by Claudia Nasini The Italian Resistance requires a more complex account than that traditionally portrayed by official historiography, which mostly claims that Italian Partisan Patriots constituted the core of Resistance to Nazi rule1. New evidence, from both the US and Italian intelligence archives, shows that numerous American agents, hundreds of Italian government soldiers and countless fully‐fledged American spies of Italian nationality participated in the Liberation of Italy. This article explores the missing part of the story of the Resistance in the VI Partisan Ligurian Zone in the Northwest of Italy. It describes the manifold cooperation between Italian and American agents in support of local Partisans. It also shows how several factors hindered traditional historiography, not only ideological bias – albeit very important – but also the protagonistsʹ preference for secrecy2. Last but not least, the prolonged lack of documentation played an 1 This interpretation not only appears in the renown work ‐ rather outdated but still considered a point of reference in this field – by R. Battaglia, Storia della Resistenza italiana (8 settembre 1943‐ maggio 1945), Torino, Einaudi, 1964, p. 528 and passim. This idea has also recently been maintained in the work by D. Ellwood, “Gli alleati e la Resistenza”, in E. Collotti, R. Sandri, F. Sessi (ed. by), Dizionario della Resistenza. Storia e geografia della Liberazione, vol. I, Torino, Einaudi, 2001, in particular pp. 246‐248. This interpretation reemerges in equally renown reconstructions, particularly one we will return to dwell upon, that of one of the main Italian expert of Partisan Resistance, G.
    [Show full text]
  • The Internment of 'Enemy Aliens'
    “FRENCH APOCALYPSE”? THE INTERNMENT OF ‘ENEMY ALIENS’ IN FRANCE (1939-1940) By Luisa von Richthofen Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Katalin Straner Second Reader: Professor Michael L. Miller CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 STATEMENT OF COPYRIGHT Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection 2 ABSTRACT This thesis deals with the internment of “enemy aliens” in France after the declaration of war on Germany in September 1939. It has sometimes been assumed that the camp system established under the Third Republic in the second half of the 1930s paved the way for more restrictive internment policies under the regime of Vichy and eventually to the deportation and extermination of the Jews of France. This thesis’ underlying query is to probe these continuities. It uses new archival material to describe the underlying logic of the internment between September 1939 and June 1940. It also pays special attention to the few, little explored instances of organized resistance against the internment policy. It finds that that though the Vichy regime continued to use certain structures, institutions and legal frameworks inherited from the Third Republic, the claim that there is a discernable, straight line between the French internment camps and Auschwitz cannot be substantiated.
    [Show full text]
  • Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse
    "Order, Authority, Nation": Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse by Mathieu Hikaru Desan A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor George Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard Brick Assistant Professor Robert S. Jansen Emeritus Professor Howard Kimeldorf Professor Gisèle Sapiro Centre national de la recherche scientifique/École des hautes études en sciences sociales Acknowledgments Scholarly production is necessarily a collective endeavor. Even during the long isolated hours spent in dusty archives, this basic fact was never far from my mind, and this dissertation would be nothing without the community of scholars and friends that has nourished me over the past ten years. First thanks are due to George Steinmetz, my advisor and Chair. From the very beginning of my time as a graduate student, he has been my intellectual role model. He has also been my champion throughout the years, and every opportunity I have had has been in large measure thanks to him. Both his work and our conversations have been constant sources of inspiration, and the breadth of his knowledge has been a vital resource, especially to someone whose interests traverse disciplinary boundaries. George is that rare sociologist whose theoretical curiosity and sophistication is matched only by the lucidity of this thought. Nobody is more responsible for my scholarly development than George, and all my work bears his imprint. I will spend a lifetime trying to live up to his scholarly example. I owe him an enormous debt of gratitude.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shadow of the Past: the Influence of Reputation on Alliance Choices
    THE SHADOW OF THE PAST: THE INFLUENCE OF REPUTATION ON ALLIANCE CHOICES DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gregory D. Miller, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Randall L. Schweller, Advisor Professor John F. Guilmartin Professor John E. Mueller Advisor Graduate Program in Political Science Professor Alexander S. Thompson ABSTRACT Although alliances are the most studied phenomena in international relations, there are a number of unanswered questions. Numerous theories explain why alliances form and end, but we do not know how states choose their partners, or why they end when they do. In addition, despite the voluminous literature on alliances, almost no work explains the variation between alliance institutions. I suggest that a better understanding of reputation may help fill these gaps. If reputation matters, then we should see unreliable states (states that fail to honor their alliance commitments) being treated differently than reliable states (states that honor their commitments). Drawing from existing work in political science, as well as from anthropology, business, and game theory, I argue that reputation can affect a state’s alliance autonomy. States that are perceived to be unreliable should have greater difficulty attracting new partners and preserving existing alliances than states with a reputation for being reliable. Furthermore, a state’s reputation may explain some of the variation between alliances, such as the up- front costs incurred by the signatories, the explicitness of the language, and the level of military integration.
    [Show full text]
  • Zkg2.Pdf (1.377Mb)
    DARK YEARS, DARK FILMS, LONG SHADOWS: THE OCCUPATION, NOIR, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN FRENCH FILM AND CRITICISM A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Zachary Kendell Gooch January 2014 © 2014 Zachary Kendell Gooch DARK YEARS, DARK FILMS, LONG SHADOWS: THE OCCUPATION, NOIR, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN FRENCH FILM AND CRITICISM Zachary Kendell Gooch, Ph.D. Cornell University 2014 Although the term arises in French film criticism, “noir” has long been associated with American cinema and a certain, recognizable type of visual and thematic style. Through a return to the French critics of the late 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s this dissertation defamiliarizes and redefines noir’s value to film and French studies by demonstrating its negatively constitutive role in the negotiation of French national identity and the central place of the Occupation in any discussion of French noir. By locating noir within criticism and performing close readings of the critical archive, which includes figures as diverse as Georges Sadoul and André Bazin, Lucien Rebatet and François Truffaut, I argue that noir critical discourse is defined by a tension between the category’s ever-changing value and the efforts of those who deploy it to fix the meaning of the nation before, during, and after the Occupation through careful omissions of the historical, collective memory. Because noir is central to debates on how the nation should and, more precisely, should not be represented, I also resist conventional, generic approaches to advance that individual films noirs are secondary to noir critical discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Aux Racines Du FN L'histoire Du Mouvement Ordre Nouveau
    Aux racines du FN L’histoire du mouvement Ordre nouveau Nicolas Lebourg, Jonathan Preda, Joseph Beauregard To cite this version: Nicolas Lebourg, Jonathan Preda, Joseph Beauregard. Aux racines du FN L’histoire du mouvement Ordre nouveau. Fondation Jean Jaurès, 2014. halshs-01709289 HAL Id: halshs-01709289 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01709289 Submitted on 15 Feb 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. u a e v u o n e r d r O t n e m e v u o m u Aux racines d e r i o t s i h ’ L . du FN N F u d L’histoire du mouvement s e n i c Ordre nouveau a r x u A Préface de Jean-Yves Camus Nicolas Lebourg I Jonathan Preda I Joseph Beauregard Aux racines du FN L’histoire du mouvement Ordre nouveau Nicolas Lebourg Jonathan Preda Joseph Beauregard Préface de Jean-Yves Camus AUX RACINES DU FN. L’HISTOIRE DU MOUVEMENT ORDRE NOUVEAU SOMMAIRE Préface .......................................................................................... 5 Introduction ................................................................................. 11 Structurer l’extrême droite radicale ......................................... 17 Origines .................................................................................... 17 Structures ................................................................................. 28 Influences ................................................................................ 36 Entre subversion et contre-subversion ....................................
    [Show full text]