Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Maria Hamming Grand Valley State University

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Maria Hamming Grand Valley State University McNair Scholars Journal Volume 21 | Issue 1 Article 4 2017 Counting Color: Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Maria Hamming Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Hamming, Maria (2017) "Counting Color: Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 21 : Iss. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol21/iss1/4 Copyright © 2017 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol21%2Fiss1%2F4&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Counting Color: Biracial Activism in the Black Lives Matter Era Introduction and was pregnant. Nixon knew that Colvin would be a “political liability in certain On March 2, 1955 Claudette Colvin parts of the black community”6 and would would find a seat on a city bus in certainly fuel stereotypes from the White Montgomery, Alabama and send the community.7 Montgomery bus boycott into motion. A 10th grader at Booker T. Washington Colorism explains why Claudette High School, Claudette felt empowered Colvin was not used as the face of the by her class history lessons on Harriet Montgomery bus boycott. Color classism, Tubman and Sojourner Truth, and was or colorism, is defined as “a social, disillusioned by the “bleak racial conditions economic, and political societal framework in Montgomery.”1 Per the segregation laws that follows skin-color differences, such at the time, Claudette sat in the rear of the as those along a continuum of possible bus, which was designated for “colored” shades, those with the lightest skin color passengers. Because the bus was nearly full, enjoy the highest social standing, and those a White couple sat directly across from with the darkest skin color are among the Claudette. As far as bus driver Robert W. poorest.”8 While colorism can be found Maria Hamming Cleere was concerned, the color line had in many different racial groups, for the 1 McNair Scholar been crossed. Despite city laws requiring purposes of this research, the term will “passengers to move only if another seat be speaking to colorism within the Black was available,”2 he called police officers, community. Because of colorism, the Black who then pulled a sobbing Claudette off leaders would have to make a case against of the bus, and took her to jail. Martin segregation without Colvin. Luther King, Jr., described Claudette’s detainment as “an ‘atrocity’ that “seemed to For Nixon, and the sake of the bus arouse the Negro community.’”3 Ultimately boycott, it was imperative that they find the judge found her guilty of “assault and an individual “whose class background, battery, assessed a small fine, and declared moral reputation and public record could [her] a juvenile delinquent.”4 withstand the withering White Scrutiny and inspire African-American unity.”9 Jo Ann Robinson, a prominent leader in Because she was already well versed in Montgomery, and the Women’s Political activism, had a spotless record, was of a Council had been floating the idea of a lighter complexion and knew Nixon, Rosa bus boycott around for about a year prior Parks knew that when she chose not to give to Colvin’s arrest.3 Believing that they, up her seat on December 1, 1955 that she Robinson and Mary Fair Burks (another would become exactly who Nixon had been activist in Montgomery) “had found a searching for.10 Louis Moore ‘victim’ around whom they could rally community support for a general protest,”5 Claudette Colvin’s story, and her exemption Faculty Mentor brought their idea to E. D. Nixon who was from being the face of the Montgomery bus another prominent leader in Montgomery. boycott, emphasizes that there is reasoning Nixon “hesitated to endorse a general behind who is placed at the forefront of boycott before meeting with Colvin and Black freedom movements. To be accepted her parents,”6 but ensured Robinson that he and well received in the White community, would make a decision after doing so. during the civil rights struggle, some Black leaders embraced colorism and the politics Upon his arrival, Nixon quickly realized of respectability. Despite the necessity, the that Colvin would be unsuitable for use of lighter faces did not come without the community use as the face of the contention. From Marcus Garvey to W. E. movement. The Colvin household B. Du Bois, and then Du Bois’ critique of was located in King Hill, an area of Walter White, it is clear that discrediting Montgomery that was known for one another on the basis of skin tone being a “lower-class black enclave with was prevalent during this period of Black tumbledown houses, unpaved streets, activism. With the excommunication of and outdoor privies.”6 Claudette’s parents Shaun King, a biracial man from the Black were working-class; her mother worked as Lives Matter (BLM) organization in 2015, a maid and her father did yard work. In and celebrity activists such as actor Jesse addition, Claudette had a dark complexion Williams and actress Zendaya having their 6 GVSU McNair Scholars Journal place in the movement questioned by the media to impart their academic expertise as working in the “big house” were meant Black community, it leads one to wonder if and to teach the public in a more accessible for light skinned individuals while darker these issues of colorism persist in 2017. way. In addition, online articles including complexioned individuals worked in the “Can Biracial Activists Speak to Black fields. While the progeny of a slave master This paper will examine this 100-year Issues?” and “Race, Love, Hate, and Me: A and enslaved mother could not inherit any history of colorism. Through the primary Distinctly American Story (AKA: Yes, I’m of their father’s wealth, they often were texts of Marcus Garvey, Du Bois, White Black)” speak to the sentiment on colorism given these more coveted positions on the and others I will demonstrate that during the Black Lives Matter era. plantation. While it is understandable why colorism experienced in 2017 is rooted in some would conclude that the life of a history and will begin to un-package the ONE-DROP RULE | PARTUS LAW | mixed-race slave was better, often they were implications of colorism within the Black COLORISM subjected to abuse at their master’s whims community. Ultimately, I will explore The One-Drop Rule (hypodescent), a and passions because they were in such this idea of being biracial in the Black close proximity. This was especially true Lives Matter era, thus creating a further term originating in the 1900’s, “was a determinant racial marker exclusive to for slaves born from their mother’s forced understanding of the role that biracial relations with the slave master; the wives individuals play in Black social justice the United States by which racial identity was defined, and a person was considered of slave masters were particularly cruel to movements, today, and to understand the the enslaved progeny of their husband’s.16 effects of colorism on bi-racial activists. ‘black’ if he or she had any African ancestry.”11 The groundwork was laid for Ultimately, miscegenation between White METHODS the One-Drop rule in 1662 when Virginia slave owners and enslaved women created a adopted the rule partus sequitur ventrem: dichotomy within the enslaved people that Both primary and secondary sources were the child follows the condition of the would last for centuries. used for this research. Primary sources 12 mother. Partus law was originally “the Because some slave owners “openly or include the Black newspaper The Negro legal rule that applied to livestock and World and the magazine The Crisis. Black surreptitiously accepted responsibility for other domestic animals: that the offspring the paternity of mulattoes…” they chose newspapers are a key source to any study of a domestic animal belonged to the on black life in America and give insight on 13 to educate and free them, thus leading owner of the female who gave birth.” to future light skin families having more the Black community in the past. In these With laws such as the child follows the weeklies – most could not afford to print a access to education than dark skinned condition of the mother, white men were African Americans.17 Even if White fathers daily paper – Black Americans articulated free to rape indiscriminately without fear a sense of self that helped define blackness, did not claim their biracial children, these of a child ever being able to claim property light-skinned individuals “often asserted including debates on colorism. Through or wealth. Variation in skin color among Grand Valley State University’s databases, freedom based on their color, suing to African Americans began with enslaved end their servitude.”18 As a result of this, “Black Studies” and “African American women being forced into sexual relations Newspapers,” these primary sources can be mixed race and light African Americans with white men. The one-drop rule meant were in a unique position to step into the accessed. The two databases give insight to “no matter how white-looking or white- 190 years of Black history. forefront and assume leadership roles in acting someone of mixed ancestry was, the Black community. Post-emancipation, Because I argue that colorism has remained or how little blackness was actually in the for those who had “light-enough skin and person’s genetic makeup, that individual 19 an issue for over 100 years, it is necessary 14 fine-enough European features,” could to use the words of civil rights leaders was to be considered black.” Partus pass as White because they recognized the like W.E.B.
Recommended publications
  • Jeremy Scahill Shaun King
    JEREMY SCAHILL &SHAUN KING “Reporting on Racial Conflict at Home and Wars Abroad in Wed, March 28, 2018 6:15 - 8 p.m. the Age of Trump” College Avenue Academic Moderated by Building, Room 2400 Juan González, Professor of Professional 15 Seminary Place, Practice, School of Communication and New Brunswick, NJ Information, and co-host of Democracy Now Jeremy Scahill is an investigative reporter, war correspon- dent, and author of the international bestseller Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army. He has reported from armed conflicts around the world, including Af- ghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Nigeria, and the former Yugo- slavia. He is a two-time winner of the prestigious George Polk Award and produced and wrote the movie Dirty Wars, a doc- umentary that premiered at the 2013 Sundance Film Festival and was nominated for an Academy Award. He is one of the founding editors of the investigative news site The Intercept, where he also hosts the popular weekly podcast Intercepted. In addition, Scahill is the national security correspondent for The Nation and for Democracy Now. Shaun King is nationally known as a civil rights and Black Lives Matter activist, and as an innovator in the use of social media for political change. He currently works as a columnist for The Intercept, where he writes about racial justice, mass incarceration, human rights, and law enforcement misconduct. He has been a senior justice writer at New York’s Daily News, a commentator for The Young Turks and the Tom Joyner Show, a contributing writer to Daily Kos, and a writer-in-residence at Harvard Law School’s Fair Punishment Project.
    [Show full text]
  • Stay Woke, Give Back Virtual Tour Day of Empowerment Featuring Justin Michael Williams
    11 1 STAY WOKE, GIVE BACK VIRTUAL TOUR DAY OF EMPOWERMENT FEATURING JUSTIN MICHAEL WILLIAMS On the STAY WOKE, GIVE BACK TOUR, Justin empowers students to take charge of their lives, and their physical and mental wellbeing with mass meditation events at high schools, colleges, and cultural centers across the country. The tour began LIVE in-person in 2020, but now with the Covid crisis—and students and teachers dealing with the stressors of distance learning—we’ve taken the tour virtual, with mass Virtual Assemblies to engage, enliven, and inspire students when they need us most. From growing up with gunshot holes outside of his bedroom window, to sharing the stage with Deepak Chopra, Justin Michael Williams knows the power of healing to overcome. Justin Michael Williams More: StayWokeGiveBack.org Justin is an author, top 20 recording artist, and transformational speaker whose work has been featured by The Wall Street Journal, Grammy.com, Yoga Journal, Billboard, Wanderlust, and South by Southwest. With over a decade of teaching experience, Justin has become a pioneering millennial voice for diversity and inclusion in wellness. What is the Stay Woke Give Back Tour? Even before the start of Covid-19, anxiety and emotional unrest have been plaguing our youth, with suicide rates at an all-time high. Our mission is to disrupt that pattern. We strive to be a part of the solution before the problem starts—and even prevent it from starting in the first place. Instead of going on a traditional “book tour,” Justin is on a “GIVE BACK” tour. At these dynamic Virtual Assemblies—think TED talk meets a music concert—students will receive: • EVENT: private, school-wide Virtual Assembly for entire staff and student body (all tech setup covered by Sounds True Foundation) • LONG-TERM SUPPORT: free access to a 40-day guided audio meditation program, delivered directly to students daily via SMS message every morning, requiring no staff or administrative support.
    [Show full text]
  • Our Commitment to Black Lives
    Our Commitment to Black Lives June 3, 2020 Dear Friends of the CCE, We are writing today to affirm that we, the staff of the Center for Community Engagement, believe and know that Black Lives Matter. We honor wide-spread grief for the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery among the many named and unnamed Black lives lost to racial violence and hatred in the United States. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement — co-founded by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi — arose to address ongoing legacies of racialized violence in our country. As BLM leaders have consistently stated, disproportionate violence toward Black communities by law enforcement is one manifestation of anti-Black systemic racism perpetuated across public and private institutions including health care, housing and education. We are firmly and deeply committed to the lives of Black community members, Black youth and their families, and Seattle U’s Black students, faculty and staff. We believe that messages like this one can have an impact, and yet our words ring hollow without action. The Center for Community Engagement is committed to becoming an anti-racist organization. Fulfilling our mission of connecting campus and community requires long-term individual, organizational, and system-wide focus on understanding and undoing white supremacy. We see our commitment to anti-racism as directly linked to Seattle University’s pursuit of a more just and humane world as well as our Jesuit Catholic ethos of cura personalis, care for the whole person. We urge you to participate in ways that speak to you during the national racial crisis that is continuing to unfold.
    [Show full text]
  • Yanti | 39 WORKS CITED Abrams, M. H. a Glossary of Literary Terms
    Y a n t i | 39 WORKS CITED Abrams, M. H. A Glossary of Literary Terms. 9th ed. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2009. Barker, Chris. Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice. 3rd Ed. London: SAGE Publication. 2008. Blank, Rebecca M, Marilyn Dabady, and Constance F. Citro. Measuring Racial Discrimination. Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2004. Print. Bobo, L. D & Fox Cybelle. Race, Racism, and Discrimination: Bridging Problems and Theory in Social Psychological Research. Social Psychology Quarterly. Vol. 66 (4): 319-332. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1388607. Criss, Doug, and Ford, Dana. “Black Lives Matter Activist Shaun King Addresses Race Reports” CNN, Retrieved on August 21, 2015, https://edition.cnn.com/2015/08/20/us/shaun-king-controversy/index.html Dewi, Kartika Risma, and Indriani, Martha. Analysis of Racial Discrimination Towards Uncle Tom in Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin. AESTHETIC, Vol. 8, No.2, Retrieved on 2019. Feagin, Joe, and Vera, Hernan. White Racism: The Basics. New York: Routledge. 1995. Feagin, Joe. R. Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppression. New York: Routledge, 2006. Feagin, Joe. R. Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations. New York: Routledge. 2000. Henry, F. & Tator, C. The Color of Democracy: Racism in Canadian society (3rd Y a n t i | 40 Edition). Toronto, ONT: Thomson Nelson, Canada. 2006. Hill, Evan et al. "How George Floyd Was Killed in Police Custody." The New York Times, Retrieved May 31, 2020, https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/george-fl oyd-investigation.amp.html. Hirsch, Afua. "Angie Thomas: the debut novelist who turned racism and police violence into a bestseller.
    [Show full text]
  • A Herstory of the #Blacklivesmatter Movement by Alicia Garza
    A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement by Alicia Garza From The Feminist Wire, October 7, 2014 I created #BlackLivesMatter with Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi, two of my sisters, as a call to action for Black people after 17-year-old Trayvon Martin was post-humously placed on trial for his own murder and the killer, George Zimmerman, was not held accountable for the crime he committed. It was a response to the anti-Black racism that permeates our society and also, unfortunately, our movements. Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks’ contributions to this society, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression. We were humbled when cultural workers, artists, designers and techies offered their labor and love to expand #BlackLivesMatter beyond a social media hashtag. Opal, Patrisse, and I created the infrastructure for this movement project—moving the hashtag from social media to the streets. Our team grew through a very successful Black Lives Matter ride, led and designed by Patrisse Cullors and Darnell L. Moore, organized to support the movement that is growing in St. Louis, MO, after 18-year old Mike Brown was killed at the hands of Ferguson Police Officer Darren Wilson. We’ve hosted national conference calls focused on issues of critical importance to Black people working hard for the liberation of our people. We’ve connected people across the country working to end the various forms of injustice impacting our people.
    [Show full text]
  • Applicant V. DERAY MCKESSON; BLACK LIVES MATTER; BLACK LIVES MATTER NETWORK, INCORPORATED Defendants - Respondents
    STATE OF LOUISIANA 2021-CQ-00929 LOUISIANA SUPREME COURT OFFICER JOHN DOE, Police Officer Plaintiff - Applicant v. DERAY MCKESSON; BLACK LIVES MATTER; BLACK LIVES MATTER NETWORK, INCORPORATED Defendants - Respondents OFFICER JOHN DOE Plaintiff - Applicant Versus DeRAY McKESSON; BLACK LIVES MATTER; BLACK LIVES MATTER NETWORK, INCORPORATED Defendants - Respondents On Certified Question from the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit No. 17-30864 Circuit Judges Jolly, Elrod, and Willett Appeal From the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana USDC No. 3:16-CV-742 Honorable Judge Brian A. Jackson, Presiding OFFICER JOHN DOE ORIGINAL BRIEF ON APPLICATION FOR REVIEW BY CERTIFIED QUESTION Respectfully submitted: ATTORNEY FOR THE APPLICANT OFFICER JOHN DOE Donna U. Grodner (20840) GRODNER LAW FIRM 2223 Quail Run, B-1 Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70808 (225) 769-1919 FAX 769-1997 [email protected] CIVIL PROCEEDING TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF AUTHORITIES.. ii CERTIFIED QUESTIONS. 1 1. Whether Louisiana law recognizes a duty, under the facts alleged I the complaint, or otherwise, not to negligently precipitate the crime of a third party? 2. Assuming McKesson could otherwise be held liable for a breach of duty owed to Officer Doe, whether Louisiana’s Professional Rescuer’s Doctrine bars recovery under the facts alleged in the complaint? . 1 STATEMENT OF JURISDICTION. 1 STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 1 A. NATURE OF THE CASE. 1 B. PROCEDURAL HISTORY. 12 1. ACTION OF THE TRIAL COURT. 12 2. ACTION OF THE FIFTH CIRCUIT. 12 3. ACTION OF THE SUPREME COURT. 13 4. ACTION OF THE FIFTH CIRCUIT. 13 C.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Lives Matter, American Jews, and Antisemitism: Distinguishing Between the Organization(S), the Movement, and the Ubiquitous Phrase
    Black Lives Matter, American Jews, and Antisemitism: Distinguishing Between the Organization(s), the Movement, and the Ubiquitous Phrase Today’s Black Lives Matter movement has become one of the most prolific social movements in decades. It is a movement focused on improving the safety and well-being of Black people in the U.S., achieving racial justice, and ending racial disparities in all areas of our society. When Jews are asked to march with or just assert “Black lives matter,” we are not being asked to “check” our love of Israel at the door or embrace an antisemitic agenda. To most invoking the phrase, Black Lives Matter is an inspiring rallying cry, a slogan, and a demand for racial justice. That fight for racial justice is also a fight for our own multiracial, multiethnic Jewish community. The phrase “Black Lives Matter” was coined as the Twitter “hashtag” #BlackLivesMatter in response to George Zimmerman’s 2013 acquittal in 17-year-old Treyvon Martin’s murder. Both his death and Zimmerman’s acquittal sparked large-scale protests across the country. The originators of the hashtag, Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi went on to found the Black Lives Matter Network as an organizing platform for activists that emphasizes local over national leadership. The Black Lives Matter network now has 16 chapters. There are at least two other national groups with Black Lives Matter Network in their titles. Not surprisingly, the overall BLM movement is a decentralized network of activists with no formal hierarchy. In response to the high-profile police killings of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, and Tamir Rice in 2015, about 1500 activists, including those with the Black Lives Matter Network, gathered at Cleveland State University to discuss the movement.
    [Show full text]
  • DEEN FREELON CHARLTON D. MCILWAIN MEREDITH D. CLARK About the Authors: Deen Freelon Is an Assistant Professor of Communication at American University
    BEYOND THE HASHTAGS DEEN FREELON CHARLTON D. MCILWAIN MEREDITH D. CLARK About the authors: Deen Freelon is an assistant professor of communication at American University. Charlton D. McIlwain is an associate professor of media, culture and communi- cation and Associate Dean for Faculty Development and Diversity at New York University. Meredith D. Clark is an assistant professor of digital and print news at the University of North Texas. Please send any questions or comments about this report to Deen Freelon at [email protected]. About the Center For Media & Social Impact: The Center for Media & Social Impact at American University’s School of Communication, based in Washington, D.C., is an innovation lab and research center that creates, studies, and showcases media for social impact. Fo- cusing on independent, documentary, entertainment and public media, the Center bridges boundaries between scholars, producers and communication practitioners across media production, media impact, public policy, and audience engagement. The Center produces resources for the field and academic research; convenes conferences and events; and works collaboratively to understand and design media that matters. www.cmsimpact.org Internal photos: Philip Montgomery Graphic design and layout: openbox9 The authors gratefully acknowledge funding support from the Spencer Foundation, without which this project would not have been possible. We also thank Ryan Blocher, Frank Franco, Cate Jackson, and Sedale McCall for transcribing participant interviews; David Proper and Kate Sheppard for copyediting; and Mitra Arthur, Caty Borum Chattoo, Brigid Maher, and Vincent Terlizzi for assisting with the report’s web presence and PR. The views expressed in this report are the authors’ alone and are not necessarily shared by the Spencer Foundation or the Center for Media and Social Impact.
    [Show full text]
  • And Visual and Performance Art in the Era of Extrajudicial Police Killings
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 5, No. 10; October 2015 Protesting Police Violence: “Blacklivesmatter” And Visual and Performance Art in the Era of Extrajudicial Police Killings John Paul, PhD Washburn University Departments of Sociology and Art Topeka, Kansas 66621 Introduction This visual essay is an exploration of the art, performance, and visual iconography associated with the BlackLivesMatter social movement organization.[1]Here I examine art that is used to protest and draw awareness to extrajudicial violence and the “increasingly militarized systems of killer cops…in the United States of America.”[2]In this review, secondary themes of racism, dehumanization, racial profiling and political and economic injustice will also be highlighted. Ultimately this work intertwines (and illustrates with art) stories of recent and historic episodes of state violence against unarmed black and brown citizens, and my goals with this project are several. First, I simply seek to organize, in one place, a record of visual protest against excessive policing. In particular, I am interested in what these images have to say about the use of state violence when compared and analyzed collectively. Second, via these images, I hope to explore the various ways they have been used to generate commentary and suggest explanations (as well as alternatives) to racism, police brutality, and a militarized culture within police departments. Within this second goal, I ask whose consciousness is being challenged, what social change is being sought, and how these images hope to accomplish this change. Third, I claim these images as part of the symbolic soul of the BlackLivesMatter social movement—and I explore the art directly within the movement as well as the art in the surrounding culture.[3] I begin however with conceptions of social movement activism.
    [Show full text]
  • “Progressive” Prosecutors Sabotage the Rule of Law, Raise Crime Rates, and Ignore Victims Charles D
    LEGAL MEMORANDUM No. 275 | OCTOBER 29, 2020 EDWIN MEESE III CENTER FOR LEGAL & JUDICIAL STUDIES “Progressive” Prosecutors Sabotage the Rule of Law, Raise Crime Rates, and Ignore Victims Charles D. Stimson and Zack Smith Introduction KEY TAKEAWAYS The American prosecutor occupies a unique role Rogue prosecutors usurp the role of state among lawyers. The prosecutor has a higher duty legislatures, thereby violating the sepa- than other attorneys. His duty is to seek justice, not ration of powers between the executive branch and legislative branch. simply to obtain convictions. As the American Bar Association notes, “The prosecutor should seek to protect the innocent and convict the guilty, consider Rogue prosecutors abuse the role of the the interests of victims and witnesses, and respect the district attorney by refusing to prosecute constitutional and legal rights of all persons, including broad categories of crimes, thereby failing suspects and defendants.”1 to enforce the law faithfully. Prosecutors play a vital and indispensable role in the fair and just administration of criminal law. As mem- bers of the executive branch at the local, state, or federal Violent crime goes up and victims’ rights level, they, like all other members of the executive are ignored in rogue prosecutors’ cities. branch, take an oath to support and defend the Consti- tution and faithfully execute the law as written. They do not make laws. That is the duty of the legislative branch. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/lm275 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • Blacklivesmatter 1–2/2016 Unpredictable Intimacies and Political Affects 46
    SQS "Queering" #BlackLivesMatter 1–2/2016 Unpredictable Intimacies and Political Affects 46 Bessie P. Dernikos Queer/ View/Mirror Opinion Piece ABSTRACT If I die in police custody, know that I want to live! We want to live! #BlackLivesMatter (#BLM) has garnered considerable attention in We fght to live! Black Lives Mater! All Black Lives Mater! recent years with its commitment to honor all black lives, yet the (Black Lives Mater Netroots Mob 2015) affective dimensions of this global cause remain largely under- theorized. Within this piece, I explore how #BLM, as a larger sociopolitical movement, works to collectively bind strangers Te 2012 shooting of 17-year old Trayvon Martin in Sanford, Florida has together by transmitting affects that produce a sense of immediacy, intimacy, and belonging. I argue that these affective intensities garnered national atention in the United States, fueling intense speculation incite an ‘unpredictable intimacy’ that closely connects strangers to over what it means to live in a morally ambiguous world where police black bodies and intensifies the forces of race, gender, and hetero/ brutality and unchecked violence against African Americans tragically sexuality in ways that—counter to the movement’s purpose— proliferate. According to Washington Post columnist Jonathan Capehart violate the bodies of queer/black women, in particular, via the (2015): processes of replication and erasure. I conclude by proposing that, while #BLM aims to empower black lives and build a collective, we Since that rainy night three years ago, we have watched one horrifc remember the political possibilities that affect and queer theories encounter afer another involving unarmed African Americans on have to offer in order to attend to, and potentially disrupt, the the losing end of a gun or a confrontation with police.
    [Show full text]
  • Blue Lives Matter
    COP FRAGILITY AND BLUE LIVES MATTER Frank Rudy Cooper* There is a new police criticism. Numerous high-profile police killings of unarmed blacks between 2012–2016 sparked the movements that came to be known as Black Lives Matter, #SayHerName, and so on. That criticism merges race-based activism with intersectional concerns about violence against women, including trans women. There is also a new police resistance to criticism. It fits within the tradition of the “Blue Wall of Silence,” but also includes a new pro-police movement known as Blue Lives Matter. The Blue Lives Matter movement makes the dubious claim that there is a war on police and counter attacks by calling for making assaults on police hate crimes akin to those address- ing attacks on historically oppressed groups. Legal scholarship has not comprehensively considered the impact of the new police criticism on the police. It is especially remiss in attending to the implications of Blue Lives Matter as police resistance to criticism. This Article is the first to do so. This Article illuminates a heretofore unrecognized source of police resistance to criticism by utilizing diversity trainer and New York Times best-selling author Robin DiAngelo’s recent theory of white fragility. “White fragility” captures many whites’ reluctance to discuss ongoing rac- ism, or even that whiteness creates a distinct set of experiences and per- spectives. White fragility is based on two myths: the ideas that one could be an unraced and purely neutral individual—false objectivity—and that only evil people perpetuate racial subordination—bad intent theory. Cop fragility is an analogous oversensitivity to criticism that blocks necessary conversations about race and policing.
    [Show full text]