ul

, "

" TABLE OF COIU""~"'IfI~

Introduction y Larold K. Schulz

C pt r 1 A BI 'S EYE VIEW or 'SOUTH AFRICA

C pt r 11 A lCAN WAGES

Ch pter III THE lAWS' WHICH AFRICAN Wv&u\'»~ HAVE TO LABO I .SOUTH lCA

C pter IV THE H LANDS - YES 0 01

C ter V CAN co 0 TIONS 00 ANYTHI G1

Chapter VI S CAS STUDIES

Chapter VII THE WITHDRAWAL ARG TS

Ch pter VIII AC ISTlAN ASSESSMENT

Footnotes

Photo Credits Tim Smith nd Peggy Hal y fo t 1 Actio INTRODUCTION

There has been much discussion during the past decade reg rding the South African ystem of apartheid. Apartheid is the nam for the policy of r ci 1 separ tion practiced by the Government of South Africa. It is y te tic political and economic di crimin tion practiced gain t non­ European groups who compo e the va t jority of the population of South Africa. The debate focuses not only on the y tem, which most person in this country oppose, but also on the policy of this country and our repre- ent tives in busines and indu try toward the system nd the government which enforces it.

The churches have joined in the debate for at least two re son, Fir t, bec use the Go pel requires that we have concern for nd assist those who re oppreased.("Set at liberty the captives.") Secondly, bee use faithfulne s require that we be good steward of our resource ,we re called to examine the impact of those re ource upon the live of other. Since the church has ome of its re ource inve ted in corporations which do busine in South Afric • it i necess ry for u to examine carefully the role which those in­ vestment have in maintaining the y te tic oppre sion which i carried on in th t country.

I have participated in the debate over th p t ten year and have per­ so lly co to the conclusion that the continued inv t nt and involve nt of for ign corporation in South Africa trengthens the p rtheid sy tem and und rgird the oppre sion of th bl ck jority in that country. It w s not a decision ea 1ly arrived at nd it c me after much study nd thought. How­ ever, I believe it i right.

The Council for Christi n Social Action of the United Church of Christ has de the same deci ion. Since the Council i de up of per on with differing political and theological po ition , th re has been uch discussion, study, analysi and ome di agreement. However, the CCSA po ition cle rly c 11 on United States corporations doing busines in South Afric to withdraw.

The following document bas been written to assi t other to under tand the b i for the CCSA position. Don Morton, the uthor, iCon ultant on African Affairs to the Council. He is an ord in d Methodi telergy n, tive of South Afric who i now in exile in this country to which he barely escaped 1 t year fter h ving worked clo ely with bl ck South Africans in their trug­ gle for liberation nd ju tice. Some of the material in the document is ex­ tracted from a longer tudy co issioned by the CCSA nd prepared for the Council by Jennifer D vi ,B rbara Roger and George Shepherd, a Council mem­ ber. Thi study will be publi hed in book form under the title The Company We Keep. There are several comments which I am compelled to make in an wer to critici of the CCSA position. There are those who state that withdraw 1 i impractical; and th t if it happened, there would be other corporation from other countries eager to move in who would not have the "moral concerns" or "sensitivity" whic~ U.S. companies have. Therefore, they believe conditions would beco worse. This is a specious argument. Two wrongs do not make·a right. It is similar to stating th t if 1 do not push drugs, someone else, less humane than I, will do it. If it is wrong to do business with apartheid, then it is wrong no matter who does it. This is similar to the argument used by tho e who ugge ted that we do business with the Nazis during Hitler's rise to power in the 30' ince we then could have some influence on hi ystem. Or it wa al 0 the argument put forth by the "reformer" during the period of slavery preceding the Civil W r. They held that efforts should be made to improve the living and working conditions for the slaves and that it wa moral for "Chri~tians" to be slaveholders since they would be much more humane than .tnon-Christians." e nwhile the aboli hionist st ted clearly that any colla~ boration with slavery was wrong nd those who tried to improve the lot of the slaves were D upporting a ystem which was wrong and evil.

On the other hand, it 1s not necessarily true that non-U.S. companies would be more oppres ive. Studies show that the u.s. corporation's w ges, fringe benefits and working condition are not lway superior to other in­ vestor '. For ex mple, the Anglo-Americ n Mining Corporation owned by South Africans pay better w ges and has better working conditions than do American owned comp nies.

Actually the argument evades responsibility. As Americans we should try to effect our foreign policy nd business practices and not moralize about what the French, Japane e or British may do. In addition, U.S. withdrawal would be a critical setback for the South African Government economically, politically and psychologically, and it is doubtful if other investments could overcome such a move and the instability which it would create.

We also have been questioned about whether we advoc te a '~lood revolu­ tion." No, we do not advocate it. I personally believe in the pow~r of non­ violence. I could see the power of a Ghandi n or Martin Luther King, Jr. type non-violent revolution overcoming the present system. It is unlikely to happen though until the conditions make people recognize that they have nothing to lose by resistence. As long as U.S. corporations continue to hold out fal e hopes for change, it will be difficult to mount such an organized campaign.

Tho e who advocate gradualism seem to miss the forest for the trees. In­ creased wages will benefit a few but the system will be undergirded to the detriment of the many. It 1s the system, like slavery, which must be broken, not whether some will enjoy temporary and fal~e hopes from higher wage and better working conditions. South Africa is a self-contained, economic, political and military-police state in which a minority of white persons control the lives of non-whites. The system of apartheid denies non-Europeans the rights of ownership, movement, organization and expression. The provisions for migratory labor dehumanize individuals and ruin family life. The government depends upon foreign capital to maintain the economy ,to legitimize and to undergird the apartheid system by providing the resources to stifle dissent, carryon police action (including brutality and torture) and maintain the forced separation of the races.

In 1971 the Eighth General Synod of the United Church of Christ urged corporation to challenge the repre in South Afric. In th cate that U.S. bu in stead c be n ) have it. In the

For this reason th CCSA believe that the United Church of Christ should utilize its ral and con ie pow r to press United Stat cor- poratl0 s to withdraw fro Soutb Africa. To this end, this doc t is d vailable to you.

Larold K. Schulz Executive Director Council for Chri ti n Social Action

June 1973 My pprecl tlon for the re rch on U.S. corpor tion done by Ta i Rult n a d ed Kr r; for ny fri d in South Africa who never g v up even though ve n b en arr ted; for Ti S lth' incr dible 1 dg of t ubj ct; nd for the t ri 1 for thi p r r arch d by J nny Davi and rb ra oger.

****

In grateful appreci tion to the 1 te John C. Shinn, C ir n of the Council for Chri ti Soc! 1 etio w 0 beli v d t t with­ dr wal w the proper policy d to t t nd g ¥ tro g le der­ ship to the Cou cil for Chri ti n Soci 1 Actio ffort 0 thi concern. CHAPTER 1 - It A BIRO'S EYE VIEW OF SOUTH AFRICA"

South Africa is a big, beautiful country of contr sts with a land rea greater than Tex s and california combined. The contra ts range from fern forest to dry deserts, from the purple cliffs of the Drakensberg Mountains to the white sands of Durb n's beaches, from the tranquility of lu h apple f rm to the hustle and bustle of ultra-modern citie like Johanne burg.

So e two-thirds of the country w occupied by black tribes 600 years before the fir t white settler rrived. In 1652 the Dutch s ttled in th Cape area nd en laved local black inhabitant. Having superior w apon and using treachery to boot. they had little difficulty in overco~ng the black tribes. Due to fertile land, mineral resource and slave 1 bor, the whites soon beca rich.

The white Afri aner, after ye rs of c reful planning, took over the government of the country in 1948. Blacks were deprived of the most basic human, political, economic and land-owning rights. They had no option but to sell their bodies s labor units in order to survive. There i clo e correlation between land inequality nd political or power inequality; hence, it i not 8urpri ing that only 13% of the mo t rid 1 nd in South Afric i assigned by the whites to the black majority who con titute over 75% of the population.

The philosophy on which the whole sy tem i built i called ~ _ which literally mean "separation". The blacks are split into eight tribe and e ch is a signed to a o-called "homeland" (like native re rve). The ho 1 nds are mi er bly u derdeveloped, arid and unable to support civili­ zation. Every blac i then taxed regardless of income. (Whites only tart paying taxes fro $840 per annum upwards.) So the black ha to leave the homeland to work for the white master as a migratory laborer in order to pay the white governmentls t xes. A a contract laborer, he may not live with hi wife and family.

Today four million whites control the lives of sixteen million black people. The govern nt h s control of the economy, the military, provincial and city government , the homelands, judicial and legislative bodies, all school and university education, the radio and to a large degree, the press and the church.

Blacks in South Afric are ubjected to more 1 ws than any group of people in the world. They have, in the 1 nd of their birth, absolutely no political rights: they y not vote for the all-white government; they are not allowed the right to trike; they must stay in one area at all times; they are compelled to carry a passbook which give every possible detail about the person. Even if a man~s wife works in the next town, he may only visit her for 72 hour under the impregnation law provided they indicate the wish to have a baby. All blacks must be off the streets by 11:00 p.m. Only certain jobs may be performed by the blacks under the Job Reservation Act. 2

Most offen e to h v t e t ck y sit on white or sporting

pho s, opens i1, broad and eff ctiv

ff ct d in that kind of nviron-

the govern nt for it sit tion in South own r nk ,ther i fe r, prejudice, leg 1i m, nd hite nd their overt di crimi tion ag inst black tute, leg 1 nd other guide1in book of the j

different deno in tion re full of di crimi tory legislation. The jority of the ers of the English-spe king deno ination are black (80%). yet mo t of the power, property, oney, leader hip, etc. is in the h nd of white • There re no bi ck mdni ter in white churche a d w ite mini ter are p id higher 1 ries th n black mini terse The Methodi t Church p y its ev nge­ 11 ts nd Biblewo n t rv tion wage of about $30-$50 a onth. There are many fi Chri ti n lay people and clergy who ve been i ri oned or b ni hed by the overn nt bec u e of their oppo ition to p rtheid. By d 1 rge, th churches have de erted the e faithful prophet d left the d titute.

There re 0 who, knowing very tion or ving vested interest in it int na t co itio ar are i roving in South Africa. never been better but for the bl ck , things h ve

ho t t condition ck 1 the lning tio of white to to 1; by p id in 1970 to nt •

In ter Ith ervice , ·white h ve o pit I f cili­ ties ow t never b fore; for bl ck , he rior ti with corre ponding lncre e in TB nd infant

In Thing re worse before. of high where ge go to chool. e , black ttend cher ar unq lifi dj do not even have cl ( lack town hip cher nd no classroo

The percent ge of t te money sp nt on Afric n educ tion (0.57% in 1953, only 0.3961 in 1966) has deere sed; the at ndard of "B ntu" educ tion h dropp d b dly; the nu er of dropout h lncre d; South Afric i prob bly the only country in the world where e ch ucce ive gener tion of the jority population is less qu lified th n the preceding on •

The law in South Afric have grown more har h with ti e. The following are so of the har h laws passed since 1967:

(1) Terror! m Act, 1967. Thi provides for indefinite detention without ch rge or trial of any person su pected of being in­ volved or knowing of terrorism.

(2) Non-Interference Bill and Sep rate Representation Act, 19b8. Thi law ke it illegal for any person of one race to particip te in any way (financial included) in the political affairs of nother race. It also takes away from two million colored people in South Africa their representati.on i.n rarliament. 4

(3) Prohibition of Mixed Marri ges Act. 1969. (Tightened by mendments. )

(4) B ntu Laws Amendment Act. 1970. Thi g ve the Prime Mini ter power to prohibit ny blac from doing ny type of work in whit are s.

CHAnE II - "AFRICAN WAGES AND POVERTY"

The Eighth General Synod of the United Church of Chri t eting in 1971 adopted a re olution which st ted in part:

, nt li-

t ed

Let u exa ine the role that United States corporations h ve played in recent ye r in South Afric .1 A far a publicity and a f r a U.S. com­ panie are co cerned, th mo t dr tic ch ng t t h t ken place recently ha been the upgr ding of w g in re pon e to demand by pre ure group out ide and workers in ide for high r p y.

Much has be n written and aid recently about what con titutes a livable, humane, rea on ble al ry for black worker in South Africa. Regrettably and wrongly the Poverty Datum Line has been co-opted by some as a reasonable gauge for n adequate wage.

(1) POVERTY DATUM LINE. Thi is b ed on those unavoid ble expenses which every family has to face. A Ii t of b ic items is e tabli hed and the current average cost of these item provide the POL. The basic item are: clothing, fuel, food, 5 rent and tran portation. This figure for n urban area like Joh nne burg ha been calculated by sever 1 group (e.g. Joh nnesburg Chamber of Co rce. Non­ European Affairs Depart nt. The Ju tice an Peace Co i ion of the NCFS in South Africa and the Soweto Urb n B ntu Cou cil and the Productivity nd W ge Associ tion). There are inor differences in their f1 1 figure but aver ging the all out, the POL for March 1970, w $98 per month (or 70) for n aver ge African f mily.

According to the South Africa Re erve B nk figures, the con u er price index has risen t n average r te of 5% per annu over the last three year • Thi me n t t the present poverty dat line figure will be $115.50 per month (or R82.4).

(2) MINEHUM EFFECTIVE LEVEL. The PDL w gauge de igned by Rowntree before the turn of the century nd i now hopele 1y out ted, is not ccepted a a ure nt of poverty by ny ociologi t tod y. The Ii t exlude obviou e entials: furniture, kitchen uten il , education 1 co t J medic 1, optic 1 and dent 1 bedding, linen nd toiletry require nt J funer 1 cost J taxe d

To dd them to the POL give u L). Aver gin out the figure tori (In titute nth (or 104). e, the pre ent

nth till doe llow---othing nd b ck, 0 provi ion for , beer or sport. hobbie or cultur in ur ce policie

Allowing for even the lowe t e ti te on 0 of the e ite , n verage black f mily (of 5.6) in South Afric would require at Ie t an extr $40 per month (or R28).

A study of American nd other firm in South Africa in 1970 howed that 100% P id wages below the HEL.2

Fortu e Mag zine did jor urvey of w ge of u.s. co nies in South Afric in July, 1972. Only IBM in South Afric had an verage wage of more th n $200 per month. 6

The desp r te poverty of the bl cks in South Africa i hard to exagger te. Their labor h been exploited for so many decades and their effective inco has decreased.

About ten of the 8ub-Saharan African countries have higt~r inco 8 th n do black South Afric n nd the rest of Afric it tre ndou poverty. The h n con equence of uch poverty are ind d horrible. In Port Eliz beth where Ford nd Gener 1 Motor have their pl nt. third of all African children die before their fir t birthday.3 Tho e who live re subject to per nent brain d ge bec u e of gro ly deficient di t •

There i little ch nce of bl cks ever ri ing above ub i tence as 10 g a8 the distribution of inco re in so ine uit ble. A the economy of the country expand , the g p incre e (lot of $50 is only $5 while lO~ of $500 is $50 0 the gap juat keep on wideni g.) To ke the incre sing g p wor e, figure ow that the perc ntage incr a e of wage ha been gr ater for white th n b1 cks. Betw en 1962 and 1967 white w ge ro e by 43~ nd bl ck wages by only 33%.4

So cle rly, real African income h ve fallen over period of industri li­ zation nd r pid growth. Furthermore. the rise in the cost of living ff cts lower inco group re t n upper income group and more than caacels out ny wage increa es they y receive. John Sackur, writing in the London 11--- of April 26, 1971. note that "total c h inco an verage, p r w g rn r, have re ined t tic in re 1 term in the last twelve ye r (1958-1970). How­ ever, ince th African popul tion s whole ha lncre ed uch faster tnt number of w ge e rn r t it i clear that average African income have fallen in rec nt year ."

The galloping inflation in the South African economy drives Afric n i come further and further behind. In Soweto, for example, the co t of living over a six-month period in 1972 ro e by 9.34.5 Instead of changing the repre ive and unju t condition I the o-c lIed wage reforms of U.S. and other co p nies have only erved to make the comparative poverty of the Afric n wor e t n ever before.

Taking the mining industry's figures for 1970 and giving white an annual increase of 5% per nnum and the Afric n mineworkers an annual increase of lot per annum, it would t k until the ye r 2037 before w ge were equal.

CHAPTER III - "THE LAWS UNDER WHICH AFRICAN WORKERS HAVE TO LABOR IN SOUTH AFRICA"

This is a sy tern in which workers have to Ie ve the Bantustans travel to the white urban areas to find work~ It meets a) the white-controlled economy's demand for cheap minimum the number of non-employed Africans in the are taken into account, the system probably affects about ix million blacks.

The h n co t of the y tern i enormou. Migrants usu lly h ve to live 1n b rr ck-l1ke, ingle- ex ho tel or co ound. Wive c nnot live with their husb nds nor p rents with their children. The inevitable re ult are pro titution, juvenile delinquency and drunkenness.

te poverty. Workers huttling back and tay long enough in ny one job to acquire nt ry kill. Indu try doe not con ider it worthwhile to t in le el if the e worker have to leave the co ny before the incr ed productivity ri ing from ted the company for providing th t tr ining. In ot r y te di cour ge th econo~ from inve ting in it

Migratory 1 bor involve viciou circle. The work-force i un t ble nd ill-trained a d w ge are low. The re erve get poorer a the popul tion in­ crea.es. More African thus h v to leave to find work in the towns. Bec use they ave to export th ir Ie npower. the re erve get even poorer. Me n­ while industrie expand nd the white get richer but bi ck w ge re in low because of t 1 rge supply of che p labor.

Migratory 1 or i jor cue of this continuing poverty which in turn is one of t jor c u of the wide pre d lnutrition nd the high bl ck infant rt lity rate in th co try. In short. there are few pect of Africa life t t re n t dver ely ff cted by the igr tory 1 bor y te •

A South Afric n sociologist h c lled the migratory 1 bor y te the st efficient fo of labor exploit tion yet devi ed. The di adv nt ge of pure slav ry ie t t the lave 1 eco 0 ic as et and his owner u t keep him healthy n alive. Migratory 1 bor voids this - for it i relatively ea y to repl c a 10 t worker i 1y by requisitioning another fro the re erve .

Prot sts again t the sy te h ve c fro far and wide. T e govern nt~s respon e wa de clear in a pronouncement by the Minist r of B ntu Aff irs and Dev lop nt in 1972 when he id:

•••the ntu re pr ent here for the ake of th ir 1 bore Th t 1 bor i regul ted by statute; they cannot imply ac­ cept work t r ndo and t will; no, it i regulated pro­ perly ccording to statute, in the interest of the Whites swell s the Bantu. Therefore. they are not here to come and t ke what is offered to the here in the oci 1, economic and all kinds of other phere. That i why I have on many previous acca ions aid "that the B ntu are here in a 100 e cap city, exclusively on the b i of their labor. They are not here in a per nent c pacity to acquire what you and I can acquire in the sphere of labor, nd the other spheres. 6

(2) RESIDENTIAL RIGHTS On the assumption that the Afric n ha no residential, 8 social or political right in the white reas. one of the most stringent re triction he face i under Section 10 of the Native Urban Act. It st tea that Africans h ve to serve one employer for ten unbroken years or have re- ided in one place for fifteen year to qualify for the right to remain in the city. Thus, the worker is effectively bound to that e layer unle he or he wi hes to 10 e the right to be there and thus be forced out of the city. No African y purchase or own land in a white area.

Thi is a bitter pill for African to swallow. They see the beautiful countryside with all it riches, in which their forefathers freely roamed, stolen from them and they are left destitute, deprived and disinherited. The Exodu tory in the Old Testament is story of people who beea a people when they received their own land. In African culture and tradition, land i crucial to their identity as a people. Many of their traditional spirit re spirits of the "land, the tree , the rivers, etc. Their cattle, so long a part of their history, depend on the 1 nd. Thus, their stay a. workers in white area with no land owning right is one of deprivation of a molt cruel kind. lack South Afric ri c n never be liberated until their land ba been re tored to them.

(3) NO TRADE UNIONS The Bantu Labor Settlement of Disputes Act of 1953 excludes all Africans from the definition of "employee". A flourishing African trade union move nt was progressively dismantled by official aur • i eluding legia- lation and th banning of unions and th ir leader so that now any effort to put forward the African point o~ view in collective bargaining is severely punishable by the full force of the law. African unions cannot be registered, and therefore, in terms of legislation, are exclud d fro the industrial relationa chinery especially 0 decisiona about wage. and co itions. In 1957 the Government abo­ li.hed even the right of all workers to obtain n investigation by t e official Wage Board into their conditions and wages. Inveltigationa can now take place only when ordered by the Minilter of Labor and he can do aa he plea.el with the result••7 African strikes are illegal and carJY penalti s of up to Rl,OOO ($1,330) or three years' i risonment or both. The definition of c is. in the Suppre - 8ion of Co nism Act, No. 44 of 1950, 1s also wide enough to apply to any strike by Africans. At the beginning of 1969, nearly 1,000 Africans were in jail under this and the General Law Amend ot Act, No. 76 of 1962 and No. 83 of 1967. This defines labotage to include aoy obstruction of the supply and di tribution of light, power, fuel, food, water, pOltal, telephone or telegraph services, the free move nt of traffic, or the property of any person or of the State. Violations can carry the death penalty.8 A further vital ele nt in the exclu8ion of Africans from skilled jobs i the fact that they are totally b nned from the apprenticeship ~chemel through which the artisan work force is developed.

(4) PASS LAWS Pass laws in S~uth Africa are not new. The Urban Areas Act of 1923 was essentially a response to the socio-economic problem of urban slums. Various amendments to the urban areas act have de the restrictions on Africans' movement more and more restrictive so that today the pass laws are one of the pillars of the y tem of partheid. Every African is required to carry a pass (reference) book in order to work, move about or live anywhere. This is soon to be expanded into the "Book of Life" which every African will be required to have. It i a forty page booklet in which is recorded every single detail imaginable about a person. It will include personal and marital details, tax details, employment details, police record, voting record, driving license, firearm registration, etc. The benefits of such a document to any police-like 9

repre ive state are not hard to imagine. An IBM 360/15 co uter i to be u ed by the government to tabulate all the e documents.

Failure to produce p book on de nd i 1 offen e which re ults in inti idation, impriso ent and fine million African every ye r. It i a gnificent tool of uppre popul tion ve nt control. To African , the psis a '~ dge of

in re unavailable

de-

A 1 rge proportion of agricultural 1 bor co s fro convict 1 bore Far rs hire 11 day labor fro the Department of Pri on for 14 cent day.

Legisl tion called The Ha ter and Servant Laws cover the agricultural and domestic phere. The effect of its v riou provi iODS i to k it a crimin 1 offen e for an African to refu e or fail to enter into ervice under a contr ct once signed; to leave his employ nt before th end of hi Ih r contract; or to fail to c rry out fully it terms; to neglect to perfor hi /her duty; to re­ fuse to obey order ; or to u e in ulting 1 ngu ge; or to tak tep to change hi Iher jo before th expir tion of the contr ct. In on ye r bout 22,000 African are pro ecuted under these 1 ws.9

cold st ti tic • however, can so how never portray the horror of having to live under uch 1 w. One ex mple y s y re than t n st tistics.

Mrs. E.N. was born in Nqutu, Nat 1. In 1961 she rri d Mr. K.B. who qu lifie to live in the pre cribed are of Johanne burg in ter of Section 10 (1) (b) of Act. No. 25 of 1945.

In 1963 he ca to Jo nne burg to live with her hu b nd nd ha lived with hi ever since. There re three children of the rriage, all orn in Joh nnesburg. One i ix ye r old, one four ye r old nd th younge t fourteen months.

In 1963 when she first c to Johanne burg her hu band applied for per- mi ion for her to re in with him in his brother' hou e in Orl ndo East. This wa refu ed and on May 14, 1963, her reference book wa ta ed that he wa not permitted to re in in or to work in Johanne burg. She then went to Nqutu on a short visit but y th t she wa told there th t she could no longer live there and should go to her hu band in Joh nne burg. She came back to Joh nnesburg and lived unl wfully there with her hu b nd.

In 1968 her husband applied for a hou e of his own in Soweto. Thi w s refu ed becau e his wife had no per i sion to live in Johannesburg. Her re­ ference book w s endorsed to the effect that he wa w rned to leave the pre­ scribed are of Johannesburg within 72 hours on July 30, 1968.

However, she remained in Johanne burg with her husband. In 1970 her husband went to Nqutu to ee the Bantu Aff ir Commissioner there. He states 10

that he wa told verbally th t his wife and children could not live there.

Mr • nd her children are di placed people. They have nowhere to go. They wish to continue living with husband and father but the law forbids them to do so. Although the children were all born in Johannesburg, Mr. B. cannot put their n mes on a hou e permit. He cannot have hou e of hi own because his wife is not lawfully in Johannesburg. Hi children will have to f ce grave difficulties when they reach 16 years of age nd h ve to take reference book. If their mother ask for re ettlement in the homeland J they will forfeit their 10(1)(a) right to remain in Johannesburg. If she remain un- 1 wfully in the re, they will h ve difficulty proving this lO(l){a) right because their name do not appear on ny hou e permit.

the Mini ter of B ntu Admini­ from working or bing hired J b) in a p cified ervice of pecified

If him/her elf ted for up to ix month e rning under $764 per has the effect of excluding

CONCLUSION

To sum up, then, the African laborer in South Afric i barred by law from organizing for improved wage and working conditions, collective b rg in­ ing, assembling for any purpo e , selecting and/or being tr lned for, the job of his/her choice. He or he is denied freedom of movement nd virtually ex­ cluded from unemployment in urance. Any breach of the above k s him or her ubject to arrest, fines and impri onment. Finally, should the African dare to call for any change in the exi ting soci 1, politic 1 or economic order, he/ he assume ~he ri k of bei g labeled communi t or terrorist and i then subject to the mo t extreme puni hment including execution.

One must question whether any investment in uch an infra tructure of discriminatory and repre sive legislation be considered a morally "neutral" inve tment? Can profits made from uch investments be justified on any Chri tian basis?

CHAPTER IV - "THE HOMELANDS - YES OR NO? "

(1) BACKGROUND First promulgated in 1936, the policy of separate development has always been looked on with grave suspicion by Africans. It stipulates that 11

13t of South Afric t tot 1 1 nd urf ce hould be the ''ho 1 nd .. of its bl ck people who co ri e ore than 7St of South Afric I tot 1 population. But only on of the eight h 1 nd i geographical unity. Other con ist of sc ttered pieces of tiny areas and one, KwaZulu. cont ins re than 200 uneon olid t dare s.

Th gover nt-spon ored Tomlinson Co is ion report of March 1956, calcul ted that $291 million should be provided for ho lands d velo, nt in the fir t ten year. of the plan. The best tnfor tion available suggest that very little of that su ha been pent on ho landa develop nt to dat •

for dev lop nt in the h lands 8 a overpopul ted. All the rea. are sited There i. no Only 26~ of th

nt in the

(3) TRANS In 1963 the Tran kei Constitution Act was pa ed and The act declares th Transkei to be a " ince be n shown to the r st of the world But ••••

) Constitutional power are not granted to the whole of the Transkei (Umtata and Port St. John ar excluded).

b) d. ra. The and y b

c) Asse ly pow rs are severely 1i ited. Most important matt r. t e •• fore! n affair t banking, police, curity, etc., ar d alt with by the South African Government. The ho land L gislative A 8e ly can only deal with ttera de' d by the State Pre id nt to be of • rely local and privat ture". d) !2 law pa sed in th Tr nskei Asse 1y, however trivial, y take effect unle 8 it receives the approval of the South Afric n State President.

The Transkei - nd the recently announced independent Ov mboland - are ruled under St te of Emergency. For th Transkei thi w en cted in 1960 and is till in force tod y. Under the regul tion , inter ali, meetings of re th n ten Afric ns are prohibited; per on infringing the regulations (or even u pected of intending to do so) y be rrested without w rrant and detained indefinitely; any person c n be prohibited from entering, being in or leaving Tran kei. Maxi m penaltie for infringement are fine of $1,680 12

or three years' i ri 0 nt or both. South Africa's police t te law providing for such asures aa bannin , b nis nt, hous rrest, i definite detention, tc., apply in Tra~skei a w 11. The United Nations Gen ral A ae Dece er 8, 1970, conde d "the gover aa fraudulent, judicial to t peopl ." Aa far back a 1916, eaerv a wer burstin at the a and t rapidly. By 1923 crop yields in th tre d. Fr i8 Wilson in hi8 book on tinu d.

land8 are th 8t d sper te1y poor areas of South Africa per capita of $72 per nn • About one half of this d Ir i ra t work r8. l0 Th population d n ity in t • 18 about 235 per quare 11 .11 or near (bord r indu8try) - the flurry of int r t in invest nt acale advertising ca aign to get areas.

The first thi that

wa-

By buildi your factory in KwaZulu, you t 11 b lping ua to help your.elf. Make matake, w 'r ot tb only peepl you lp wh you start your factory 1n our country. First a fore at, you'll be lpi your••lf. To caah rant to coy r all your co.ta 1n 1. your plant a d per 0 el. To fr • la a d bulldl s for your indu.try (w ich you 1 • for aa little a. 41 of t • val ). To tax cooce••i a, t ly for your subsidlary in ~ .Zulu, b t al.o for your par t c ¥. t re t 1l b a additl0 1 tax bonus of 251 on top of th a tax co a.lon. for IIY bu.i •• t t contact. ua b fore August 31st. To a 1 -1 t r .t 1 of up to 451 of th you ne d for quip t a rki 8 capital. To ho ai 1 • for your whit pereo 1 t 2\1 lower than the going buildin oci ty rate. To as much a 15~ off railage rate .' 13

And to problem-free labor resources. If you want to know more about this excellent aid to free enterpri e, call or write to the Bantu Invest nt Corporation, P.O. Box 213, Pretoria, tel. 48-3523. They'll work out a complete and free bre kdown of all the cost, aving nd profits involved. Then, after you've een how much you can help your­ self, give us a hand. HELP US TO HELP YOURSELF.

The implication re obviou. Pri Mini ter Vorster encour ge invest­ ment in the ho lands bec use it takes a portion of the re ponlibility for the off hi h nd. It also mean re foreign c pit 1 flowing into South Africa and dditio 1 revenue fro taxes which goe to Pretoria - not to the ho lands. The political implications are obvious as well. It means inve tors are recognizing, even if tacitly, the legiti cy of the ho land.

The re trictions of law and custo on African in se i- killed nd skilled jobs remain largely intact in the border reas and homeland. Thi applies equally to the h lands where the only industries of ny ize are mining and where the white ineworker' union is extremely powerful. The ituation is stated by the Pi ncial Mail:

There i no difference between a mine in the homeland and a mine in the white area far as job re trictions •••are concerned. The killed workers are the Whites pulling in the high w ges; Blacks re alongside them underground, the drillers and hovel men. They re in unlkilled not becau e they re incapable of doing re re pon ible jobs, but because they are not allowed to••• The Color bar in mining,. by f r the biggest indus­ try in the homelands, i still there •••becau e the Mineworkers Union want it that way •••MWU General Secretary, Arrie P ulu , s y there ha been no change since May 1968, when the Minister of Mines and Labor pro ised there would b no differentiation between h lands and other mine, 0 that the White workers would be protected. 12

While restriction on economic opportunity remain in force in the border areas, the minimum wage determinations of the urban areas are suspended so the African get the wor t of both worlds.

In a few b land areas, inerals hav been di covered recently. When this bapp ns, eith r th Africans are evicted fro th ir own land ~which in many cases they bad bought unci r arli r land tenure le illation)1 or elle whit c uiel are lic n ed to operate there on ter which do not appear to differ significantly fr those of white ar a.. The ho land government is not a party to the decision. In Venclaland for example, w r pholp te and copper depo it weredi cov red recently,14 a new co any wa for d with the participation of white only to develop mine in the ar .15 This co • y pay a token licen e f e to the white d ini trator of the area and apparently nothing at 11 to the loe 1 government. 16 Although such co anie are theoretic lly 14 oper ting on a temporary basis pending the "independence" of the homelands, the Prime Mini ter him elf ha s ured them th t th 1icen e would be av ilable to them until the re rye of or ve bee exh u t d nd co nted, "Fifty y r would ot be u r a le figure."17

I mibi ) nd nd th

A cla rect y en fit i illu trated by

b en on th d c1in for th 1 at ider d wi df 11 for South Afric

In c mb r, 1972, General Motors ent r d into Impala PI tinum Ltd. to purc e 300,000 troy ounce ounce of p 11adi per y are 1 to supply Ford with up to 500,000 ounce of pl

Th th e 1 on w t the South African Dig t call " $140 for South Afric .tI

it t d the whol home­ nt in

Tho e who believe the argu nt that increa ed inve t nt in South Afric alway generate benefits for the bl ck popu1 tion hould examine the consequences of thi pl tinum de 1. The Imp 1 Mine is itu ted in B ntu t n, the Bophutha­ • n Re erve, llocated to the Bafokeng people. When the GM de 1 w fir t pro­ posed, Chief Luc Mangope, Chief Mini ter of'Bophuth t w na, i ued a strong at tement y~ng, tI ••• 11 mining taxe paid to the South African Gover nt by mining companie in Bophuthat w na should, in fact, be p id to ~ gover nt." 15

quick to respond to this pointing out it na c nnot ec ve ining t xe on the

their own

Even though the e questions re the exa 1e c1 ar1y i11u - trates t t u.s. iove t nt upports p rtheid yste by exploiting the p opl (note the incredibly 1 w ge xtr cting th rich of t land from th p ople W 0 own it nd in ying the tio 1i t gover nt huge tax f r in exce of the benefit ccruing to the b1 ck • 16

CHAPTE V- "CAN co

Citib k in frica rgued t t" con Ic growth i ereatin pr ur (CITI K IN SOUTH AF lCA, 2 ed., Mareh 15, 1973.)

r tion in South Africa r d d fric p opl Th re are in South Africa

via:

1y. 17

ex Ie, in Johannesburg which 1 th indu tri I hart of South Africa, Alexandra i 00 of the oldest ghetto in which familie could live together although precar­ iou lye It i now being r pI ced by serie of ho tel for ttsingle" n nd II ingle" 0 n. The e n nd wo n y be rried and ve childr n - but- hile they work in the white urb n rea, they re imply individu 1 1 bor unit - hou ed in ble k ho tel , which have been de cribed s re e ling pri on •••co lete with electronically controlled riot proof Iteep drop gate at th end of e ch corridor of co n dor itorie. There are to be 24 of the h stel n they will acco od te 60,00 worker •

At the la , recognizing the inevit bility of the pre enc of 1 rge non- igr tory black popul tion in th urb n area J th Gov r nt h allo dev loped co lex network of control to in ure it ab olut over that ector of the papal tion. 1 ck urban exi il totally regi nted and supervised. Law regul te bl ck people y live and where they y workj they are driven into well policed ghetto where upervi orl keep ch ck on who lives in ch hou e. (Even child re­ quire er is ion to live with it p rents.) G ettOI d Ichool are plit into tribal unit - ev ry African i cla sifie s , Sotho, Zulu nd i forced to live in that • ction of the hetto. Everything i ubject to con- trol - no doctor open pr ctice, no butcher tarts shop, no visitor e t rs the ghetto "ithout white p r i sion - d i for r, the eye e r of" the S curity police, are everywhere.

Anyone who truly wishes to "enlarge ju tice and liber tion" must recognize that it i thi whole yste of control by white do i tion d bl ck powerle sne t t ha to be confronted nd challenged if th re i to be re 1 and not token ch nge in South Africa. Further, it i gainst this b ckground that the effic cy of ny "reform" will have to be weighed and finally judged bearing in mind t t so long as U.S. corporation re in in id South Afric , it inevi- tably lend so trength to th system which i theoretic lly the target for Ott ck. (Th COmp y We Keep)

Some of the so-~ lled "reform II can be cl ified under the foll ing:

loy nt 0.25t, employer in South killed worker. Employer lw ys been eager to expand use of African labor which i much che per. Employer h ve be n re rk­ ucces ful in their ende vor • Bl eks fI' 644 of the nufacturing work in 1946 and 1 t 80% by June 1972. 19

Jobs have been recla sified and frag nted 80 that white worker move upward into more skilled or supervisory positions while the job they vacate 18 are broken down into a n er of le s skilled job which can be filled with black or colored workers t lower w ge •

The F. H. Ferreir , expl ins t t ''becaus co anie act lly nd le on

t pl nt co nted, "1 get ix ti ntu."20 A survey by the Bantu di closed t t in c rt in industrie , Afric n worker had taken over

My policy 1 of th taff and

o -white In th t

with 1 co t live their

The oth r i ort nt factor i th t, by employing African in the e occupa­ tion , turnover rat were cut fro 30Qt to 5000. for white to a level below lot for Afric n .26

Thu , there i a two-fold gain for corpor tion e loying black worker 19 a gain in productivity and an increase in profits from the overall reduction in wages. The African worker is at the bottom of the system since his rela­ tive position in relation to the white worker has not changed.

(2) EDUCATIONAL GRA TS Education in South Africa i one of the foremost tool of propaganda. All education is controlled by the government. No priv te night cl se and no literacy elas e are conducted without the government' permission. Black are t ught sub ervience in chool and the beneficience of white towards them over the last 300 ye rs.

Dr. Verwoerd, then Prime Minister. introduced a bill into Parliament with the following words in 1953:

•••good r ce rel tion cannot exi t when educ tion i given under the control of people who create wrong expectation on the part of the N tive, if uch peopl beli ve in the policy of equ lity••• It i therefore nece ry th t tive education hould be controlled in such a w y t t it hould be in accord with the policy of the St te." (Han rd VlO, 1953)

Elaborating on this policy, .he al 0 aid:

My Department' policy i th t (Bantu) educ tion hould t nd with both fe t in the Re rve nd h ve it roots in the pirit nd beIng of B ntu oci ty. There i no place for the Bantu in the Europe n community bove the level of certain forms of labor.

CHAPTER VI - "SOME CASE STUDIES"

The following case studie of Mobil, IBM and General Motors are from an analysis by Jennifer vi. They deal with the "reform" of the e companies in which agencie of the United Church of Chri t nd/or other religiou groups hold stock.

MOBIL OIL Mobil' busine s in South Africa i c rried out primarily by two companie : Mobil Oil, Southern Africa (Pty) Ltd., which rket petroleum pro­ ducts and Mobil Refining Company, Southern Africa (Pty) Ltd., which operate a refinery in Durban. 27 Mobil also holds a 25% interest in a petroleum prospect­ ing license for off-shore are in a partnership with Royal Dutch Shell, BP and Total. Mobil has an agreement with the government agency especi lly e ta­ blished to supervise the search for oil, COEKOR, for this off-shore exploration. The company is the leading supplier of fuels and lubric nts to the oil rigs and drilling ships. Mobil also has a 32% interest in a new lubricating oil refinery 20

in Durban. Mobil's ales in South Africa account for 20% of the rket, re than 50% of u.S. inve tent in the South African petroleum indu try and bout 10% of all U.S. c pit 1 invested in South Africa. Mobil thus plays a cruci 1 role in the South African petroleum {ndustry, an industry vital to the econo­ mic trength nd t bility of any industrialized nation. Eally thi year, Mobil announced $35 million expansion for the refinery in Durban, which the South Afric n Government has reported, will save South Africa bout $16 million in foreign exchange. 28

Mobil' contribution to the South African econo~ in ter of its a 1s­ tance 1n the e reb for oil cannot be overe ti ted. Oil i the only crit1cal resource for which South Africa i 1 t lOot dependent on the outside world. "Oil i too signiflc nt to be left to 011 n" is t e way one yer nt Minister ju tifled the establish nt of a peci 1 gaver nt agency to up rvi e th search for oil. MObil indicated its awarenes of the importance of thie search in a 1971 peci 1 is ue of the Fi cial Mail. Mobil r n backcover color adverti nt "The Power Seeker tt, aylng, ''Everyone is con ciou of South Afric I need for its own supply of crude oil - and Mobil i doing something about it."

Mobil's Imployment 'olicy: Mobil now makes frequent claim that it corporate policy i to give equal pay for equal work. In a recent report, the company t ted:

All po ition re now evaluated in terms of a single al ry tructure. As of today. re than 180 non­ whites occupy po ition held by white only in 1962. Th se po ition al n, co uter operator , he vy vehicl drivers, tor -keeper , key-punch op r tor , clerk, refinery operator nd upervi ory posta. 29

After growing pre ure in the United States for its role in Southern Africa, Mobil h s recently arranged meetings between its Board of Directors and both Prime ~nister Vor ter and v rious black leaders including Bantustan Miniet~6 Kaieer Mat nzi and Gatsha Buthelezi as well as Indian leader in Durban.

The agenda at the meeting with Prime Minister Vorster has not been di closed but discu ion with the black leader have been given con iderable publicity. Report centered on the corporation' a urance that it would now give equal p y for equal work nd on the favorable response of the black leader. Mobil appears to be using this publicity to counter the de nds in America for U.S. intere ts to pullout of South Africa. ThUS, not surpri ingly, it has given no publicity to either the serious lack of independence uttered by the quoted o-called le ders or to the very strong condemnatory tatements made by men uch a Sonny Leon. a leader of the Colored Labor Party.

Mobil has developed a sophisticated rationale for its continued presence in South Africa that discreetly avoid almost all mention of profit. "Over the long term only economic growth can create additional job , more job bility and greater opportunitie for h n advancement nd capital investment i the cata- 21

1y t of eeo Ie growth. With further econo ic growth, more nd b tt r jobs will eo av ilable for on-white."

d

Aver ge Monthly Wages at Mobil in 1972 13 Month Without Christmas Bonus Africans $148 $137 Asians 312 287 Coloureds 212 195 Whites 388 358

167 154 22

nd Colored

IT WI AT SIGNS OF A TH EI D

PLAY PARK IN DURBAN, SOurH AFRICA SIGN ON SIDE OF METHODIST CHURCH, DISTRICT SIX, SOUTH AFRICA SASO CALLS BANTUSTAN POLITICS UNCLE TUM TACTICS

The whole question of credibility and legitmacy of the "homelands" and of the "home­ land leaders" is a thorny one, fraught with emotional bias and political contradictions. One of the clearest analysis of the homelands was done in an article in a magazine published by SASO, the black student organization in South Africa. This is included in full because it speaks for so many of the bl ck oppressed in South Africa.

LETS TALK ABOUT "BANTUSTANS"

The 3rd GSC of SASO indicated strongly its di like and contempt for the Bantustan ~th. A resolution from the Council un nimously called upon the "leaders" of the Bantustans to withdraw from this ystem.

The re olution aro e as a result of the white government's decision to "curb the move­ ment, activities and 'power' of the so called 'leaders' of Bantustans."

During the debate on the resolution, Dyameko Pityana said, "It is my pleasure to second a motion that is speaking a patent truth." He went on to describe in detail the whole sep­ arate development ideology and how the "homelands" were nothing more than concentration camps".

Steve Biko in supporting the motion said that leaders like Gatsha Buthelezi were the most dangerou of people for th~y gave black people false hopes. Chief Buthelezi was also giving credibility to the eparate development ideology in the international arena.

The whole Bantustant concept is under heavy discussion in all political circles and espe­ cially the role of Gatsha Buthelezi. SASO Newsletter ha called in its analytic political commentator "Fr nk Talk" to pick up the cudgels vi-a-vis the Bantustan issue.

It is now almost ten years since the Bantustan idea was practically introduced by the N tiona1ist government a a 1a ting measure tow rds the solution of the '~ative problem". It was 1913 that Sauer, a upposed liber 1 Cabinet Minister in the then Government, first suggested the apportionment of parts of the country to acco odate aspirations of the native population. In the ny year that followed, the percentage allotted to native varied until it wa established in 1936 to the present 13%.

What the Nationalists did under the "able" guidance of their main theoretician, Verwoerd, was to convert the naked policy of wanton discrimination and segregation to the euphemistic "separate development" policy which "guaranteed" the eventual growth into complete sovereignity of eight B ntustans or homelands which would be autonomous states to cater for the various "Bantu nations" that make up the South African native population.

At first the whole idea of sep rate development was rejected by the entire population, including elements of the Afrikaaner camp. It was rejected by the liberals, progressives, united party and naturally by the Bl cks. It was seen by the Blacks naturally as a big fraud calculated to dampen the enthusiasm with which they picked the cudgels in the broader politi­ cal fight for their rights in the country of their birth. People who took part in it were roundly condemned by everybody a sellouts and uncle-toms and nobody took them seriously. They were clearly seen as people who deliberately allowed themselves into an unholy collusion with the enemy.

In the white ranks, too, the idea was heavily criticised and seen as extremely immoral. However, as the 'verligte" elements of the Afrikaaner section began to show interest in the ideology, a number of people began to pay attention to the idea. This was boosted up mostly by the attack launched by verligtes on what they called "petty apartheid". Typical of oppo­ sition politics in this country, these verligtes were given a lot of support by the English press simply because of their small difference with the Nationalist staunch line. In the pro­ cess, a lot of people began to see merit in the verligte view of separate development primarily because a number of newspapers had changed their policies in an attempt to appease and en­ courage the verligte movement.

With this background in mind it therefore becomes neces ry for us Bl ck people to re­ state in very strong terms the case against the Bantust n ide. There are two views regarding Bantustans. The first one is that of total accept nce with the hope that any de nd de by Blacks through pe ceful negotiation will lead to granting of further conce sion by the white power structure piecemeal. The second i th t a str tegy, the B ntust n philosophy c n be exploited towards attainment of our overall goals. ~ Both view are dangerou ly hort- ighted. The first one needs but little ttention since it i n obviou 11 Gut nd c n only b c­ cepted by people who have already sold their ouls to the whit n. The cond one 1 d to a lot of confusion part of which i in fact subconsciou ccept nce of t e Bantu t n idea per se by the masses who c nnot appreciate the nuance of the deb te urrounding the 0 c lIed strategy.

Why are we against the Bantustan idea? Black people reject this appro eh for so ny reasons,none of which are as fundament 1 as the f ct th t it is a " olution" giv n to u by the same people who have created the problem. In a I nd rightfully our we find people coming to tell us where to st y and wh t powers we hall have without even con ulting u. The whole idea i de to appear as if for us, while working again t our very exi tenee. A look at some a peets of the policy show this very clearly.

Geographic lly, i.e. in term of land distribution, B ntust n pr t a gig ntic fr ud that can find no moral support from any quarters. We find that 20% of the popul tion are in control of 87% of the 1 nd while 80% "control" only 13%. To make thi situation even ore ridiculous, not one of the 0 called "Bantu nation" have an intact piece of land. All of them are scattered little bit of the mo t unyielding oil. In each are th ore productive bits ar white controlled i 1 nds on which white f rm or other types of indu try are it ted.

Economically, the B1 ck h ve been given a raw de 1. Ge er 11y peaking the are where Bantustan are loc ted re the 1e t developed in the country, often very un uitable eith r for agricultural or pastoral work. Not one of the Bantu tans h ve acce to the e nd in 11 situation mineral right are strictly re erved for the South Afric gov r nt. In other word , B ntustan only h ve rights extending to 6 feet below urf ce of the 1 nd.

Added to these ob ervations is the fact th t the operative budget llowed the Bantu tans for development projects re kept so low. Control of indu try and its growth in 11 the Bantu tan is locked up in the hands of the Bantu Inve tm nt Corporation which though nt to be non-profit making, i reputed for its exploitation of the a pir nt Afric n tr der and industrialist in all the Bantu t ns.

Th o-called border indu trie now beginnin to mu hroom t the edge of the Bantu tans re oriented to exploit the labour force from within the Bantu tan. Mo t of th m re ubsi­ dised by the govern nt nd their products are tax free. In spite of such ,dv ntage , they go on to pay all-time low wages which are about 1/3 of what they would normally pay in urb n areas. In addition, it should be noted that the e indu trie at border re re often out- side the geographic 1 confines in which most Indu tri 1 Council gree nts oper t nd inee the B1 ck worker have no trade union to push their c e they are virtu lly left at the rcy of employers who are under no obligation to pay them according to rates operative el ewhere in the country.

Politically, the Bantustans are the greatest single fraud ever invented by white politi­ cians (with the possible exception of the new United Party federal policy). The ame people who are guilty of the subjugation and oppression of the Black man w nt u to believe th t they now design for Blacks a mean of escape from that ituation. The point is that this is not the intention of the policy. The actual intentions of the Bantustan practice are the following: - to create a false ense of hope among t the Black people so that any further attempt by Blacks to collectively enunciate their a pirations should be dampened.

- to offer a new but f 1 e direction in the struggle of the Black people. By making it difficult to get even the 13% of the 1 nd the powers that be re eparating our II truggle It into eight differ nt truggles ~or eight f 1 e freedom th t were pre cribed long go. Thi 1 0 the over 11 effect of making u forg t bout the 87% of land that is in white h nds.

- to che t the out ide world into believing th t th r is 80 validity in the multin tion 1 th ory 0 th t South Africa can now go b ck into internatio 1 port, trade, politic, te. with a oothed con eience.

- to boo t up a much po ible th intertribal competition and ho tility t i bound to co up 0 t t the collective trength nd re i tanee of th Black people can be fr gmented.

- fi 11y, if 11 the bov achievement do not la t, to del y as ch po ible the o nt of truth.

other c n e w t

tanzi and Buthelezi e n hout their lu g out trying to speak to Pretoria through the phoney telephone, 0 on i li tening in Pretoria beeau e th telep one i a toy. The real line between Pretori nd Zulul nd, between Pretori and the Tran kei are very busy day and night with Torl ge nd Abraham telling their system every step Matanzima and Buthelezi are likely to take 3 month hence nd how best the system should re pond to such stances.

Matazi and Buthelezi c n knock day and night at the door before them. If they like, they may even break them down. Thi will not work bee use the doors are e nt to lead them into a d rk abyss away from where the trea ure lies. The doors to the real treasure house swing willingly open to Abraham and Torlage whenever they decide to take a breather away from the du ty dirt roads of Tran kei and Zululand. What is most painful is that Matazima and Buthelezi are perhaps more than anybody else acutely aware of the limitations urrounding them. It may also be true th t they are extremely dedicated to the upliftment of Black people and perhaps to their liberation. Many times they have manifested a fighting spirit characterising true courage and determination. But if you' want to fight your enemy you do not accept from him the unloaded of his two guns nd then challenge him to a duel.

Bantustan leaders are subcon ciously aiding and abetting in the total subjugation of the Black people of this country. By making the kind of militant noi es they are now king they have naged to confuse the Black sufficiently to believe that something gre t i about to hap­ pen. As a result Blacks are sitting on the touchline cheering loudly whil t Mat nzi and Mangope are performing. The picture is also confused by the ex gger tion given by the white pres to the possibilitie open to these leaders•. The white pre know fully well of cour e that it is to their adv ntage to misdirect the attention of the Black. The white pre knows only too well limitation of the B ntustan theory; th t it i a f r cry from wh t the Black want but goe on to build up the image of Matanzima and Buthelezi in order to harne s them to the path they h ve alre dy cho en and to make the non-an lytic sse believe th t great vic­ tory is just about to be achieved. Also» by widely publicising the pronouncem nt of the B ntu­ stan leader and attaching extremely liberal connot tion to the e pronouncement , th white pres ha confu ed the out ide world to think that in South Afric not only i there freedom of peech but that th B ntustan leader are actively plotting for the ou ting of the white govern­ ment without the government taking any action.

Thu for white South Africa, it i extremely import nt to have n like Buthelezi pea- king and ounding the way he i doing. It solves so many con cienc problem that South Africa has been having for so long. It h been aid that the combin tion of Buthelezi and the white pre ke up the fine t mbas ador that South Africa has ever h d.

For me a a Black per on it is xtremely p inful to see man who could ily h ve b en my le der being so mi used by the cruel and exploit tive white world. It become so pparent that w tever one does in the context of the Bantu tans is likely to be exploited for elf aggr ndisement by the white world. When you agree with the government you re n exempl ry na­ tive, who ee v lue in being led by whites. When you use Bantu tan pl tform to tt ck what you do not like you epitomi e the kind of militant Black le der who in South Afric i freely llowed to spe k nd oppose the system. You exoner te the country from the bl me t t it is a police state. South Afric n information bureaus throughout the world c rry long coverage of activities and pronouncements by B ntu tan leaders to highlight the degree of openmindednes and fairpl y to be found in this country.

No, Black people must learn to refuse to be pawns in a whiteman's game. When one considers entering the ranks of emancipatory politics one must be governed by the eriou ness and gravity of the call. This type of politics call upon us to provide our own initiative and to act at our own pace and not that created for us by the system. No Bantu tan le der can tell me that he is cting at his own initiative when he enters the realms of Bantustan politics. At this stage of history we cannot have our struggle being tribalised through the cre tion of Zulu, Xhosa and Tswana politicians by the system.

These tribal cocoons called "homelands"are nothing else but sophisticated concentration camps where black people are allowed to "suffer peacefully". Black people must constantly pressurise the Bantustan leaders to pullout of the political cul-de-sac that has been created for us by the system.

Above all, we Black people should all the time keep in mind that South Africa is our coun­ try and that all of it belongs to us. The arrogance that makes white people travel all the way from Holland to come and balkanise our country and shift US around has to be destroyed. Our kindness has been misused and our hospitality t'urned against us. Whereas whites were mere guests to us on their arrival in this country they have now pushed us out to a 13% corner'of the land and are acting as bad hosts in the rest of the country. This \ve must put right.

Down with Bantustans:!! .ON·. WALL OF CHRISTIAN INSTITUTE S'OUTH AFRICA GENERAL MOTORS MAKES POLICE TRUCKS FOR SOUTH AFRICA. THESE TRUCKS ARE USED FOR HERDING AFRICANS A.R.lllSTED IN "PASS RUm ". 22

J Indian

PII:SSllJRE W LI D THE C<»tPANY. I 0111'B Ar ICA TO THE FULL - LY BE FIT PLAN AND AP. THElD

ure, it hal introduc d certain "refor tI. If the pres8ur 8 uld prob bly drop asain. However, there i. d at building tb prof th blacke to yst Linked to this is th obviou truth th t even were Mobil to end its slow .. tQk n c nge and rk 0 two-year cr ah progr m d igned to produce real e 1 oppor Qnity in pr ctice (the nu er of kill d, nag ri 1 nd scienti­ f~t job would irror the popul tion r tio - 804 being held by blacks with a 23

black jority on the local Executive Board), an African Managing Director would still have to carry a pass, live in a ghetto. apply for permi sion to bring hi wife to town and be prevented from voting for or becoming a me~ ber of Parliament or even a city official.

GENERAL MOTORS The South African automotive industry has been a stronghold of American corporations in the growing economy of the Republic. Until the Second World War, automobiles were primarily imported having been sembled and packed abroad. The war years saw the development of a components industry and of motor assembly in South Africa, and plant of the automotive indu try were converted to military use. South Africa sembled 60,000 vehicle for the Allied effort and eM South Afric upplied the ar d forces with a variety of product including troop carrier, airport fire engines and other equipment. 34 In the 1960' when the South African Government embarked on it indu tri liz ­ tion policy, the auto tive industry was one of its prime efforts. Vehicle manufacture and sse ly ha recently been de cribed by leading South African economist as "the government's chosen instrument for achieving the crucial sophistication of indu trialization in South Afric over the next decade, when gold mining is expected to decline in significance."35 It hould be noted that this deli-berate indu trialization progr m grew out of the South African Govern­ ment' determination to reduce the vulner bility of the economy to outside pressures and/or the withdrawal of foreign capital, to which it had shown it elf sensitive in the period i mediately following the Sharpeville crisi. Thus, the Government devised what wa known as the "local content plan" which wa designed to encourage invest nt 1n a do stic auto industry. Major dvantages that were expected to flow from an increasingly indigenous indu try included 1) a signi­ ficant aving in foreign exchange; 2) stimulus to the entire economy; 3) the growth of a pecialized and strong engineering ector which would fill a eriou gap in the national industrial structure; 4) increasing milit ry independence; 5) potential export industry.

In March 1962, the Government outlined its local content policy. The pro· gra wa divided into three phases. Phase 1 had no fixed target but the higher the local content, the bilger the rebate that would be granted to the ~ompanies; Phase 2, an initial requirement of 454 local content with a goal of 55~ by 1969; Phase 3, the requirement of 654 local content by 1976 for nufactured car .36 All three major American automobile corporation responded quickly and sympathe­ tically to this new government program with very large invest ntl in engine assembly plants. At the 1965 opening of the new GM engine plant, Dr. Diederichs, Minister of Economic Affairs, commented that the loe 1 content percentage had "far exceeded anything anybody ever expected or even thought po sible.,,37 By 1970 the automobile industry was contributing 74 of South Africa's Gros National Product. 38 And even more important, it was estimated that some l4t of the total inve tment in the economy of the Republic was by then derived from the motor sector.39 There is now considerable speculation among automotive manufacturers about the future development of the local content program. The Financial Mail has reported: '~e have responsible people saying local content should go to 80%. Others say 664 - the Phase 3 targe't - is already high enough."

The Financial Mail reports that 'a decision in favor of Phase 4 - that is of a higher local content - would provide U.S. manufacturers in South Africa 24

with "another bludgeon to usc against smaller companies already fighting for their existence." Thus, the Financial Mail continues, '~ decision in favor of Phase 4 will be greeted with enthusi ~m·by the U.S. companie who believe that tougher local content restrictions are likely to thin the field and in­ crease survivors' economies of scale."40 Thus, there is a high correlation between the business interests of the U.S. automobile corporations nd the political and strategic interests of the white minority South African Govern­ ment.

A recent GM report says: "There is now more agreement that U.S. companie should re in in South Africa and constructively work to provide opportunities for the Afric n and colored of that country. Progres must be de in South Afric - not on a dr tic confront tion b is with its unlikely promi e of ucces ) but on continuing day to d y effort through progressive policies, personal contact and the like.·~l The . in thrust of General Motors' argu­ ment in favor of its re ining in the country is its ability to improve the po ition of it workers. In that light, it is i ortant to remember that the total GM work force is approxi tely 5,000 of whom 50% are white workers. There h ve been considerable increases in-both salaries and the allocation of semi-skilled and even killed jobs to non~white workers in the p t two years almost cert inly in respon e to external pre sures. Even after these reform the position i grossly inequitable as can be seen by reference to the chart which follow. Of the 4,191 GM workers in 1912, 3,462 were hourly id, 1,335 were salaried. In gener 1. it i the al ried workers who are the uper­ vi ory t ff. Seventy per cent of all hourly paid worker were black - only 1% of black worker are al ried workers and thi fter 46 years in South Afric. Only in October 1912 did eM ppoint it fir t colored fore n. Looking at other indicators, it can be seen that ome 82% of ~he black worker re in the lowe t five categorie of kill, less th n 4% of the hourly p id white worker re u ed in tho e categories. Only 405 of the over 2,000 bl ck workers, that is something like 16%, are being e loyed in c tegories 6-9, the more skilled categorie , and there are no black workers at 11 in the top two cate­ gories for hourly paid workers (10 and 11) while 96% of the hourly p id white worker are in categorie 6 to 11. General Motor claim that it i conducting exten ive training programs to upgrade the group in the lower cla ification for dvancement into the re skilled grades but progress is obviou ly v~ry low. In October 1971, GM reported that wages r nged from 56~ to $1.25 an hour for un killed worker and 98~ to $1.82 per hour for emi-skilled. GM said that "in those jobs on which both non-whites and white are e~loyedt all employees receive the r te for the job irrespective of race, subje~t only to length of ervice and efficiency.·~2 However, in its report in 1912, General Motors ad­ mitted th t aver ge wage rate by race for white employees in grade 5,6 and 9 were above the maximum and that there was a gap between the average wage rate for r ces in comp rable grades.43 In its 21 page GM report in October 1972. it does not once specify actual wages p id to either white or black workers, concentrating on discussing the percentages of wage increases. In 1971 GM stated that average wages for coloreds were $183 a month and for Afric ns $154 a month.44

Like Mobil. General Motors has arranged a social benefit program which it uses heavily in its current public relations campaign. Criticisms of the value of the Mobil programs apply as strongly to those put into effect by General Motors 25

GENERAL MOTORS EMPLOYMENT Hourly Salaried Total !i2:.. ...! lli2:. !

L~hi te 1,072 31 1.,320 2,392 50 Colored 1,839 53 14 1,853 39

- ...... -.... ~ _., _... .- . . - . African 551 16 1 552 11 Grand Total 3,462 100 1,335 4,797 100 General Motors and South Africa, October 16, 1972 (GM Report)

Hourly Employment By Work Grade Classification and Race Colored and African ~ Colored African ~ Work ~ 1 146 196 342 2 3 233 98 331 3 2 326 110 436 4 32 486 99 585 5 5 267 24 291 6 35 107 5 112 7 50 46 4 50 8 139 173 5 178 9 268 55 10 65 10 446 11 ---2. ------Total 1.972· l,S"39 551 2,390 (GM Report) ~: 1. Of 2,392 black workers, only 552 are Afri can. 2. Only 24 African workers are employed in the Grades 6 and up, which GM calls lithe more skilled grades," only .2!J!. is a salaried worker. 3. There are only white workers in the two most skilled grades of hourly paid workers - thus reinforcing the pattern set in the salaried (white collar) sector. NB When all the juggling is over and done with, it turns out that over 80% of the -- black labor force is in the lower categories, 1 through 5, that less than 4% of white workers are found in these categories. that over 96% of the white hourly paid workers are in the more skilled grades. 6 through ". only 16% of all b'ac~workers are in these skilled grades. 26 and will not be repe ted. It is relev nt to point out though that when General Motors di cu se these progra ,it never di8clo e 'their Ii ita­ ti9n. GM t lks proudly of having contributed to one colored and three African universities but doe not co nt on the fact that these govern- nt controlled i stituti s are rigidly policed and regi ted a d bave been cene of conti ual friction tween students a d authorities parti­ cularly in the 1 t year. GM says that it reco nlzes the i ortance of housing for it worker and has, therefore, arranged to loa n er of colored loyees the nece sary down payments t buy their ho s. It never ntlon the fact t t its African workers are prohibit d y law fr buying houses while they work for General M tors d live in urban reas.

Although General Motor., p rticularly while d r pressure in the United St tyke i rove nt in conditions in it South African plantl and i ht even ke I such i rove nts under the ordinary pre.- sures f the pr fit ince tiv. (hungry workers are unproductive), itl obj ct is to difY the Ylt kin it re tolerable and thus more efficie t. It does ot 8 ek to radicate the syste and thul it does not atte t to atrength n or ally itself with those forces in South African society - the black jority - whole interest es entially li s in the total destruction of all in quality. On the other hand, whether con ciously or not, GM's prese c does rYe to str ngthen the forces opposing the establis nt of an open, egalitarian ociety. 's pres nee offers eco 0 ic, military and psychological upport to the white supre ciat yate.

IBM a a rket1n opera- tiOn, uters a d ot r proce aing equip- nt to gover nt and private cust rs. y the nd of 1971, there were at least 530 di ital c ut rs i outh Afric an er 2 0 of those re IM del .45 s uaines8 in S uth Africa through a wholly owned su ai- diary, Inter tio 1 Business Machines South Africa (rty) Ltd., and bad, by 1971, an inveat nt of ov r $8.5 million in the epublic.46 The South African rket i8 e ti ted to be worth at 1 ast $20-25 illion a Dually for IBM.

Th ole of eomputers in South Africa: As in other industrialized countries, co uters have a wid ran of functions - technical, co rcial. rketing and reaearch, inter alia, in South Africa. 1M's 200 users include the largelt gold and dia nd ining corporation - Anglo Amer-ican, the _jor oil distributorl - C<ex and Mobil, banta, in ur nce co anie and jor indu8trial concerns. Co uters have a Ipecial significance in the South Africa context where n artifical shortgage of skilled labor has been created by the syatem of job dilcri ination. Increased auto tion is recognized aa a vital aid in solving the akilled labor shortage - not by increaaing the skills of black workera, but by using co uteri and a few very highly skilled white workers.48 Co uters reduce the upw rd bility of the black labor force. This trend has alre dy been referred to in the section on Mobil. Mobil's black labor force has actually fallen over the last ten years despite the co any's expansion in South Africa and the obvious cause for this is lncre ed uto tion and the uae of re nd re highly skilled technician. De plte its own posture of an equal opportunity e loyer, the effect of IBM's oper tiona i to ub tan­ tially reduce the internal pres ures in one of the re sensitive area of 27

"mini-change" in South Africa - the re of vertical job mobility for black • So in effect then. IBM is a 8i ting in stabilizing the mo t rigid for of lap rth ide I Mplaya n ev n re dir ct role in the int na ce of the ayate of white aupre cy via ita relationa with th South African Gover t. Th Co OJ a ta that bout 251 of ita businea. co a fro th Gover nt. IBM chines bave b e used to str line th efficiency of t tional tranaport ayst (South African Airways), the co icatio a t rk (South African Bro dcaating Corporation and Sta dard T 1 phone and cables - jor gover nt co icationa co tractora) a ti ht d ov r t co trol of the whole popul tion (D part nt of the Interior, Book of Lif Project which extenda a .yst of c ulaory identification doc nt. to all C 10red, lacks, Asiana and ev n whit a). The D rt nt of Prisons uses an I M cuter to keep track of t 700,0 0 black awn i risoned a ua11y as criminals for contrav ntions of the pasa 1 ¥s.49 The C il for Sci tific a I ua- trial ea arch, the body which 8Up rvi s all civilian a d litary rea arch in the R public, l.as 8 an IM 360/65. Possibly at i ortant of 11, th South African D part nt of Defe uae8 at 1 ast four IBM c uters. Thi. is e8pecially significant if one re era South Africa's p culiar 8trat ic military pr le It has a vast border to patrol a d patrol carefully not againat foreign arm a but again8t th return of n a d wo n. eki . to liber te tb ir ho sand f ilies. It bas a re1ativ ly s 11 ow r 001 on which to draw for t South African rm, can r ly aaically for loyalty only on a s 11 white population. Thus, el ctronic aids ar vital to the South Afric n d f na ay t A South African news p r deacrib d the use- fulness of c uters in thia syste .s follows:

en built into the South Afric Air F rce te to ke it far re sop i ticat an

The co uter have been incorporated in the under round nerve-center of the Northern Air Defen e S ctor at Devon, in the satellite radar tation at Elli r s, ne r the Botswa border, well as t Harieskop on the edge of the Tr n vaal Dr ken berg e carpement co nding th Lowveld and the Portuguese border.

A co ut r also function in the latest equip nt of the Mobile Radar Unit - • branch of the Strike Co nd ••• "SO

1 officials deny that their equip nt is used for harmful purpo.es by the military claiming t t it is utilized only for dministrative application 8uch a8 payroll, iov ntory control nd accounting. Availabl public records do not i dicate th t tb Defense Depart nt ha any c uters other than IBM onea nor ha IBM produced any vidence of reatricttve clausea in ita contract with the South Afric n Government. Pinally, it hould not be n cessary to point out that any assistance to an ar~ bas military significance. IBM' IBM' record h s been praised by many including Fortune lary. That reflects re strongly the miserable 28

EMPLOY T CHART

YEAR TOTAL ORK FORCE CI C PO ITI

1952 5 White 1969 750 710 White, 40 Af ican, Asian nd Co ou d 1971 1,000

1972 (Jan. 1) 1,033 953 hite, 55 Africa, 25 Asian Coloured 1972 (Apri 1 24) 1,017 933 hite, 84 African, Asian and Coloured 29

th t U.S. corporation can operate a instrument Africa a d points up a particul r fir to the effect of a U.S. traini

th re i nothi in the ubstantiate the t inevitably lead

White/black w ge gaps widened, pa s tightened and extended to cover all Africa w n as well me, a d t ntu tan d sign w s used to tra tb whole African popul tion into te or ry work force in the white are s with no rights. The ten ye r 1961-1971 t record for the numb r of new di cri i tory 1 ws p ssed - 98 of the 11 b sed on the intention to perpet t r ci 1 differences. Mon trous security legislation attacked all significant black oppo ition during this period by j iling, b nning, b nishing or exiling thousand and driving the politic 1 org nization of th people underground. By th 1 te 60's, all who oppo ed th State's violence could be tr ated 8 terror! t, ubject to indeter i te p riods of detention without trial, to olitary confine nt and police torture, to evere nd tory j il sente ce and to ex cution•. (Under Security Acts such as the Terrori m Act of 1967, polic ction re ubject to no checks by the Courts. At least seventeen politic 1 detainees are known to have died in detention under ecurity police interro t on but detentions can be and often are secret, there 1 no accur te infor tion bout the true number of living o~ dead detainees.) The overriding pow r given th security polic" the degree of urveillance and control, directly nd throu h the pow rfu1 Secr t Police in titution, 8 en­ abl d the Bur au of Sta S curity (BOSS) to grow dramatically in the p st twenty y ars. South Africa s 11 the pparatus of polic state and that fr ork a in built at the a ti a were the great new factories, roads and brid ea that h ralded economic prosperity. Industrialization in South Africa has not changed any of the oppre ive relations of t t society but has functioned entirely within the existing racial fr mework. It built its new structures according to the patterns of those al­ ready established so that it has reinforced the system of racial di crimination and exacerbated it. Historically, the high economic growth rate has gener ted ignificant benefits only for the whites. This is not surpri ing since it is precisely the effect that the whole apartheid system is designed to provide and perpetuate. 30

Yet, de pite the historical evidence, there are many who.continue to rise the rgument that industrialization will bre k down racial barriers by strain­ ing the killed white 1 bor pool which must eventu lly Ie d to bl ck taking up white jobs and thu to the d ise of ap rtheid. In other words, it i con­ tended that there is contr diction betw n economic needs and political philosophy which will ev ntually crack the narrow political ystem wide open.

This i not a new rgu nt in South African politics. It s been used in the past by white liber I groups who, It ough oppos d to th really r dical r structuring of South African society i lied by llitant black action, sought cba • in otb r 1 thr at ning dir ctio •• Nowadays it is the doctrine of ny of South Africa's at sophistic t d financiers nd indu trialists - men such. Harry Oppenh i r· who recognize the ne d both to formulate ra­ tionale for continued invest nt from outsid Dd, even re important, genuin ly wish to encourage th cr ation of a loe 1 black elit - a client class - who will step into the 1 adership v cuum created by t r pr aaion of the militant poli- tical black lead rship. It i8 a for 1 de i8n d to avert f tal cbaDse, not c~.at it. But it a a ortanc b caus of ita appe r nce in a new arena in defense of for ign and particularly U.K. nd U.S. inveat nt in Southern Africa.

Tb r is nothing unique about U.S. fir in South Africa; they function with the ame ai and live by th a rules their South African and ot r c e- titora. Tho who ng ge ln refor do so b cause the nature of their operation require a 1 bor fore differ nt fro the old s of unskilled wor~ rs that used to c racterize s le industrial activity in South AfTic. U.S. invest nt reflecting the advanced lev 1 of tee nological development in A rica, tends to concentr te in capit 1 intensive, highly chanized and aut ted plants even vb n it move abr d. Thi8 cr ates r 1 tiv ly f w jo s and tho e at a level of considerable skill. U.S. corpor tion re not octal crusaders. They "adapt very ea ily to the South African situation and beco conditioned to South African norms with facility," co nt Dudley Horner, re earch officer of the South African In titute of Rae Relations. Nevertheless, economic necessity may someti s put them in a position of app rent c nflict with th South African Gov rnment. They need more skilled labor and whites are too expensive but the frictions over this must not be staken for full-scale disagreements. U.S. corporations want a little more flexibility in the ystem and so do ny of their South African pe r. They do !!.2! w nt any oci 1 upheaval which will interfere with their profit king_ Ii-- gazinets Bureau Chief for Africa, examining U.S. corporate actions in South Afric last year, noted: Given their choice, ny e loyers would rather hire bl ck than whites. The white , p mpered and protected by tradi­ tion, tend to be unreliable nd shoddy workers. They often wander from job to job, quitting on tb slightest pretext. Sometimes th y refu e to work at all unles . management pro­ vides them with African "assistant .. who do everything for them - brew their te , hand the their tools and even fill in for them when they pi y hooky. In one American heavy equipment plant, where welding jobs are reserved for members of the white union, the man ging director reports that the 31

sirabl w rk r b caus th y v no bargaining pow r, need th ir tely d will thu te to be co Ii t nd non-d i g.

The picture that tb n, of U.S. corporate be vior in South Africa, i8 that of st co ni i ing with the tide, a few co anie yi what ah ad of the g ral w ve but _ co nie tryin to r dic lly cha the course of t water for to do 0 ight sweep wythe benefit hieh rought the to South Africa in the fir t pI c - one of the hig est rate of profit in the world produced by on of the t rigidly controll d labor forces in the world.

CHAPTE VII - ''THE WI L "

Hopefully th previous c pter have indicated that refor of foreign in- vestor erve little more than to bolster the ap rtheid y t In this chapter then, ba ed on the previou na1y i J w su up the argu nts for withdrawal.

(1) U.S. COMPANIES ARE PART AND fA CEL OF THE ABHO RENT SYSTEM OF APA THEID

First. they folIo cu to There is no check on the raci 1 ttitude of white upervi or e loyed by U.S. co nie 0 t t black workers are c lled ffir, boy, n tive, etc., and are Itre ted by their white ter. We ve een, worked with d he rd countle co I int on thi core fro ny a black nd colored worker e loyed by U.S. c nie. Effort to bring it to the ttention of the co ny - a wa with the c e of the O'okiep Co per Com­ pany - brought forth no respon e other t n tlmi d your own bu ine ." Thi is not urpri ing when one con ider t t t of the white upervi or e loyed by U.S. co nie re the a people who exploit nd repre bl ck with rae! t law a d practice in their everyday live. Nor i 'it urprising when one notes in the' Ch rles .St. Thoma survey of 1969 that only 10% of the U.S. bu inessmen interviewed aid apartheid was totally wrong. 32

nity of thi y t Y a oon as illn s. one does

(b) Th Job rvation Act which re rv cert in jobs, tly skilled. for whit only.

(c) 0 black pro in position abov J or upervi e white i ining nd indu try.

(d) S prate f ciliti sand menitie re required for different r ce •

() Bl ck y not go out on trike under any circum t nee •

(f) y org nize them elve into tr de union •

(g) Bl ck y not, as igr tory • change their job without for­ feiting tb ir rights to resid in the nor y their fa ilie leg lly resid with th m in th a re.

Companie e itted to continued oper tion in South Afric re thu inte­ grally loe d into thi y nd th re e n b no ch thing a . n utr 1 in- v t nt in South Afric •

It i intere ting to note al 0 that the reform move now being publicized ea about only fter co nie c me under pre ure to withdr w.

(2) u.s. COMPANIES STRENGTHEN THE NATIONALIST GOVERNMENT'S ARM.

South Afric i dependent on foreign trad not only as an important q nti­ tativ ele nt in it eono~ but becau e it de end on r pidly increa ing i ­ ports of capit 1 good nd e ential teri 1 to ke p its own indu trie fune- ti i For th~ J it h to export items such a minerals and gricultural produce. All of the e depend he vily on export rkets since apartheid prevents 33

the majority of the population from becoming major conSUlDers.

South Africa runs a chronic and growing balance of trade deficit.

Between 1961 and 1969 1 total imports increased by over 100% anrl exports by only 50%. There w s loa significant and increasing deficit for services and gold export, tr d"t"onally the ba i of South Africa's international economic strength, fin nced no more than 40% of imports in 1969 as compared to over 50% in 1961.

Balance of paymen ts I 1962-71 Change in gold r'~erchandi se t-lerchandi se ~et gold Balance on Cap; tal and forei gn exports imports output current alc Iltovements excH ngc reserves 1962 948 - 1.041 632 317 -88 229 1963 1,024 - 1.283 688 166 -80 86 1964 1,074 - 1,578 736 - 48 -41 -89 1965 1.067 - 1,799 775 - 296 255 -38 1966 1,216 - 1.645 769 - 1 141 140 1967 1,323 - 1.942 800 - 181 162 -27 1968 1.513 - 1.885 769 75 459 534 1969 1,486 - 2.148 847 - 245 180 -53 1970 1.420 - 2.579 837 ... 843 557' -262 1971 1.531 - 2,8[;4 922 - 976 737 -156

Gold and foreign exchange reserves fell from R985m. at the e d of 1968 to R463.9m. at the end of 1971, a drop of over half. (Finance and Trade !!!!!!, Vol.X, No.1, June 1972, Yolk kas) From the table above, it i clear that capital inflows play a vital and increasingly important role in covering the deficit on the balance of payments on current account and financing essen- tial imports.

Apart from forming a significant proportion of total investment, foreign capital, loans and export credits are qualitatively important. Without them the unusually high rate of growth could not have been achieved.

The Financial Time has outlined the importance of foreign capt,tal to growth: "South Africa•••cannot, despite its mineral advantages, generate suffi­ cient internal savings to back the growth of which it is capable. The need for foreign funds will endure for many years."S4

The South African Reserve Bank has itself admitted this continued and even increasing dependence: "Tn the long run, South Africa has to a large extent been 34 dependent on foreign c pit 1 for development purpo es•••it is till highly depe nt on foreign c pit I, P rticul rly risk c pital, to chieve reI tively high r te of rowth. 55 "Th r lativ ly high rate of growth experienc d by the South African cono­ my duri the 1 t try ar (1969-71) w ,therefore, only achiev d with an increa. in t e r latlve i ort nce of foreign fund in the fi cin of gross do tic inv st nt."56

For i re pon

It i hardly n ces ry to point out th t throughout the world, forei inve t nt tend to tr n then the go ern nt u der which it operate and that the u.s. gover nt nco r ge i ~e t nt for politic 1 re on with it llies a a mean of pro ting the politic 1 trength of their government • Even the tax p yments alone a unt to a sub tantive benefit to the ho t govern- ment. In South Afric 41% of c ny'profit go directly to th Stat while numerou other adv nt ge ccrue in purely financl 1 ter Other b nefit of the pre nce of 1 rge A ric n nd otb r corpor tion to loe 1 eco 0 ic and power structure include:

() Bringing in new equity, production and di tribution skills, rket intelligence nd new nd otherwi e prohibitively expen ive technology.

(b) Skill in recruiting killed per onnel, broad if necessary. and in effecting modern nagement technique •

(c) Acces to the world money rket and sources of credit which would not be easily available to ho t-country entrepreneurs.

(d) Significant increa e in the productivity capacity of the host country_

(e) The benefits of expensive research and development programs.

As we have seen, foreign capital inflows are also essential to cover 35 deficits in foreign trade. Since they re tied in many cases to purc ses of the sophisticated capital goods necessary for South Afric n indu try, they are quite irreplaceable from domestic sources. 60 The very thought of foreign capital inflows faltering or drying up is enough to send the busine s community in South Africa into a frenzy. The ~ci 1 Mail, for example, pointed out in 1971: "The only thing that saved South Africa from bankruptcy w an incredibly high R385m. of capital from abro d that underpinned total foreign re erv ••• "61 It has al 0 warned of the danger to the South African economic structure of:

•••furth r nti-South Afric feeling ng tho e bu ine n upon whom South Africa heavily depend for i foreign rket nd c pit 1 needs. on be mi 1 d by 11 the proud alk bout thi country no longer needing foreign c pit 1. Over the past f1 e year we ran a current ficit on our balance of payment of 63m. here ould w ve b en i h- out the foreign capital to fin nce it? ••Foreign c pital aside, South Africa is till vitally dependent on the good­ will of foreign busine smen for it export rket •••South Africa cannot fford to 10 e even it s lie t rk t • 2

Loan finance h s been incre ingly import in tel t few year .63 Th South African Gover nt it unts bro d to cover it deficit. Ger ny, I ly, Switzerl nd lone lent the Government over 80m. ($112 million) betwe n 1964 nd There were 1 0 larger amount in unrequited inter-gov nt 1 tr n fer .64 In 1970 the tot 1 Gov rnment foreign debt mar t n doubled, from R10Om. to 229m. nd nearly doubled again in 1971 to R4l6m. and ro e to R445m. in Febr ry 1972.65 South Afric n public and private borrower r i ed the equiv lent of R158m. on the intern tional capital rket in 1971. This ke the country the fourth large t borrower after the U.S., U.K. nd Fr nce. 66 At the beginning of 1972, the Fi nci 1 il wa talking bout renewed effort by 11 ctor to eek capital abro d.b]

Nowhere i thi more elas ic lly i11u tr ted th n in recently cquired infor tion involving ssive loan to South Afric by the United St t ed European-Americ n Banking Corpor tion. The loa are directly to the Mi i try of Fin nce, ISCOR, ESCOM and METCOR, all Government operatio The tot 1 mount of the loans referred to is in excess of $210 million, and 11 of these loans have been rr nged ince late 1970.

Most of the loans are in revolving credit £ citities, in Eurocurrencies. The 10 ns have been arranged by a large con ortium of Euro e n bank operating through a U.s. bank which granted the 10 n through it N s u br nch. The U.S. bank arranges the loans with South Africa and then sells p rticipation in the loan to second ry U.S. reserve b nks. Some of the participating b nk pecifi­ cally requested that their particip tion not be di clo ed.

The only way that four million white can keep sixteen million people Ope pressed is by overt power. That power needs input like military, economic and technological services. GM and Ford provide the arrnf and police trucks to implement the Government's harsh policies. IBM provides a computer bank to serve the needs of the Book of Life. From Bell Helicopters to the assistance 36 provided by oil companies in South Africa's desperate search for oil, it's obvious that 11 of these inputs serve primarily the needs of the tio alist government. Fin lly. of cour e. there i the fact t t foreign investment helps e or u ly to solve South Afric 's bal nce of p yments problem nd the t xe provided serve to undergird the whole ap rtheid chinery.

(3) u.s. BUSINESS INTERESTS IN SOUTH AFRICA AFFECT U.S. FOREIG POLICY o viou ly with 350 u.S. co nie there. thi i bound to tinge t e U.S.'s foreign policy to rd anything t t' going to threate t e t tu -quo. Hence the non-support for the liberation movement. The State Dep rt nt rea on given i that the u.S. believes in peaceful chang in Southern Africa.

Wh n Union carbide a d Foote Mineral found their economic i tere t in conflict with U.S. policy on anctions g inst Rhode i at that time, they lobbi d to change U.S. policy nd they won. ever w s there a cle rer ex le of U.S. gov r ent nd economic intere t being ligned than thl one ag in t the intere t of the bl ck peopl of Rhodesi •

The U.S. now having some 350 comp nie th re and some $1 billion in e t d there, it becom cle r the effect uch vested intere t h s on U.S. diplo tic and foreign rel tion with Southern Africa.

The 11 t of non- grows -ominous:

In South Africa, s ador Hurd wa never cen ured for holding white - only function at the Amb y residence in June 1970.

The U.S. Ar~ h s been te ting the cactus - ground-to-air is ile deve- loped in South Afric and North Americ n Rockwell Corpor tion signed an greement to produce the weapon in nticip tion of an army decision to adopt it. urs, July 15, 1972)

The NASA has contracted with the South African Government to do a atellite mineral and geo~ogic 1 urvey of South Africa which will be of supreme importance to South Afrlc 's mini~g future.

In spite of Am as dor Yost's announcement in May 1970 of the U.S.'s intention to offici lly di courage investment in N ibi, Tsumeb Mine (Amax and Newmont principal hareholder) till gro sed $42 million profit from the operation in 1970 nd paid $13.8 million in t xes to the illeg 1 South Africa Government (U.N. Doc. A/8723 Part III S ptemb r 1972). E rlier thi year four U.S. oil co anies were granted exploratory rights off the coast of Namibia.

(4) U.S Q COMPANIES ARE NOT INTERESTED IN TRUE ECONOMIC ADVANCEMENT OF THEIR BlACK ~10RKERS 37

This wa a historical fact and remains a fact ,today. For many years now white employers have been satisfied to pay their black workers subsistence wages. Only when faced with exposure and confrontation did companies hastily begin to make some inor modific tions.

The Productivity and W ge A sociation National Survey of September 1912, reve led that 80% of the African work force were working for incomes below the POL and that only 1% of the African work force were being paid above the MEL. United St te companies have been and are p rt of that exploitation.

Barron's dated March 3, 1952, noted: "Average Native pay at O'okiep was $1.03 daily plu food and lodging. O'okiep's natives are legally b rred from skilled t ks, live in compound uch like those on the Rand. They re under contract, ho ever. The ineo etent y e fired •• " An article appe ring in Fortune in 1912 tated: "The O'okiep Copper Company for example, 51.5% owned by N wmont Mining Corpor tion till intains a feudali tic 1 bor y te that has long been tandard in South African mines. O'okiep ha 2000 black worker • It recruits them from poverty-ridden trib 1 areas, sign them to one year con­ tr ct at wages averaging about $40 per month (plus bed and bo rd in the com­ pany' co ound) then ships them back home when their year i up." (Fortune, July 22, 1912)

Interpreting these figure , one notes that based on a six day work week at O'okiep Company, the w ge of the African miner has risen from $1.03 d ily in 1941 to $1.25 in 1912. In twenty-five year ,wages in the Americ n controlled corporation have osten ibly risen 22~ per day. However, reducing 1941 and 1912 money wages paid to the miners to real wages based upon the 1961 U.s. dollar, we find a reduction in real wages of approximately one-third (from $1.55 in 1941 to $1.08 in 1910). The South African con umer price index is not available and the U.S. price index for consumer goods ha been used as an indication of a probable trend. It is apparent, after a look at published money wages in South Africa, that no qualitative change has occurred in either the amount or share of the value of production. See The Statistical Abstract of the United ~, September 1911, Table 526 (purchasing power of the dollar 1940-1970) p.332. The real wage figure st be approxi tee It i not pos ible to figure the exact change in the overall compen ation paid the O'okiep miner owing to the fact that the cost of room and board might have risen in the twenty-five year span.

In November 1911, the ecumenical church team which visited U.S. corporations in South Africa made the following co nt:

While every American company visited••• felt themselves to be "good" and "progres ive" employers, we found that American comp nies, a general rule, are no more enlightened in their employment practices nor in their sensitivity to the South African situation than are other companies ••• (they) reflect the customs and practices of that country rather than those of the United States. The black workers with whom we talked by no means believed that American firms are more enlightened than other firms.

The report comments that management in the U.S. does not necessarily demand 38 or get clear reporting of their non-financial South African operations and the U.S. hOt~ office rarely establi hes cle r guidelines for either employment practices or reporting on issue involving "race relations".

In addition, it is painfully clear to us •••that t~~re is often a general ignorance of the real condition which Afric n, Asian and Colored South Africans face in their daily lives. This, of course, affects the company' labor policies.

Mo t comp nie do not p y "equal p y for equal work" de- pite their ssertion that they do. It wa our observa­ tion that ny workers doing the same or comparable work were not receiving compar ble pay. In addition, the que tion•••mu t be een in the light of whether or not there re the a job open for bl ck nd white e loyees. Many u.s. fir eng ge in Itfr gment tion.....so that a ta k done by one white would be perfor d by two or three"non­ whites", so that the equal pay concept did not apply.

Chrysler cle rly aid they do not pay equal pay for equal work, becau e the 1 w of upply and de nd and the pre ­ sure of white union forces them to pay more to white •

Mo t U.S. firm follow the wage pattern in South Africa which p y "tarvation" level wages to thousand of African, A ian and Colored e loyee. (Africans f re the worst.)

•••Justifying certain hiring practices•••many comp nies argue that they are not able to train and advance black workers into more me ningful job categorie bec use of re trictions of South African law. In fact, this appear to be more an ex Ie of following the norms and eu toms of South Africa rather th n ny particular law •••practically every nager•••expressed a fear that the Government would impo e ddition 1 Ii itation t.f they de any visible or aggre ive tep in the training or advancement of"non-white" employee •

Corpor te pl nning by American industry•••does not lead to program which bring even minimal change within South Africa. For example, company grants made to universitie are made overwhelmingly to white institutions. This tend to perpe­ tuate the t tu quo.

Grants are by U.S. compani a to the South Africa Founda- tion, who e primary function is to lobby for international support of South Africa. (From U.S. Investment in Southern Africa -A Focu for Church Concern and Action.)

(5) POVERTY. WAGES a ETC. IS NOT THE WORST FEATURE OF APARTHEID The poverty of the Africans is only ~ of the symptoms of a whole sick system. It is a consequence of the way the whole of South African society is organized. It is one of the results of the system - not one of the causes. Changes and amelioration in the area of poverty while it could be a palli tive does not alter the basic system which is to keep political rights from the majority of the people. Apartheid is simply a policy designed to continue and solidify white upre cy, control and wealth.

This need to be foremost in our minds when trying to analyze what U.S. companie are doing in South Africa. They y be increa ing w ge nd grant­ ing fringe benefits but they are ~ posing any threat to the regime. They are not voicing even !!22£ concern bout the fundamental evils of the ystem such the right to vote, own land, live with your family, form trade unions, etc. They re not helping in any way to promote justice.

(6) ORGANIZATIO S REPRESENTING THE MAJORITY IN SOUTH AFRICA HAVE CALLED ON FOREIGN INVESTORS TO WITHDRAW F OM SOUTH AFRICA.

Congress of South Afric. Fatima Meer of the South Africa Indian Congre s, who wa recently in the U.S., told of the resolution of the Indian Congre s at it 1 t con­ vention attended by 10,000 Indians to calIon foreign investors to withdraw their investment and operation from South Africa (addre s t Interchurch Center, January 1973). The 1 rgest Colored party in South Africa i c lIed the Colored Labor Party. The executive body of the p rty has officially denounced foreign investments as detrim ntal to the oppre ed in South Afric. Mr. Sonny Leon, the n tio 1 Ie der of the Colored P rty, aid, "If our call for withdrawal is ignored, we will activate an organized boycott progr ." (St r, J nuary 9, 1973)

Black students in South Africa formed a black student organization called SASO. In 1972, they-'adopted a statement of policy stating, "SASO sees foreign investments as giving stability to South Africa's exploitative regime and com­ mitting South Afric 's trading partners to supporting this regime. For these reasons, SASO rejects foreign investments."

~, a multi-racial student organization, has taken a similar stand in campaigning for an"end to discriminatory practices by foreign firms, or withdraw from South Africa."

~ The Black People's Convention - the only black political party legally operating in South Africa - issued a press release on March 5, 1973, on a resolution adopted by the party calling on foreign investors to disengage themselves from "the white controlled exploitative system." It is one of the clearest statements of the position of the oppressed majority on the role of foreign invest nts.

At their congress in December 1972, they stated in a resolution that:

Foreign investors claim their presence in this country contributes towarcm the development of the black community. 40

This claim i disputed by the reality of the black experience in thi country.

We therefore re olve:

To reject the i olve nt of foreign investors in this exploitative economic system,

To call upon foreign investors to disengage the elves fro this white-controlled expolit tive y te .59

In Namibi , the chief of the defiant Herero Tribe, Chief Kapuuo, ha written:

We wi h 11 foreign firms to be removed i di tely; we wi h to be consulted on way and an by which our people can have firer h r in benefitting fro th we lth of th 1 nd of th ir birth.

This country, which is our country, i being exploited by greedy entr preneur , robbed of its wealth and rendered b rren for the future. Our fe r is th t wh n freedo finally co to thi 1 ndt it will be returned to u with no mineral left." (Fro Minutes of Conference)

A.N.C. The Afric n Natio 1 Congre of South Africa i the banned poli­ tic l~ nt which repr ent th liber tion ve nt of bl ck South Africans. Their po ition was clearly tated in letter to the Guardi n of April 23, 1973:

It i our fir ly con idered that liber 1 opinion - however well intentioned it ppear - t t oppo e our c ign for thi withdr w 1 i J in the 10dg run, only delaying the change that i e sential if South Afric i to b rid of Apartheid nd lave labor. It i not enough to gr thigh r wage here, ett r condition there, for thi le ves the Ap rtheid y tem intact, in f ct it prop it up longer - the very ource of our misery nd degr d tion.

1 roving condition might produce hort-ter benefit for black worker •••but uch ca ign would do nothing to alleviate th long-term misery of Ap rtheid. !7) U.S. COMPANIES ARE BLEEDING THE NATURAL RESOURCES OF SOUTH AFRICA

South Africa produce high proportions of the world' upply of at lea t ten i portant ineral (5 e "Face of Afric , tt September 21, 1972) Miner 1 like gold, dia onds, cobalt, chrome, platinum, copper, etc., are being mined and expropriated rapidly with no benefit accruing to the African who e land it is.

Tsumeb in Namibia ha pa sed the $1 billion rk in metal ale earning $530 million in gro s profit since 1946 while black lab?rer have taken ho le than 3% of that. 41

African who have worked for years on monthly s larie of between $20 and $28 have received nothing in real benefit from th t expropri tion beside the dubiou benefit of hard labor skill •

When the country i finally liberated and free, African will h ve no natural r source left to rebuild their .country•

CHAPTER VIII - "A CHRISTIAN ASSESSMENT"

truggle for liberation and fr ed . in outhern Africa the u.s. or any other country fails to support that The struggle is founded and continue on the deter i tion of the aa d people now living ther to be fre. Th re is will c ,iu•• will not crush. A will reflected in the word of Toi" , a nt ced to life i riao nt und r the Terroria outh African judge, for being n act 1 r of SWAPO.

1 a loyal Na ibian and I could not betray my p ople to t ir en iea. 1 know that the struggle will be long and itt r. 1 lao know that my P opl will w g that truggle, whatever the coat.

Only when we are gr nted our independence will the truggle atop. Only when our h n dignity is r stored to us, equal to th white , will ther be peace b tw en ua.

My co-accu ed and 1 have uffered. We are not looking for­ w rd to our i ri onment. W do not, how ver, fee1 that our effort and acrifice have been wasted. We believ t t hu n suffering ba it effect even on those who i oae it. Only wh n whit South Afric n realize thi and act on it, will it be pos ible to top our struggle for freedom and ju tice in the 1 nd of our birth.

The Eighth Ge eral Synod of t e United Church of Christ re olved t t "if the activitie of u.S. co anies appear to strengthen colonial and raci t op- pre 8ion, r t~er than ch nge it, they hould be pre sed to withdraw." We believe we have shown that U.S. inve tment does indeed strengthen the y tem in spite of o-c lIed reform •

It is easy to get caught up in the philosophical and economic issue of the que tion and to lose ight of the unjust, brutal, inhu n horror of the whole yste. Last month nother African died in South Africa bec u e he w s refused a blood transfusion on the groun that '~lack blood" was not available. 42

This is the harsh reality facing 16 million black people in that country every day.

How shall we re pond, in a Christian way, to the call for Justice and Liberation? As the cry of the millions of God's oppressed goef' up, "How Long?", is there any sen e of urgency that we can develop in our response? Proverb 31:29 ays, "Open your mouth, decree what is just, maintain the rights of the poor and needy~"

The position of the church before this grave inh - n situation can nn longer be n mbiguou one. Christ was not a iguous. Hia position w cryst 1 clear. He tood with the poor and ag inst anyone or ny ystem that stood in the way of people' liber tion. The present syste of apartheid i one of sin and must be rejected such. Yet, it i not enough for the church to elaborate on theological declar tion on the gravity of the sin. The church mu t beco inc rnate. in the truggle for Justice, Liberation and econciliation. A fundamental tenet of the Chri ti n gospel is reconciliation. Reconcili­ ation is po ible only when alienation can '~e dealt with from equal level of power. (Inc rnation • God at ground level.) In other words you cannot have re­ conciliation while the inequalities of power continue to create alienation.

Since the power structure i part of the alienation between black nd white in South Africa, reconciliation i not possible without getting rid of t e lie- nating statu quo.

As Je us said, '~ou cannot rob the strong man' house without fir t binding the strong man." So in. Southern Africa you c nnot et human life free for re­ conciliation without fir t binding the demon of the land and power inequalitie which lie at the very heart of the alienation.

Any theology of liberation in the South African context must take the ques­ tion of land and power eriou lYe Thi is in accord with the biblical concept of man. He i of the earth and return to the earth at death. He lives on it, feeds off it and bre thes because of it.

He is given the power to name the animals (which in Jewish theology me nt power over). In other word J he is co-creator with Yahweh - the shaper and maker of hi own destiny.

The central biblical story of the Exodus is not simply that of slaves es­ caping the bondage of the Egyptians. It is the story of the creation of people­ who became a people when they received a land of their own where in freedom they could rule nd determine their own future. Black Africans in South Africa can never be liberated until their land has been restored to them.

The only fundamental allegiance that multi-national corporations have is to profit, and if a system is geared in such a way as to provide maximum profit (even if it i by overt exploitation) then companies are going to make use of it. The church's only allegiance is to Christ and his demands for Justice and Equality.

We are all subject to powers of one sort or another. There is the power of love which is healing and freeing. There is the love of power which is 43 de tructive and dehumanizing. Multi-nation 1 corporations yield phenomenal power - economic, technological, etc. In the South African context th t power (whether it be t xe to buy chine guns or computers to c rry on repre ion is being utilized to xim benefit to the white minority. Je u c to 8 t people free fro po er (internal and external) which control their dea­ ti ie. The Chri tian criteria for the u e of power i th t it hould be u ed to serve - not to exploit and dominate.

The We tern Christian world h long condemned and denounced ap rtheid nd the exploitation of the illion8 in Southern Afric. Re olution , ch rity gr nt , mi ion effort h ve continued but raci m has r ged r nt in spite of 11 the re 01ution. Furthermore, the churche have helped perpetu te exploitation through ny of their own institutions and practice , and have ben fited from their own inve tment in the companie which f il to work g in t y tem th t churches have condemned. One wonder how much or e will the horror of South Afric become before we take strong action? How ny more children t die with di tended hungry bellie while their f th r ork for pitt nce to incre the profit of the tockholder? When will repe t nce n more to u t n ju tying orry for the mi take of the p t?

rable de cribe the i sue. There w s once a factory which em­ ployed tho and of people. It production line w a miracle of modern engi­ ne ring, tur ing out thou and of chine every d y. The factory h d high ccident r tee T e c plic ted machinery of the production line took little ccount of hu n errbr, forgetfulnes or ignorance. D y after day, n c out of the f ctory with q hed finger , cut , brui ~. SometLme n would lose an ar or leg. Occ ionally omeone wa electrocuted or cru hed to de the Enl! htened peopl b g n to ee that something needed to be done. First on the cen were the Churche. An enterprising minister organized a mall fir t-aid tent out ide the factory g tee Soon, with the backing of the Council of Churche , it grew into properly built clinic, able to give fir t-aid to quite riou c es and to tre t minor injuries. The Town Council became intere ted,~together with bodie like the Ch er of Co rce and the Rotary Club. The clinic grew into a small hospit 1 with modern equipment, an operating theater and a full-time t ff of doctors and nurses. Several lives were saved. Finally, the factory nagement, eeing the good that was being done and wi hing to prove it elf en­ lightened, g ve the ho pit 1 it official backing with unrestrict d cce to the f ctory, a 11 annu 1 grant nd an a ulance to speed seriou ca e fro work- hop to ho pital ward.

But year after year as production increased, the accident rate continued to rise. More and more men were hurt and maimed. And in spite of everything the hospital could do, more and more people died from the injurie they received.

Finally a few people began to ask if it was enough to treat people's injuries while leaving untouched the machinery that caused them.

That machinery is apartheid - propped up and maintained by laws and guns, and IBM computers and Ford police trucks and foreign capital. The time ha come to say stop! no more:

There are two voices calling from South Africa. There is the voice of Prime Minister Vorster and his party saying, "Come, invest, trade and do business." 44

La t month Vor ter calmly s id in parlia ent. "It is the Government's policy to reduce t e 'hi toric 1 g p in th inco of white nd non-whit s and to improve th 8 1 ri of no -whit s." T r i thu no conflict between w t Vor ter i c 1ling for and w toni re doing.

The voice of the

gr y ar in th two 0ppo ing c 11. Which sid do you tbi t ? ich ide will tee urch c 0 e? FOOTHOTES 1. Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), Namibia and the Portuguese territories Nill not be dealt \'Iith here - though there are many parallels, South Africa is the crux of the \"ho1e Southern Africa situation and once the guidelines have been established for South ... Africa the basic principles for the rest of Southern Africa will be clearer.

2. ~ort on the Polaroid Experiment, South Africa Institute of Race Relations, JOfiannes6urg, 1971. 3. South Africa Medical Journal, December 18, 1965.

4. work~ Hases and Aparthei d. Un; ted Nati ons Un; t on Aparthei d Notes and Documents. No. 2/7, Septemoer 1970, R.First. 5. Rand Daily Mail, August 31. 1972. 6. Debates, February 3. 1972, r·1C Botha. 7. Workers Under Aparthei d, A. Hepp1e.

8. Debates. j-1ay 30. 1969. 9. Apartheid -A Form of Slavery. U.N. Unit on l\partheid :'Jotes and Documents, no. 37/71. A.Mohamad. 10. Rand Da; 1y f4ai 1. November 21, 1968. Address by forr,lcr Di rector of South Afrlca Bureau of Census and Statistics.

11. Black Sash r-lagazine, Vol. 13. No.4, February 1970. L. r1or~an. 12. Financial nail. July 17. 1970. 13. African Reserves: South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg. 1969, r1. Horre 11• 14. Sunday Times, August 18, 1968.

15. ~. ~1arch 23. 1968. 16. .lli.r" Jan uary 23. 1969 • 17. Debates, February 7. 1969. 18. Financial Mail, August 4. 1972. 19. Rand Daily r'1ail, iIoveml>er 4. 1972. 20. Fortune. July 1972.

21 • .lli.r,. I\usust 6, 1971.

22. Intcrv;c\,·/ vii th Tal.:; Hultr,an and r~ccd ~~ramer. ~iarch 11. 1971.

23. Debates. i·larcr) 20. 1968, ;··1;n; ster of Transport. 24. Cape Times, November 12. 1970, r'1i ni ster of labour, H. Vi ljoen. 25. The Star, December 2, 1972. 26. Financial Mail, January 21, 1972 and February 25.1972. 27. Mobil in the Republic of South Africa, October 1972, COlporate Information Center: All statistical information in this section, except where otherwise stated; or Mobil in South Africa, report published by Mobil Oil Corporation, Jw1y 1972. 28. South African Digest, January 5. 1972. 29. r·1obi 1 in South Afri ca. a report of the Mobil Oi 1 Company. July 1972. 30. Financial Mail. September 29, 1972; and Rand Daily Mail. September 30, 1972. 31. Mobil in South Africa. 32. Washington Post, October 19, 1972; South African education is not designed to turn out skll1ed blacks in large numbers in any field. Thus, the universities produce less than 12 African doctors each year; one for every 1,500,000 Afri cans.

331 E.M.l. - effective minimum level - a level of wages determined by the Institute of Race Relations, as the least level required by a family to maintain life. 34. General Motors - Apartheid and Business in South Africa, center brief, Corporate Infonnation Center, ~1ay 1972; "The Automobile in Southern Africa, the Dawn of a New Era at GM." Apri 1 1965. General Motors South Africa. (This brief prepared by the Corporate Information Center contains an extremely good background analysis of the role of the motor industry in South Africa. It will be referred to in future footnotes as Center Brief GM.) 35. The Political Economy of South Africa, london, 1967, page 328; Horwitz, Ralph. 36. Center Brief GM. Page 17. 37. Financial Mail, April 9, 1965. quoted in Center Brief GM, Page 17. 38. Financial Mail. January 22. 1971. 39. South African Digest. July 1. 1970. Managing Director, Western Bank, Dudley Sanger. quoted 1n Center Brief GM. 40. Fi nanci a1 f1ai 1, November 17. 1972. 41. General Motors and South Africa, October 16. 1972, presentation by Mr. E.N. Estes at the Council on Religion and International Affairs Seminar. Hereafter referred to as G~1 Report. 42. Center Brief GM. 43. Q~ Report. Page 12. 44. Center Brief.GM, page 24. 45. Man gernent, South Africa, February 1972. 46. IBM in South Africa. .erican Committee on Africa F ct Sheet. Novembe 1971. 47. n, published d 0 s.!!L..i.!l

48. Labour Reguirerne ts for the 1970's: Ho Can They be r·et? address to the 9th Annual Business Outlook Conference, mimeo, page 12; quoted in IBt- (CIC), Director of rational Insti tute for Pers nel Research, D. \brst r. 49. ~. South Africa, January 20, 1973. Heimstra. 50. Sunday Times, South Africa. Septemb r 26, 1971. 51. IBM (CIC) , page 7. 52. Ibid, page 7. 53. Fin ncia1 a·1. April 7, 1972. IB's South African Managing 01 ctor, forris o ey, a een"in olved, ith anum er of other prominent South frican busines 1e drs, in info~ 1 ta ks ith the Sout African Govern nt over its labor policy. Thus, in April 1972, Co ley and others held talks, the agend of which has been kept secret, with three Government ministers. 54. Financial Ti s, South Africa Survey, July 17, 1972. 55. Quarterly Bulletin. September 1971, South African Re erv B nk. 56. Quarterly Bulletin, Dece er 1971, South African R serve Bank. 57. Fina c· 1 Times. South fr·ca Survey, Ju e 14, 1971. 58. ement, Johann sburg, August 1971, 'Foreign Capital or Bust?', van Wyk, Chris.

R. 60. ~~~~~~~~~~~~a~n~d~So~u~t~h~~~~~s~t~A~f~r~ic~a, July 1971, Sta d ~ B nk. 61 ...... -... 62. Financial Mail, June 9, 1970. 63. Quarterly Bull tin, December 1971, South Africa Reserve Bank. 64. Industri lis tion, Foreign Capital and Forced Labour (supra.); Gervasi. 65. Financi 1 Times, Survey. July 17, 1972.

66. G_z~e_t_te~, Johannesburg, May 5, 1972. 67. Financial Mail, February 4, 1972. PROO

.Y. 10601