Humanities Research Journal Series: Volume XVI. No. 3. 2010
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Green Deal – the Coordinators
Green Deal – The Coordinators David Sassoli S&D ”I want the European Green Deal to become Europe’s hallmark. At the heart of it is our commitment to becoming the world’s first climate-neutral continent. It is also a long-term economic imperative: those who act first European Parliament and fastest will be the ones who grasp the opportunities from the ecological transition. I want Europe to be 1 February 2020 – H1 2024 the front-runner. I want Europe to be the exporter of knowledge, technologies and best practice.” — Ursula von der Leyen Lorenzo Mannelli Klaus Welle President of the European Commission Head of Cabinet Secretary General Chairs and Vice-Chairs Political Group Coordinators EPP S&D EPP S&D Renew ID Europe ENVI Renew Committee on Europe Dan-Ştefan Motreanu César Luena Peter Liese Jytte Guteland Nils Torvalds Silvia Sardone Vice-Chair Vice-Chair Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator the Environment, Public Health Greens/EFA GUE/NGL Greens/EFA ECR GUE/NGL and Food Safety Pacal Canfin Chair Bas Eickhout Anja Hazekamp Bas Eickhout Alexandr Vondra Silvia Modig Vice-Chair Vice-Chair Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator S&D S&D EPP S&D Renew ID Europe EPP ITRE Patrizia Toia Lina Gálvez Muñoz Christian Ehler Dan Nica Martina Dlabajová Paolo Borchia Committee on Vice-Chair Vice-Chair Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator Industry, Research Renew ECR Greens/EFA ECR GUE/NGL and Energy Cristian Bușoi Europe Chair Morten Petersen Zdzisław Krasnodębski Ville Niinistö Zdzisław Krasnodębski Marisa Matias Vice-Chair Vice-Chair -
Bucharest Meeting Summary
PC 242 PC 17 E Original: English NATO Parliamentary Assembly SUMMARY of the meeting of the Political Committee Plenary Hall, Chamber of Deputies, The Parliament (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) of Romania Bucharest, Romania Saturday 7 and Sunday 8 October 2017 www.nato-pa.int November 2017 242 PC 17 E ATTENDANCE LIST Committee Chairperson Ojars Eriks KALNINS (Latvia) General Rapporteur Rasa JUKNEVICIENE (Lithuania) Rapporteur, Sub-Committee on Gerald E. CONNOLLY (United States) Transatlantic Relations Rapporteur, Sub-Committee on Julio MIRANDA CALHA (Portugal) NATO Partnerships President of the NATO PA Paolo ALLI (Italy) Secretary General of the NATO PA David HOBBS Member delegations Albania Mimi KODHELI Xhemal QEFALIA Perparim SPAHIU Gent STRAZIMIRI Belgium Peter BUYSROGGE Karolien GROSEMANS Sébastian PIRLOT Damien THIERY Luk VAN BIESEN Karl VANLOUWE Veli YÜKSEL Bulgaria Plamen MANUSHEV Simeon SIMEONOV Canada Raynell ANDREYCHUK Joseph A. DAY Larry MILLER Marc SERRÉ Borys WRZESNEWSKYJ Czech Republic Milan SARAPATKA Denmark Peter Juel JENSEN Estonia Marko MIHKELSON France Philippe FOLLIOT Sonia KRIMI Gilbert ROGER Germany Karin EVERS-MEYER Karl A. LAMERS Anita SCHÄFER Greece Spyridon DANELLIS Christos KARAGIANNIDIS Meropi TZOUFI Hungary Mihaly BALLA Karoly TUZES Italy Antonino BOSCO Andrea MANCIULLI Andrea MARTELLA Roberto MORASSUT Vito VATTUONE i 242 PC 17 E Latvia Aleksandrs KIRSTEINS Lithuania Ausrine ARMONAITE Luxembourg Alexander KRIEPS Netherlands Herman SCHAPER Norway Liv Signe NAVARSETE Poland Waldemar ANDZEL Adam BIELAN Przemyslaw -
En En Joint Motion for a Resolution
European Parliament 2019-2024 Plenary sitting B9-0236/2021 } B9-0237/2021 } B9-0250/2021 } B9-0251/2021 } B9-0252/2021 } RC1 28.4.2021 JOINT MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION pursuant to Rule 132(2) and (4) of the Rules of Procedure replacing the following motions: B9-0236/2021 (Verts/ALE) B9-0237/2021 (Renew) B9-0250/2021 (S&D) B9-0251/2021 (PPE) B9-0252/2021 (ECR) on Russia, the case of Alexei Navalny, the military build-up on Ukraine’s border and Russian attacks in the Czech Republic (2021/2642(RSP)) Michael Gahler, Željana Zovko, Andrius Kubilius, Sandra Kalniete, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Andrzej Halicki, Antonio López-Istúriz White, Miriam Lexmann, David Lega, Rasa Juknevičienė, Jerzy Buzek, Riho Terras, Arba Kokalari, Tomáš Zdechovský, Luděk Niedermayer, Vladimír Bilčík, Traian Băsescu, Jiří Pospíšil, Stanislav Polčák, Eugen Tomac, Michaela Šojdrová on behalf of the PPE Group RC\1230259EN.docx PE692.492v01-00 } PE692.493v01-00 } PE692.506v01-00 } PE692.507v01-00 } PE692.508v01-00 } RC1 EN United in diversityEN Marek Belka, Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz, Tonino Picula on behalf of the S&D Group Bernard Guetta, Petras Auštrevičius, Dita Charanzová, Olivier Chastel, Vlad Gheorghe, Klemen Grošelj, Moritz Körner, Dragoș Pîslaru, Frédérique Ries, María Soraya Rodríguez Ramos, Michal Šimečka, Nicolae Ştefănuță, Ramona Strugariu, Dragoş Tudorache on behalf of the Renew Group Sergey Lagodinsky on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group Anna Fotyga, Veronika Vrecionová, Ruža Tomašić, Jadwiga Wiśniewska, Witold Jan Waszczykowski, Elżbieta Rafalska, Hermann Tertsch, Charlie -
A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement Stephen W
Marshall University Marshall Digital Scholar Theses, Dissertations and Capstones 1-1-2011 A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement Stephen W. Mays [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://mds.marshall.edu/etd Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Mays, Stephen W., "A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement" (2011). Theses, Dissertations and Capstones. Paper 73. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Marshall Digital Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses, Dissertations and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Marshall Digital Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A SYNTHETIC ANALYSIS OF THE POLISH SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT A thesis submitted to the Graduate College of Marshall University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sociology by Stephen W. Mays Approved by Dr. Richard Garnett, Committee Chairman Dr. Marty Laubach Dr. Brian Hoey Marshall University Huntington, West Virginia December 2011 Table Of Contents Page Acknowledgements ................................................................................ iii Abstract .................................................................................................. v Chapter I. Introduction ................................................................................... 1 II. Methodology .................................................................................. -
Employment in Poland 2009 Entrepreneurship for Work
Employment in Poland 2009 Entrepreneurship for work Edited by Maciej Bukowski Warsaw 2010 Authors Editor: Maciej Bukowski, PhD Part I Maciej Bukowski, PhD Piotr Lewandowski Part II Sonia Buchholtz Łukasz Skrok Part III Jan Gąska Piotr Lewandowski Part IV Maciej Bukowski, PhD Horacy Dębowski Co-operation: Maciej Lis, Maciej Małysz, Andrzej Żurawski All opinions and conclusions included in this publication constitute the authors’ views and do not necessarily refl ect the offi cial position of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy. This report was prepared as part of the project Analysis of the labour market processes and social integration in Poland in the context of economic policy carried out by the Human Resources Development Centre, co-fi nanced by the European Social Fund and initiated by the Department of Economic Analyses and Forecasts at the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy, by: Institute for Structural Research (Instytut Badań Strukturalnych) Rejtana 15, r. 24/25 02-516 Warszawa, Poland e-mail: [email protected] www.ibs.org.pl Reytech Rejtana 15, r. 25 02-516 Warszawa, Poland e-mail: [email protected] www.reytech.pl Field survey: ASM Market Research and Analysis Centre Ltd. Grunwaldzka 5, 99-301 Kutno Cover design, typesetting and editing graphic studio Temperówka www.temperowka.pl This publication was co-fi nanced by the European Union under the European Social Fund © Copyright by Human Resources Development Centre ISBN: 978-83-61638-17-9 5 Introduction 7 Part I Labour market in the business cycle 41 Part II Quality of working life – traditional and modern sectors of the economy 91 Part III Procedures and regulations – on hirings and dismissals 131 Part IV Social dialogue in the changing labour market 177 Recommendations for social and economic policy 181 Methodological Appendix 193 Bibliography Introduction The report ‘Employment in Poland 2009 – Entrepreneurship for Work’ is the fi fth edition of the Employment in Poland series, a thorough study of the most signifi cant processes occurring in the Polish and European labour markets. -
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Next weekend in New Direction 10th Anniversary Dinner p.22 BORDEAUX p.20 ACRE Summer Gala Dinner p.23 Issue #8 | July 2019 A fortnightly Newspaper by the Alliance of Conservatives and Reformists in Europe (ACRE) | theconservative.online THE OFFICIAL OPPOSITION by Jan Zahradil MEP, President of ACRE For the next five years, we aim to serve as the peoples voice, acting as a counter balance between those who want a federal Europe, and those who want to destroy the Union. We will continue to defend the view that Europe works best when it does less, but it does it better. ith the elec- power handed to those who which would have create a in a position to act as the offi- comes as a result of keeping tion now out of want to use it to build a federal more business friendly Europe. cial opposition in the European power as close to the people as Spitzenkandidat the way, and the Europe. A coalition that will That would have put the sin- Parliament. We’ll hold this new possible. And we remain com- JAN ZAHRADIL political groups be led from the left, with any gle market, rather than social coalition to account, and ensure mitted to the view that our nowW establishing themselves, we voting majority dependent on policy, back at the centre of the that they do not use their new strength comes from a willing- Jan Zahradil was ACRE’s can- can now talk with some clarity the support of the Greens and European Union. That would majority to take power away ness to work together on issues didate for the Presidency of the about what the next five years the socialists. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
Wojciech Roszkowski Post-Communist Lustration in Poland: a Political and Moral Dilemma Congress of the Societas Ethica, Warsaw 22 August 2009 Draft Not to Be Quoted
Wojciech Roszkowski Post-Communist Lustration in Poland: a Political and Moral Dilemma Congress of the Societas Ethica, Warsaw 22 August 2009 Draft not to be quoted 1. Introduction Quite recently a well-known Polish writer stated that the major dividing line in the Polish society runs across the attitude towards lustration. Some Poles, he said, have been secret security agents or collaborators or, for some reasons, defend this cooperation, others have not and want to make things clear1. Even if this statement is a bit exaggerated, it shows how heated the debates on lustration in Poland are. Secret services in democratic countries are a different story than security services in totalitarian states. Timothy Garton Ash even calls this comparison “absurd”2. A democratic state is, by definition, a common good of its citizens. Some of them are professionals dealing with the protection of state in police, armed forces and special services, all of them being subordinated to civilian, constitutional organs of the state. Other citizens are recruited by these services extremely rarely and not without their consent. In totalitarian states secret services are the backbone of despotic power of the ruling party and serve not the security of a country but the security of the ruling elites. Therefore they should rather be given the name of security services. They tend to bring under their control all aspects of political, social, economic, and cultural life of the subjects of the totalitarian state, becoming, along with uniformed police and armed forces, a pillar of state coercion. Apart from propaganda, which is to make people believe in the ideological goals of the totalitarian state, terror is the main vehicle of power, aiming at discouraging people from any thoughts and deeds contrary to the said goals and even from any activity independent of the party-state. -
February 21, 1948 Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 21, 1948 Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948 Citation: “Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948,” February 21, 1948, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Warsaw), file 217, packet 16, pp. 1-11. Translated by Anna Elliot-Zielinska. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117117 Summary: In the midst of a cabinet crisis in Czechoslovakia that would lead to the February Communist coup, several delegates from the Polish Socialist Party were sent to Prague to spread socialist influence. The crisis is outlined, as well as a thorough report of the conference in Prague. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Polish Contents: English Translation In accordance with the resolution of the Political Commission and General Secretariat of the Central Executive Committee (CKW) of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), made late on the night of 20 February 1948, Com. Kazimierz Rusinek, Adam Rapacki, Henryk Jablonski, and Stefan Arski were delegated to go to Prague. This decision was made after a thorough analysis of the political situation in Czechoslovakia brought on by a cabinet crisis there. The goal of the delegation was to inform the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (SD) about the basic stance of the PPS and possibly to influence the SD Central Committee in the spirit of leftist-socialist and revolutionary politics. The motive behind the decision of the Political Commission and General Secretariat was the fear that, from the leftist socialist point of view, the situation at the heart of SD after the Brno Congress was taking an unfavorable shape. -
The Pomeranian Region: Parties and the Party Structure of the Voivodeship Sejmik After 1998
POLISH POLITICAL SCIENCE VOL XL 2011 PL ISSN 0208-7375 THE POMERANIAN REGION: PARTIES AND THE PARTY STRUCTURE OF THE VOIVODESHIP SEJMIK AFTER 1998 by Beata Słobodzian ! e elections are an important element of the political system; indica- tor of the proper functioning of a democratic state. It is also the method for selection of the persons who will hold certain positions, public o" ces 1 and will represent the interests of the electorate. ! e elections have, among others, such functions as: 2 a) the representatives of various public institutions (government, parliament, local authority) are elected through them; b) it is a legitimization procedure (authorization) of the authority system; c) political preferences of voters are articulated during the electoral process; d) elections constitute a peculiar form of control, evaluation and set- tling an account with elects. Modern democratic states cannot function e# ectively without the electoral process, and thus without the citizens’ involvement in this proc- 1 A. Antoszewski, R. Herbut (eds.), Leksykon politologii , Wrocław 2002, pp. 499 – 500. 2 M. Cześnik, Partycypacja wyborcza w Polsce , Warszawa 2007, pp. 1914 – 1916; Part- cypacja wyborcza Polaków , Warszawa 2009, p. 3. 254 BEATA SŁOBODZIAN ess. ! e public is guaranteed a real in" uence on the process of governance. 3 Electoral Involvement (Participation) is essential for the realization of the elementary principles of democracy – equality. 4 Adopted election rules (laws) have the great importance for the quality of elections. Democratic theorist Giovanni Sartori states that “participa- tion, appropriate and reasonably understood, is personally involved, active and willing involving. Participation is not so prosaic ‹‹being part of some- thing›› (usually being involved in any event), and much less not wanted, forced inclusion to something. -
Supplementary Appendix
Ezrow, Homola and Tavits. “When Extremism Pays.” Journal of Politics. Supplementary Appendix The meaning of Left and Right across time and space (footnote 13) Several studies suggest that the patterns of ideological structuring underlying the left-right scale may differ between Eastern and Western Europe (e.g., Evans and Whitefield 1993) as well as across countries and time (Evans and Whitefield 1998; Harbers, De Vries, and Steenbergen 2012; Linzer 2008; Markowski 1997). Nevertheless, there are strong arguments that suggest the left-right ideological dimension can be a useful framework for analyzing political competition in post-communist democracies. Marks et al. (2006: 169) report that the “theory of party positioning developed for Western European political parties does, indeed, apply to Central and Eastern Europe.” Survey-based studies suggests that respondents in postcommunist Europe are as likely to place themselves on the left-right scale as in other countries, and to base their voting decision on these positions (Pop-Eleches and Tucker 2010, 2011; see also McAllister and White 2007). Rohrschneider and Whitefield (2012, 92-93) similarly state, “The results make plain that citizens in W[estern] E[urope] and CEE have, broadly viewed, developed a similar understanding of left-right ideology regarding the economic dimension.”1 Additionally, Linzer (2008), using a cross-national sample of countries, demonstrates that voters’ interpretation of the left-right scale is likely to differ across countries. Harbers, De Vries and Steenbergen (2012) reach a similar conclusion studying three Latin American countries. However, Linzer does not find that the CEE countries are systematically different from their western neighbors: the left-right spectrum structures public opinion in some countries better than others within both regions.