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The history of Winchcombe Abbey

Haigh, Gordon Thomas

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Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk HISTORY OF WINCHCOMBE ABBEY

A THESIS

submitted by

to the UKIVEKSITY GP DURHAM for the Degree of MASSES OF CONTENTS

• • ). . . List of Abbreviations VI

Introduction 1

Chapter One. 6

King Kenulf commences to build the Abbey, 798* dedicated, 811. Foundation Quarter. Endowments for 300 monks. rAbbot' Livingus ? Kenelm legend.

Chapter Two. 15 Universal collapse of religious life. Abbey re- founded c.972. Abbot Germanus from Fleury. Monks ejected from the Abbey5 c.975; restored c,983. Abbot Godwine, 1044. Monastery in hands of the Bishop. Abbot Godrio, 1054; deposed and imprisoned c.1072. Abbey in charge of the Abbot of Evesham.

Chapter Three. 35

Prior Aldwin leads mission to North of England, 1073- Abbot Galandus, 1075. Church damaged by lightning, 1091. Abbot Ralph dies, 1095- Property at time of Survey.

Chapter Four. 33 -Abbot Girmund, 1095-1122. Exhumed. Abbot God• frey, 1122. First observance of the Feast of the Conception of the B.V.M. Abbot Robert from Cluny, 1138. Winchcombe held for the Empress Matilda. Postllp chapel built. Hayles Chapel forced on the monks. Fire destroys Abbey 1151. Abbots William, 1152, and Gervase 1157.

Chapter Five. 43 Abbot Henry, 1171. Papal protection. Property. Chapter Six.' 52

Abbot Crispin, 1181,. Tithe disputes. Sepa• ration of Abbatial and Conventual revenues. Active Priors. Daily celebration of the Mass of the B?V.M. Dispute with Parson of Hayles C.1136. Water pipes laid to the Abbey.

1 Page Chapter Seven. g$ Abbot Robert, 1194. Five marks pension taken from Sherborne and Twining Churches. Manors of Hawling, Hazelton and Yanworth purchased, 1201.

Chapter Eight. 78

Abbot Thomas, 1221, appropriates Sherborne. Obtains grant of the Town of Winehcombe and the Hundreds* Attends General Chapter. Excessive bell ringing at the Parish Church disturbs monks. Abbot Henry.

Chapter Nine. 89 Abbot John Yanworth, 1247, buys the Manor of Dry Marston, 1250. Hayles Abbey dedicated, 1251. Abbot presides at General Chapter 1271; resigns 1282. Grants and demands.

Chapter Ten. 109

Abbot Walter de Wickewane, 1282. Division of tithes with the Vicar of Wincheombe, 1287. Nepotism (?) 1293. Abbot in debt; later, money owing to him.

Chapter Eleven. 122

Abbey receives property in London, 1301. Abbot excommunicate. Gates closed against Prior of Worcester, 1302. Royal pensioners imposed- on monks. " Acquisitions at Enstone; Church appro• priated, 1307» living obtained 1309. Complaints against excessive taxation.

Chapter Twelve. 140 Extensive building at the, Abbey. Walter de Wicke- wane's Constitutions. Died 1314. Chapter Thirteen. 149

Abbot Thomas de Sherborne, 1314. Abbot Richard de N Idbury, 1316; buys Manor and advoweon of Rowell; sells Framilode Fishery. Discipline lax; Bishop Orleton1s Ordinances, 1329. Abbey staff. Re• duction in grants of property. Numerous Corrodies. Resigns, 1340* Puge Chapter Fourteen. 175 Bishop provides William de Sherborne after dis• puted election. Violent attack and robbery by townsfolk. Monk breaks out of the Abbey, recon• ciled. Abbot deposed, 1352.

1 Chapter Fifteen. 196

Abbot Walter de Wynforton provided by the Bishop. Whirlwind damages the Abbey, 1264; Indulgence to meet cost of repairs. . Lawsuits. Trespasses against the Abbey by the townsfolk. Twining appropriated. Dispute with Vicar of Winchcombe; appeals to Home; popular support for the Vicar.

Prosperity restored. f

Chapter Sixteen. 214 Details of the election of Abbot William Bradley; he appropriates Winchcombe Church, 1398. Value of . the Abbey. Parish/Church bell-ringing re• strained by Pope. Grant of Pontifical Insignia. Appropriation of Bledixigton, 1405. Abbot presides at the General Chapter.

Chapter Seventeen.

Election of Abbot(John Cheltenham, 1423. Lollardy. Sound finances. Bond of association of monasteries, 1430. Law suit with'Abbess of Polesworth, 1440.

Chapter Eighteen. 242 Abbot William de Winchcombe, 1454. Winchcombe Parish Church built. Abbots Thomas and John Twyning. Abbot Eichard Kidderminster-, 1488. , Grant of the lordship of Sudeley, 15P9* Preaches sermon at St. Paulfs Cross, 1514; subsequent discoid. Interest in the Royal Divorce. Correspondence with Cromwell.

Chapter Nineteen. 260

Richard Anselm Mounslow, Abbot; his correspondence with Cromwell who harries the monks; appoints Vicar of Winchcombe to disturb the Convent. Dom Placet's correspondence. Insubordinate monks supported by Cromwell who gives severe Injunctions; he aecepts High-Stewardship, 1538. Leases before Suppression. Monks surrender, 1539. Chapter Twenty.

Pension awards; after careers. Values of the Abbey, 1535, 1539 and 1540. Disposal of fabric and estates.

Chapter Twenty-one.

Conclusion and review.

Appendix. Plans & Map of district. Bibliography. List of Abbreviations

Anglo-Sax. Obron. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

Annal. Mon. Annales Monasticll.

Bod. Lib. Bodlian Library, Oxford.

C.P.B. Calendar of Patent Rolls.

C.R. Close Rolls.

C.S. Camden Society.

Cal. C R, Calendar of the Close Rolls.

Cal. Charter R. Calendar of the Charter Rolls.

Cal. Papal Regs. Calendar of the Papal Registers.

Chron. Abb. Evesham. GhronicOn Abbatiae de Evesham.

Cott. MSB* Cottonian MSS. ^

Bugdale Mon. MOnasticon Anglicanum, Vol.I£. Dugdale. English Hist. Soc. English Historical Society.

English Monks etc* English Monks & the Suppression ' •of the Monasteries.

Flor. Wore. Chronicle of Florence of Worcester.

L. & P. Hy VIII. / 8. Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. M.O. The Monastic Order in England.

R.S. Rolls Series.

Rec. Com. Record Commission. Trans i Transactions of the Bristol, and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society.

Trans. R. Hist. S. Transactions of the Royal I Historical Society.

V.C.H. Victoria -County History, Gloucester• shire VolVlI*.

V.E. Valor Ecclesiasticus. Wore. Epis. Regs. Worcester Episcopal Registers. i VII V : I V

ABBEY SEAL, That the Benedictine Abbey off Winchoombe -has received much less attention ^from historians than its early foundation, size and importance would demand may be due, in part at least, to the almost complete obliter• ation of every trace of the -buildings. fiihere ruins . exist they excite some interest and, sooner or later, someone takes in hand a serious and careful account oft the past history of those relics; but the incentive has been wanting at Vflnchcombe. It is not too much to say that in rio other case has an Abbey of like size so utter• ly disappeared from sight*

Hitherto J* the fullest history has beenVthat by Dr.

Rose Graham, in the 'Victoria County History, Volume II,

Gloucestershire.' It is detailed and very accurate which* with the exoeption of tile valuable material' in* eluded in the account of the Abbey in Dugdale's

•Monastioon,' is more than can be said for most of the other histories. These are, for the most part* local products of the Victorian era and coloured by the pre*

audioes of the authors* The fullest account in this class is the * Annals of Winchcombe' by Mrs E* Dent, which, however, contains many errors and betrays an entire lack of understanding of1, and sympathy with, the monks and their vocation. The brief history otv 2 .

the Abbots contained in the Landboc, Vol. II, is marred by. many mistakes in the dating and by the absence of references for many statements*

The recovery of the long lost 'Laindboc, sive Registrum Monasteril de Wlnchelcumba* and its resfcorac• tion to Lord Sherborne, whose ancestors acquired it with Sfeerborne House, made possible its publication by the Reverend David Royce in 1903* Thus, a most valuable source of Information concerning: the domestic and busi• ness activities of the monks of Winchoombe was brought within the reach of historians.

The original MSS are bound up in two volumes, of which the second is the thicker. They are alike in size (7 ins. by 10 ins.) with oak lids, bevelled at the edges and covered with vellum* Volume I contains 135 leaves, 3 inserted slips, and 276 pages. The earliest penmanship is of the thirteenth century. JDhe fir at pages contain a list of the Anglo-Saxon and Norman kings, two Indexes and some grants; after these, the /Landboc proper begins.

Volume II, was, as is stated at the beginning of the book, compiled under the direction of Abbot John Cheltenham, c. A.D. 14-22. His election records are in• cluded in the first entries. Afterwards, other docu• ments were added, .bringing the reoords up to 14-64. ,<1) TD Landboc, II. xlv - xlix. ' ' There is no sort of chronological sequence about the ordering of the material, so that the student ^is com• pelled to search very carefully through both books to find all the information relating to any one particular period. Moreover, a great many of the documents are undated and the approximate date can only be ascertained by comparing the names of persons appearing in the text of the documents or as witnesses to them with other documents of known date; a task not made easy by reason of the limited number of surnames in use. (1)

The Landboc is the main surviving work executed with- in the Abbey, but there are others of inferior historical importance still extant. (2)

The most interesting of all, the History of the r- Abbey, compiled by Abbot Rlohard Kidderminster, ?1$86^1525» perished in the Great Fire of London, 1666.. This Abbot was a keen student, and he attempted to bring order to the deplorably torn and mutilated records and to compile - an account of his house. He found his task much hampered by reason of the loss of the earliest records in the great monastic fire of 1151, and confessed that he was

i (!) Kany of the Landboc documents have been dated by the Editor, but in several cases he has fallen ^nto error. My copy was, fortunately, formerly in the possession of the late Or. R. Lane-Poole, of Oxford, and his marginal notes and corrections have proved invaluable. ^ • , ' (2) The 'AMALaS D2 WIETCHOOMBE* in the British Museum, Cottonian, Tiberius E. IV.} and the 12th century 4

very uncertain regarding events prior to that calamity, nevertheless, he succeeded in writing up five hooks«- I, concerning first fruits; II, Papal and Episcopal K Privileges and Instruments relating to pensions and tithes* III, Royal Charters and Privileges; IV, a collection of documents connected with possessions and 0 acquisitions of all house property; V, a series of' brief * lives' of the Abbots. Fortunately, before these works were destroyed, Dugdale was able to read them, and he incorporated some of the material in his 'Monastioon.• (1) Much valuable material has been found in the early contemporary histories and chronicles, chiefly Florence of Worcester, William of, Malmesbury, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Symeon of Durham, During the later periods, 0

v the Calendars of the Patent, Close and Charter Rolls were of great assistance, also the Calendar of Papal Betters. For the period preceding, and at the Dissolution, the let• ters and Papers of Henry vlll were invaluable and consider• able uise is made of them. The Episcopal, Registers of the Bishops of Worcester are frequently referred to, mostly in those easels where, they;' have been published... Greater use would have been made" of others still awaiting publication, if it had been at all possible to gain access to them during the waa?.

Breviary in the library of Valenciennes, c.f. Dom.; Knowle©,

'Monastic (0rder'/ .n#539 (1) ..V. C. H. p*71, and Xandbo^, II, xlvli ' ' 5

This was not possible as those valuable documents have been placed for safety in the Crypt of the Cathedral and it was not permissible to remove them from the safes there.

The account of the. excavations carried out on the site of the Abbey has been included in an Appendix. CHAPTER* QKE.

The Kingdom of EJercia reached the zenith of its power under Offa, a dominance that it retained under Ken- ulf, who ascended the throne in 794, after Offa's son

Egbertrs short reign of five months. The Chronicler*s estimate of Kenulf's character as "religious at home and victorious in war" (1) is attested by the defeat that he inflicted upon Eadbert, suraamed Pren, of Kent, whom he brought captive to Hercia in 796, (2) and by the Abbey of Wtnchcombe which he commenced to build in 798. (3)

While this new foundation was designed for monks, it would, appear that there was, or had been, a house of nuns in the town, as King Cffa is "said" to have built a nunnery there in the year 787. (4) If this was the case, it may have continued in being with the- new monas• tery* This possibility receives some support from- the fact that Quendryth* daughter of Kenulf, is styled

•Abbess of Wlnehcombe,1 in as late as 823 and that Abbess Aelflaed is named as her successor. (-§) Against this stands Quendrytb^s appointment as Abbess of Soutbminster,

"T15 -Wm. Malmesbury, Vol.I, 130. 1 " (2) JF2or. Wore* 48. u.) Wm. Malmesbury, •Vol.1, 130s/Landboc, X. 17s Dugdale,II,3Ci (4) Dugdale, II, 300. (5) Landboc, II, xili; Trans. XXXIX, 25 .7

In 820; in which year she was engaged in /litigation with Wulfred, Archbishop of Canterbury. CD Possibly

Quendryth held both nunneries or, on the other hand, she may have Inherited the Winchcombe house at her father's death In 821. Such a legacy would not have been unusual, since, in those times and for long afterwards, religious foundations were regarded as the pergonal property of their founders.

On the 9th November 811 A.D. tffulfrid, 'Archbishop of

Canterbury, assisted by twelve other 'bishops, dedicated the Abbey.. Amid the great concourse were two visiting sovereigns, Sired of East Anglla and.Outhred of Kent, and ten ealdormen. (2) As a gesture of royal clemency, Pren of Kent, who had remained a captive, was set at liberty. O)

(The royal foundation provided for a community of three hundred monks;'who were to maintain^ the Abbey out of revenues derived from the -following lands 6 hides in Alne,^Warwickshire 7 II It Bledingtbn 2 It II Charlton Abbots 1 V •1 Chesterton, Qxon. yk tl It Admihgton 7 tt It Snowshill 24 ,it» tl Enstone, Oxon 10 tl ;. It Honeyhorne >o »' II Sherborne W\ Trans.-XXXIX, 17 <2) Landboc Vol.11, p.17; SBm. Malmesbury,p.l2i; Dugdale, BJon.II. p«301 O) Vim. Kalmesbury, p. 131 ' . • . >" i - •

3 hides in Stanton ' ' 3 - " " " -Twining 2k " " Alderton 1 " " iTampton 2 " " Hidcote 3% " " Wehric (Wlndrusb) (i) If the hide be taken at the generous estimate of 120 acres, the total would be about 13» 080 acres. Judged by monas- tic standards of later times, this total area does not appear over lavish for such a great community. More«* over It is doubtful if the Abbey did receive all these grants at first, for Abbot Kidderminster' confesses him• self unable- to ascertain the exact possessions at this date owing to the decay of the monastic records and the loss of many of them in the great fire during the reign of Stephen* (2) He was uncertain about how the three hundred monks managed to maintain themselves* and concluded that "they could live then on what seems incredible now; not more than forty would be clerics and the rest reoluses or such as by trade and handiwork could forecast against a lack of sustenance." (3) - X That there were ever as many as three hundred monks may be doubted. The reorultment of so large a commxinity* even when the eminence, and influence of the royal- founder is taken into account, would tafee time* Moreover the . time when monastic life in Mercia was ta break down on- 11Y Dugdale. 'Mon. II. p, 302; V.C.H. Glos. Vol. II. p. 66 (2) Dugdale. Mqn. II. p. 302 ' (3) ^dai;e:,;ii, .302/-• s tirely was not far distant, so that subsequent increases were scarcely to he expected. Ue must envisage, in this first foundation at Winchcombe, a community that in• cluded many who, by their previous secular experience, were well fitted to make the most of their endowments and, as was then customary, do most of their own domestic work themselves. Even under these circumstances only a community of many less than three hundred would have found the endowments adequate for their maintenance*

On the day of the dedication of the Abbey, King Ken- ulf granted a foundation Charter to the monks. In it he recounts the event and the names of the principal guests and states that generous gifts were given to the great men, priests and monks. He also deereed that the Abbey should grant the benefit of 'sanctuary* to any person

"who has forfaited his life, or is guilty of any other crime open or secret.**

This Charter was sighed by the three kings* the

Archbishop and the twelve bishops and eleven ealdormen.(l)

Apparently in the same year, though it is undated,

Pope Leo granted a Privilege declaring the monastery

"where Kenulf shall be buried" free from secular service.(2)

Another Papal privilege is recorded as having been received

TIT EE. Cotton, Tib. E. iv, fol. 13b. i Dugdale, II, 301; Landboc, I. 18. (2) Landboc, I. 21-22 from Pope Pasclial in 818, which confirmed, without going into details, all Kenulf's monasteries and possessions. (1) Both of these Papal Privileges are mentioned in the Foundation Charter, though the latter Privilege was not granted until seven years later. Moreover, that Pontif did not begin to reign until 817; so that his existence, as such, was unknown to at least one of those who was included among the witnesses to the Foundation Charter, viz. Adulf, Bishop of Lichfield, who ceased to hold of• fice and probably died in 816. That the Foundation Charter and the Privilege of Pope Paschal have been declared to be forgeries will come as no surprise. (2) Many of these early charters are, in some degree at leasti suspeot. The ravages of time and the perils of theft and fire destroyed many ancient and valuable documents upon which the monks were wont to rely for the defence of their property and rights against. the, claiBs of kings, ecclesiastics and laymen* These grave losses were made good in some oa'sea by the ingenuity of scribes* who, working from what was remembered or saved of the originala, produced serviceable documents, TY3 Eaaaboc,~22~2? " ~" * - ~" (2) Trans. XXXIX, 15» wher© Haddan & Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, iil, 572, is quoted, re Foundation Charter "is beyond doubt, in its present form atr least, a forgery." "Che confirma- . tory Priv ilege .» is no more worthy of) credence • than the charter*" 11

though often marred by- errors and anachronisms.

In 821, King Kenulf died, (1) and waa burled in Winohcombe Abbey, in accordance with Ms wish; (2) After his death no mere is heard of the Abbey; for about a century and a half, a dark period generally in monastic history. (3) Once only, is there found mention of an *Abbot of ffinchcombe•• In 851, Livingue, with that style, wit• nessed a Charter of Bertulf, King of Mercia, granted to Croyland" Abbey• (This Charter, too , -has been held as spurious. (4) Even if it is valid, the title 'Abbot; is not conclusive evidence that there we*?e monks at Winch-

combe at that date, or indeed that f;Livlngus was either

a monastic superior at all or even a clericf so uncertain were the times and the uses of such titles. (5)

i A product of this same 'dark age*, was the legendary vf (ii V. C. ,H. 66 — — — <2) Plor. Wore. 49,; Wm. Ealmesbury, 131 i Anglc-Saxon Chronicle, 34-5* All three agree in dating Kenulf^s death in 819. but he signed a' Charter in 820. ^rans* 14. - (3) 0. flv 66. c«f. Ehowles, KUO. 24 ff. (4) Cartularium Saxonicum, Birch. No. 461, Vol.11* 54; c.f Iiandboo, II* rvi. (5) "as for the words •abbot* and 'monastery' they had already had such a strange history bo:th in ^England and western Europe in general for more than two cen• turies that it Is ^unsafe to. build any argument upon y $hem for the existence of monastic life." Knowles, M.O. 35 & • * prince who was destined to be? elevated by popular^ cre• dence -and devotion to the status of a martyr and local

saint and to become oo-Patronf with the Blessed Virgin Mary, of? the. Abbey, wherein a shrine was later* erected over the place where he was supposed to be buried to which pilgrims flocked in great numbers,and where mira- cles were performed. (1) This was Eenelm, assumed to be the son of Kenulf, but concerning whose existence the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has nothing to record, either before or at the time of King Kenulf's death. In charters granted between the years 803 and 811* a 'Kenelm,* styled *princeps' or •dux,* is found among the magnates and witnesses} Taut after the latter date all mention of him ceases. It would appear* therefore, that he died in or about 811, ten years before Kenulf, and that at the time of his death he must have been a young man of some twenty-four jtears of age, as he can hardly have been employed as a respon• sible witness to important documents in 803 unless he ,had then attained an age not less than somewhere about sixteen years at least. (2) As we have no writings still ex- tant concerning him for the next three hundred y:ears, it <&) ""There is hardly any place in England more venerated,

or where greater numbers of persons attend at the M

(2) SlaS^^ff» ^imesbury, Vol. I. 364

\ 0 is not possible to trace the origin and growth of the ' legend that embellished his name. Q?he decline in learn• ing and the invasions and ravages of the Danes and Normans did little to preserve sober local history. In the ab• sence of restraint imposed by written records, rumour Waxed, until Florence of Worcester, writing in the eleventh century or early twelfth, knows only thaib Kenelm was mur• dered at the instigation of his ambitious sister Quendryth at the tender age of seven, five months after he had as• cended the throne of his father. She secret crime was revealed by a oelestial column of light marking the thorn tree within a deep wood, beneath which he lay* Prom his severed head there had flown a white dove. (1)

William of Malmesbury, a few years later than Florence of Worcester, knows even more. He tells of a ' white dove that dropped a parchment upon the Altaa? of St. J&ter'-S* Rome*- An Englishman* providentially present at the time, made known to the perplexed Romans how Kenelm had been slain and burled in a wood. A letter* sent from Rome, informed the English kings; whereupon the body was recovered and conveyed to Wlnchcombe for burial* More and more was subsequently added, until Richard of Cirencester had a most florid account to excite popu"- lac piety in the fourteenth century^ 2) U) tfl'or. Worcl 4V: J ^ '—~ ~—' (2) Trans. XXXIX, 30

t . ' i •. j i • C

It may be that^ during his twenty-four or so years of life the young prince (for he never became king) was well known for his saintly character; and in those days it did not require a great degree of holiness to gain a reputation for sanctity! Posterity then supplied the one distinction necessary to set the sea£ of sanctifica- tion on him, martyrdom; so that, in an uncritical and credulous age, Winchoombe Abbey received the benefits that fell to it by reason of its possession of such re• lics. A coffin containing the remains of a person of short stature lay by the side of that of King Xenulf for centuries beneath the -Sanctuary of the Abbey, until, In 1815* they were brought to light and the stone cof• fins, emptied of their royal relics, were placed in the Parish Church of St Peter at Winchoombe. (1)

Kenelm*s sister, the Abbess of Winchcombe and flouth- minster, who-lived with her nuns-for many years after the supposed murder, came into the legend because she was known to be the daughter of King >Eenulf and, possibly, there was some confusion between her name and that of King Offals well-hated wife. Certainly Quendryth*s sub• sequent career does not stand consistent w^th guilt of v murder or of having aspired to possession of the throne, even if al woman was permitted to bear the office.

t-lJ •: Trans. XXXV, 5i <2) Trans. XXXIX, 59 CBAHJER TWO.

The reign of Kenulf gave to the Abbey* ten settled years during which it could develop; but after hie death the power and influence of Mercia declined, suffering speedy eclipse by the rising power of We as ex. The loss of Kenti Sussex and Essex was soon followed by an inva• sion of Mercia and the acceptance of Egbert of Wessex as overlord. These disasters and the quick succession of the Mercian kings could have been of little assistance to the monks at that time when they stood most in need of encouragement and stability. Kenulf had given them his favour. That his successors had the means, oppor• tunity, or inclination is by no means certain. A factor of even greater importance is that the gen• eral attitude towards the regular religious life was rapid• ly undergoing a change. In the previous two centuries^ monastic houses had been established in Efercia in great numbers. These and houses elsewhere paid the greatest reverence to the Rule of St. Benedict, yet did not hesi- tate to modify it freely in favour of purely local usage. The changed attitude without the monasteries and the fpee interpretation within, paved the way foi; an universal' breakdown! of the Benedictine system, and everywhere secu• larization of the houses went on apace; clerical: estab- lishments taking the place of> the ordered monks. (1) This general collapse of the monastic life was dis• tinctly accelerated by the increasing raids which the pagan Danes began to make, even before the Abbey had been founded. In the far north Bindisfarne and Jarrow had been sacked for the first time in 793-4. By 870 there were no monasteries in existence north of the Humber, while, between 830 and 880, all the monasteries of Wessex and south Mercia either had become extinct during the wars or had become houses where a number of priests or clerics lived together without any full regular life. (2) We have no information that either the town of V7inchcombe or its Abbey suffered direct hurt from the .Danes, though they were encamped within no great distance for over a year, moving from Chippenham to Cirencester in 879. (33 Ehe prolonged proximity of such foes and the consequent throat to communications and the settled life would make for isolation and deny to scattered communities that mutual encouragement and support so sorely needed* Under tfoese condition it is not surprising that each be• came a law unto itself, and that, if it had not already

TT5 Dom. D. Enowles, "Monastic Order," p.23. "...in north and south alike, the tendency, common In every country and century in tte .Kicl<31e3 Ages, for the monastic life to "lo^e. its regular character* and for houses to become -merely clerical establishments or to fall wholly under lay control, was making it• self felt, more and more strongly."; (2) Doa. D* Ehowles, Monastic Order, p. 24.

(3) Flor. Wore. pf ?2. taken place, Mnchcombe should now abandon "Its Benedict• ine character for an elasticity more adapted to those troubled and disheartening times. Where greater and longer established houses had succumbed to'circumstances,, it is too much to expect that Wlnchcombe could persist. In the face of overwhelming difficulties the monks gave up their original manner of life and allowed their house to pass into the possession of secular clerks. After the autumnal blight had carried off the monas• teries, the long winter set in, that dreary period marked by the low levels to which clerical learning sank* In their day the monasteries had ensured a standard of edu• cation, but with their passing went their learning, save perhaps where some children were taught in a few of the clerical establishments. It was King Alfred's lament that he could not find a priest south of the Thames capa• ble of translating the Mass into the language of the people He did his best to remedy the prevailing ignorance by ap• pointing efficient bishops, but when he sought to restore the monastic system at a new foundation at Athelney it failed to develop and probably ceased altogether afters its founder's death.

If nothing monastic would grow here in England as yet, the seedbeds, from whence was to come the new life for the springtime of Edgar's reign, had been well pre- • • • •:" :' . ••- .:\ * .

. • i . pared in the Empire of Charlemagne. 910, the great Abbey of Oluny was founded,wfipre'in the strict Rule of St. Benedict was observed. The ancient and celebrated monas• tery at neury came within the control of Cluny in 930, and "was destined to have great influence upon England* at first by attracting individuals from across the Chan• nel, and later by supplying a model for one of the centres of the revival." (1) „ From Uinchcombe, in the hands of its secular clerks, it seems a far cry to Fleury with its strict Benedictine Rule, yet Fleury was destined to supply the man that was to bring again the monastic order. The revival of the monastic life in England was due more to the efforts and influence of St. Dunstan than of any other man. His early education was received from the secular clerks at Glastonbury, close to where he was bom'in about 909* During his later life at the royal court he came into contact with, and under the influence of, visiting foreign monks. His opportunity to revive the monastic order in its entirety came when he was made Abbot of Glastonbury in 943-4. From this date the restoration went forward, though interrupted for two years by Duns tan's banishment by King Edwy. However he spent the time in observing the conduct of the reformed house (1} Dom. D. Khowles, Monastio Order, p. 29. of Blandinlum. His recall by King Edgar in 957 was soon followed by his consecration as Bishop of Worcester, which See he left for Canterbury in 959• On his advice* Woroester was given to his friend Cswald, lately returned from five years spent at Fleury. While there Oswald had come to value the character of one of the monlss, Germ anus of Winchester whom he recall• ed from Fleury soon after his own appointment to Worcester in 961. Oswald sent Germanus with twelve others and some boys to found a monastery at .Westbury-on- Trym, which became the Mercian centre of Benedictine revival. (1) From this new foundation sprang Ramsey in 971 (2) of which Germanus was prior. Ramsey became a flourishing and model house, at once providing an example for others and a veritable storehouse from which Oswald drew, men as required* His enthusiasm may be , estimated from the number of new communities that he settled within a few yearst Deerhurst c. 970 (3r) Winohcombe o. 972 (4); Pershore c. 972 <5>; ' "£0 East, fiameseien 42. V. Gw H. V61. 2, p.ji. Snowies,, Monastic Order, p. 51• dates-foundation of V7estbury as c. 962. (2) Vita Oswald!, 435; dated 968 in V. 0. H. Vol.2, p.3; 969 in Cambridge Medieval History Vol. 3* p< 375*. Ehowles, 12U 0...971* (3) Ehowles, Monastic Order, 52. "*' (4) ibid, 51* and also his 'Eellglous Houses of Medieval England1 p,67; in both of which he dates Winchcombe 972, but see V. 0. E. Vol. 2, pp. 3 and 66 where ' 969» as also in-the list of Abbots in.same. (5) Knowles, Monastic Order, 51, with ex-Gia$tonburv Abbot • ; < • i

Worcester 974 (2); Evesham c. 975 (2). Strong support was forthcoming from King Edgar, who urgedi Dunstan and Oswald in 969 to turn opt the secular clerks in Mercia and put monks into their places* At Worcester Oswald gave them the option of leaving or of making their professions as monks-, which some elected to do and remained there under the direction of Winslge who had been sent to Ramsey for some training.(3) Much the same procedure was followed at Winchcombe where the strict observance of the Benedictine Rule was established on the same lines as at Fleury under its new Abbot, Germanua. (4) If the importance of" Winchcomba can be gauged by the status and experience of its head, Oswald must have ranked it high among the monasteries. It is possible, too, that, considering the early restora• tion, the possessions were still adequate or that there was every prospect of - an easy recovery of whatever had been alienated during the clerks* long tenure. (5) 1 In 975, the monks lost their main stay, £or\ King Edgar died*, His; passing and the disputed succession CD Khov/les, Monastic Order, 51,with ex-Glastonbury Abbot. C2) ibid, p. 52. also under ex-31astonbury Abbot. (3) ibid, p. 51» but says "whe; 3 monks' were gradually introduced." The same view held in Cambridge Medieval; History, Vol. 3. 375» "Oswald brought monks. , to his Cathedral-Church of Worcester, establishing : them in his 'familia1 side by side v;ith the clerics whose life interests he respected*" (4) V. C. H.v Vol. 2. p. 66, cites 72 , 73. Hist. Ch. -York, 1, 443. (5) jLandboc, II. xv. ".. .with the King's authority the Bishop recovered any land lost to the monastery." gave the J/lercian nobility the opportunity to express their long felt sympathy with the dispossessed seculars, many of whom had been reorulted from the ranks of those noble houses, and, not infrequently being married, had passed both offices and possessions on to their eons* Moreover the lay lords had come to regard the grants of large estates to the monks with considerable jealousy as all hope of acquiring the lands was denied th them.

This sympathy flared up into action under the leadership of Aelfhere, whom Edgar had set up over the Severn area. In a short time the monks jvere expelled from several houses (1), including Winchcombe, and the - seculars, with their wives (2) were reinstated. Germanus" returned to Hamaey with his monks. (3) On the death of Aelfhere, 983» the persecution ceased, so that the nionks were able to return, presum• ably after turning the seculars out once mores andi slowly consolidating their position, raised the Abbey to foremost rank by the time of Edward the Confesses. (4) After the return of the monks nothing further is known concerning the Abbey for about sixty-one years* until, rD Flor. l/orc. 975. p. 105. Ehowles Iff. 0. 53, gives Deerhurst and Pershore; Cambridge Medieval History III, p. 37#, gives Evesham. (2) Flor. m>rc. 975 p. 106 "introduced clerks with thoir wives" but this may be a monkish slander arising from prejudice. (3) V. C. H. 66. Khowles, M. 0. 53. Landboc Il.xvi. "..Oswald brought him (Germanus) back to Ramsey (from Fleury, whither he had. fled) where he died." (4) V. G, H. 66f. I in 1044, Godwine or Baswine is found as Abbot. (1) Those whom he ruled were probably few in number, if we may take the Abbeys of Evesham and Worcester as being at all typical of conditions prevailing in this district during the middle of the eleventh century. (2) Godwine died in 1053i whereupon Ealdred, Bishop of Worcester, . held the Abbey in his hands. (3) He, like Stigand of Canterbury, was a gross pluralist, for in addition to the bishopric of Worcester he held York as it had been held before him with Worcester, and administered Hereford and Eamsbury as well.

Whatever were the reasons for the episcopal tenure it did not last longer than July 17th in the following year,when Godric, a chaplain of King Edward the Confessor, was made Abbot). (4) This position he may have owed to Gpda, the King*© sister, who owned lands at Horsley in the County, (5) while her* son held the manors of Sudeley and Toddington, adjacent to Winchcombe, (6) or to the influence of Harold within whose Earldom Winchoombe lay. Set then, as Godric'was, in the heart of Saxon England and probably owing his elevation to that court in whiehyhe had served, it was not to be expected, that- (1) Landboo II, xvi, cites, in footnote. Earless Land Charters p. 24'2. DugdaXe, Kon. II. 302. (2) Knowles,ffl. 0 . 75. (3> Plor. Wore. 1053; V* C. H. II. 66 (4) Plor. Wore. 1054 5) S. Taylor, "Domesday Survey of Glos.V 276 6) ibid, 240 his sympathies would he with William the Conqueror in 1G66 or afterwards. Unlike most of the other Abbots, who were either more discreet or set in less suspicious surroundings, Godrlc did not long retain his off ICQ. For by some means, now unknown, he came under the notice of King William and was deposed along with five others(l). After his removal to prison at Gloucester in c. 1072 (2) he was given into the custody of the English, but decidedly pro- Norman, Aethelwig, Abbot of Evesham, who managed to re-1- tain royal favour in this reign even as he had enjoyed it under the Confessor (3). Aethelwig was very capable and treated the Abbey of Winchcombe, which passed, into his care, very fairly, "even as if it were nis own" (4), and continued to do so for the three years during which he held it. (5). It was probably due to Ms influence that the Abbey did not suffer loss of property, though, as Abbot Richard Kidderminster records, "some write that the Monastery resisted and rebelled against the Conqueror, to the loss of its possessions, but whether these things are true or not I do not dare to write, because I do not CD Knowles MV 0. 104, 105n. traces six deposed Abbots? Abingdon, Croyland, Glastonbury, Malmesbury, Wew Mnster, Winchcombe. (2) Chron. Evesh. 90. -Freeman, Herman Conquest, I?, 177 15J V. C, S. Glos. II 66f. Knowles, M. Q. 75ff. (4) Atkyns, "Gloucestershire" p. 436. (5) " V. C. H. Glos. II, list of Abbots, and above. find them in our ancient hooks." CD Certainly as it . will he seen below, the possessions ibef ore and after the Conquest are very similar, despite the misfortunes of the last English Abbot to reign.

(1) Dugdale, Hon. II, 302, Trans. X£, p.64, quoting Freeman, Horman Conquest IV. 176 23

CHAPTER THESE.

That the full-force of the Norman influence did not at once come to bear on the diocese of Worcester was due to the continuing presence there of two most influential men who retained, despite the fact that they were both Englishmen, the confidence and support of William* We have already noted that the custody of the Abbey was en• trusted to the Abbot of Evesham, but the entire dioeese was fortunate in that Wulfstan, a man of saintly charac• ter, had been appointed to be bishop in 1062 and that he retained the see until 1096. Elsewhere in the land, monastic ism was being changed, but these two.men ensured that English monasticism had a worthy phase of splendour in the vale of the Severn. This stability in the midst of universal reform was not without ±pa effect. When Aethelwlg went to Evesham he found there only twelve monks, but when he died in 1077 the number had risen to over thirty, while the property of the house had Increased. ^1) The benevolent rule of such a capable administrator could not have impover• ished Wlnchcombe nor retarded the spiritual life of its monks* Of the spiritual vigour and missionary zeal of Khowles, M. 0., 12b 26 at least one inmate of Winchoombe evidence was soon forthcoming. While other houses were undergoing the pains of transition, Winchcambe and Evesham, knowing lit• tle of these disturbances, were out of their settled state able to carry the monastic life elsewhere. In 1075-4. there started from Evesham a mission that was to have far reaching results. (1) ' It consisted of "but three men, chief of whom was Aldwin, the prior of Winchcombe. His companions were Aelwig, monk and deacon of Evesham, and Eeinfrid who had gone to Evesham to become a monk after life as a knight during which he had seen the desolation of the northern houses. These men, making their way on foot and leading an ass bearing the sacred vessels and vestments and a few books, came first to Newcastle, but finding there no trace of the ancient monastery, moved on to Jarrow. Here, with the approval of Bishop Walcher, they decided to settle amid the roofless walls of Benet Biscoprs foundation. A simple roof was thrown over the church and a rude hut built in which to live. (2)

Aldwin was well fitted to become instructor to the many recruits that joined them, chiefly from the south, for he was "patient in adversity, modest in prosperity,

(1) Khowles, M.O. p. 167 gives this date. For an account of the above see Symeonis Dunelmensis Opera, ed.T. Arnold (R.S.75) (2) Sym. Dun. i. 110 , 2?

acute and provident* weighty in word and deect, always yearning towards heavenly things, and taking thither such as would follow h;Lm." (1) After taking advantage of Earl Waldeffs gift of land for a monastery at Tynemouth, Aldwin journeyed on to the neglected foundation at Melrose. However, discouraged by the attitude of King Malcolm, and moved, by the repeated supplications and pressure of Bishop Walcher, he came hack and commenced to settle monks at Wearmouth on property given by the bishop (2) about 1076-8. (3) In 1083 the next Bishop of Durham, William of Saint- Calais, was able to refound his cathedral as a monastery, and from Jarrow and Wearmouth he drew the necessary- twenty-three monks. On May 31st in the same year he made Aldwin prior of Durham. Thus for almost the four years that remained of his life Aldwin provided a link between Winchcombe Abbey in the then far south and the great cathedral priory of Durham in the north. (4)

Meanwhile, at Winchcombe, a Norman Abbot, Galandus, had IT} Sym. Dun. 1. 110 (2) ibid i, 124; ii. 260-1. (3) Knowles, 0.0• 168, gives this da&e as being probable. (4) ibid. 170 been set to rule in 1075» presumably after Aethelwig had put the house into good order* He was efficient and suc• cessful, 43t)\ DU-t his tenure appears to have been all too short. After his death the Abbey passed once more into the care of the Abbot of Evesham. (2) Aethelwig himself dded in 1077 (3) leaving Winchcombe without a head. 93he deficiency was made good the same year by the appoint• ment of another Horman, Ralph I, who held the Abbey until 1095. W In his reign a tempest with lightning occurred, 15th. October, 1091» during which the tower was struck and * severely split; within the Abbejj a large beam was splintered; from the crucifix the head was detached and a leg broken, and the figure of St. Mary cast down. A procession with holy water, incense and the relics of * saints did much to ventilate the Abbey church and disperse irhe lingering fumes. Casting around in their minds for a cause for this visitation, the monkish chroniclers had no difficulty in ascribing it, and other disasters of the times to the divine displeasure aroused by the mis• deeds of William II, which mounted high in the outraged U) V. C. H. Glos. II, 66. See also list of the Abbots* (2) Chron. Abb. Evesham (R.S.) p. 90 "Beinde rex ddnavit illam cuidam abbati jSalando nomine, ot, eG, post modicum tempus ex quo earn accepit defuncto, iterum istl abbati Agelulno committitur, qua longo tempore postea utl propria domlnabatur." (3) Anglo-Sax. Ohron. p. 4-56. M 7. 0. H. as above. .29

estimation of all churchmen* (1) Howovor, such damage was not beyond the capacity of _ the community to repair, for It is at this period that we are first able to obtain accurate details of their quite adequate possessions. Hitherto, past references to property have been dependent upon the opinion of Abbot Richard Kidderminster, unsupported by documents denied to Mm by loss in early fires. In the Domesday Survey, we have records compiled by, and for an independ• ent authoritjy, covering froth the time whon it was made

and also recording conditions obtaining at the time.xwhen King Edward the Confessor was "both alive and dead." At the time of the Norman Conquest there were in existence in England some thirty-five autonomous monas- teries of black mohk3. These monasteries were as a body very wealthy, and their aggregate income has been calcu• lated at £11,066, or almost a sixth of the total actual revenue in England in 1086, (2) In the county of Gloucestershire the proportion of land and wealth in Church hands was even higher, for the religious houses held 936 of the 2611 hides at which the shire was rated, and the TO Flor. \;orc* 1091 ' ' : : Wist. Halms. . ~; ^ " - , r ~. Vol* II. 504-5 (2) Khdwles,5 M». 0. 100. Dom. Snowies estimates the value of the property at £72, which would include the extra-Gloucestershire lands etc. This value is compared with other houses, e.g. Evesham £129» Coventry £157, Burton £28. 1

4, whole value of the property in the county being about > $3,100, their income* was £731. It is probable that their share of wealth would have been in closer pro- portion to their share of the total hidage had they cul• tivated their lands in the same manner as ,dld the lay owners, for ecclesiastical property produced an average income of only 15/8 a hide, as against 19/5-from each hide in lay ownership. Of the Church landowners in the county, t!i© Abbeys of Gloucester and Winchcombe were the largest. Prom the Survey it has been calculated that |71nchcombe held about 25»30p acres, or 7© hides in the county, valued at £60; while in 1095 Gloucester held 47»000 acres, or 163& hides, valued at £155 12 0. (1) A detailed examination of the Survey shows that Winchcombe Abbey held property in the following places, which is set out in tabular form, for the sake of clarityt- PLACE HIDES TAIiUSS T. S. E.(2) T. R. W.(3) Cow Honeybourne 10^ £6 0 0 £8 0 0 Hidcote Bertram 2 Admington' yft ©4 0 0 £3 0 0 "pi S. Taylor, "Dom. Sur. Glos." 98-99 — (gj "Time of King Edward" C3) "Time of King William," i.e. the Survey PEACE. toss VA£0E§ T. B. E.(l) 5. R« W.(2) Twining £8 0;; £7 0 Q Erampton (3) 1 £2 0 Q £2 0 A&ierton £1 10 £1 10 . 'V 9. Naunton 0) yk £2 Q\ 0 £2 0-, 0 Sifianton 3 £3 0 0 £3 0 0 Charlton5 Abbots 2 £1 0 Q £1 0 0 Snowshill 7 .£5 Q 0 #5 0 0 Sherborne 30 £20 0 £14 0 Bledington 7 £4 0 0 £3 0 Q Win&rtfsh 3# • • • #s 0

The last entry,r Windrnsh, changed hands between the time of King Edward and the .Survey. The £ord of the Manor in the first reign was Bolle, who is noted as follows* "Bolle tenuit et Abbatie dedit." Shere appears to ihave been some question regarding blB legal right to bestow the property on the Abbey, but certainly £rom 3^86 onwards the Abbey ®as in possession. The extra-county property was as follows; Alne, 6 hides; Ene'tone, 24 hides; Chesterton (Gxon), 1 hide. Thus we arrive at a gross total hldage of 1Q9 (5) valued in T1 "simo of Kins Edward" 2) "Time of King William," i.e. the Survey. 3) "-in-Uinchcombe. (4> S.Taylor. Bom. Sur. Glos. 232-262. (5) V.*C. EP. Glos. II. 66 i

:•' ' • ' 1 all, at ^"between £?2 and £82. (1) Moreover the territory in the ^Abbey • s hands did not vary more tha& hall a -hide between .King Edward's time and that of the Survey* and of this 15 hides were quit of geld payments. (2)

Mills ^brought in varying amounts* These were established; one, at Charlton Abbots, worth 1/8; 4, at ' •Sherborne, worth £2; 1, at Bleddington, worth 5/-; and one, and a half interest in another, at Windrush, worth 12/6* (3) The total male population recorded on the Glouces• tershire Abbey manors is 250t excluding eleven anclllae, of these 134 are Yillani, 33» Bordarii, and 83 servi* Fifteen burgesses in Winchcombe pertained to the Abbey £4)

CI) Knowles, U. 0* p. 100. V. C. H. Glos. II. 66

(2> Trans. 3E6. 6* and 67* geld = a tax of 6/- per hide imposed by tEie Conqueror (3) S.. Baylor, Pom. .Bur. Glos. 232 - 263 {4) ibid* and page j.31 , V

CHAPTER FOUR

After the death of the Abbot Ralph, Girmund succeed-* ed in 1095 and ruled for twenty-seven years. (1) He showed himself not unmindful of the estates of the Abbey, for c. 1115 he found that land at Twining had been held for life by the late Richard, son of Boselin, (under the terms of an irregular grant made without the consent of the Chapter. Presumably Richard's heirs, hi& son-in- law, wife, and their two sons, were able to make out some kind of claim for continuing the tenure, so it was deemed expedient to buy them out. With the help of Theulf, bishop of Worcester, 1115 - 1125* an agreement was drawn up under which they waived all claims in consideration of a payment from the Abbey of thirty-five silver marks,

and this was ratified byft the very expressive gesture of laying a small knife on the Altar.<2)

In 1122 Girmund died, (5) and was buried in the Cloisters. When in later years his tomb Was opened under the direction of Abbot Richard Kidderminster, that (1) Landboc. II. xvii, where he is called "monk o£ Gloucester." V. C> H. 66 and list of Abbots. (2) Landboo. I. 212. "et, per, cultellum, super Altare posuerunt signum pactionis hu^us." (3) ibid, II. xvii. He witnessed a Charter in 1113 - 1114; vide, Historia Monasterii de Abingdon, Vol. II, 105. (R. 3.) 185© scholar made some observations whlcn throw interesting 'light on the austere simplicity of monastic life in the twelfth century. He writes that "we caused one or other of the afore- said sepulchres (of Godfrey or Girmund) to be opened; for we were filled with a great desire to see in what habiliments our ancient fathers had been laid to rest in their graves. On examining the tomb we saw that a chalice of artificer's wood, according to the custom of the monks, if I mistake not, had been buried with them. Moreover for cowls they used cloth of a coarser and less costly kind than at present, yes, of extreme coarseness; for buskins they had high boots after the monastic fashion. These and many other things we could plainly discern even then, though they had lain more than throe hundred years in the earth. From these and many other signs I am decidedly of the opinion that monks at that time in dress and food, and furthermore in character and manner of life were far more lowly, meek and self restrained than we are in this unhappy age; and came much nearer to the pure and simple observance of our fiule as laid down in its first institution by our founder -Benedict, from which, alas, through the carelessness of

our prelates, we seem nowadays to have fallen away and

/ ';• . ' , 55

utterly departed." (1)

After the death of Girmund, Godfrey became the next Abbot in 1122. (2) Probably he was among those who received and assisted in enthroning Simon, the new Bishop of Worcester on June 21st 1125. (3) Certainly he was in Worcester next day, for the blessing of Benedict, the Prior of Worcester! who had been first of all Prior and.

s then Abbot of Tewkesbury. (4) The Abbey of Tewkesbury, to which monks had come from Cranbome in the time of Bishop Wulfstan, had been consecrated but a little while before, October 24th, 1121. Thus Winchcombe had yet another illustrious neighbour, and the Vale of the Severn added one more to the many consecrated therein. £5)

It is of interest to note that, in 1126, Winchcombe first observed the festival of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary (6) which had been reintroduced into , England by Anseim, Abbot of Bury, 1121, and nephew of TO M. S. Tanner, 342-34-3. Bod. Lib. Landboc II.lvll and ivili. (2) V. 0. H. 66, and list of Abbots. Landboc I±. xviii. "He had been Prior Venerandus of the house," but no reference is given. (3) PIor. Wore. 1125, some confusion is apparent in the dating. (4) ibid. (5) Plor. Wore. 1121 (6) Liturgica Historica, Edmund Bishop, Oxford, 1918, p.241; "first celebrated in the Abbey of Wiachoombe in jthe year 1126/" Winchcombe Annals, Cotton M.S» Tiberius,; E#N. at 1126. "Ipso anno primum cepit celebrari apud nos solemnitas coacepclonis sancte Marie*" tha Archbishop. Within a few Tears it gained wide re• cognition in the monasteries. Worcester preceded Wineh- oombe in this respect by a year. (1) By the middle of the century it was regularly observed and had its place in the Winchcombe Calendar.(2) Moreover, a .Constitution was established, about the same time, for the Solemn Eass to be sung by the Prior or his deputy.with the assistance of all the precentors, on the day following that of St. Kenelm. After the servioe, because "the labourer is worthy of his hire," all who had taken part were to receive a special refeetion in a place appointed by the Prior. Ample fare was forthcoming from several specified sources. The Abbot was expected to provide the Chanters with one pint of wine; the Prior a similar quantity and a full dish for those at his table; the .Sacrist a pint of wine and four geese as well, while the> Precentor, Eefectorer, and Infirmarer each gave half a pint of wine. If by chance the Festival came during a

(1) Ehowles H. 0, 511 ff • (20 Mturgioa Histor^ica, as abov$; "the feast occurs in the Wlncticombe calendar of about the mid, 12th cent, in the same t£v.VM (3) Landboc I. 242-243. This -constitution and the elaborate service that Is envisaged owes, no doubt, much to the influence of Oluny, at this time setting the highest standard of liturgical worship and providing an example and inspira• tion to other monasteries. Its bearing on Winohcombe was direct, for the next Abbot came from Cluny in 1138; having been blessed fry Simon, bishop of Worcester on May 22nd. He was a kinsman of King Stephen, and the appointment may Indicate that the house ,when Abbot Godfrey i dled^was in a flourishing condition and regarded as a not y unfitting sphere for one so well connected* (1) Abbot Robert's kinship could not have been altogether responsible for the promotion; the decisive factor was that he came from Cluny, and that Abbey was in high favour with King Stephen. In the next year, evidence of the royal regard for Cluny was again forthcoming, for another Cluny monk went as Abbot to Gloucester. By the year* 1148 the number of suoh Abbots had risen to at least six.(2) Stephen*s motive in selecting Cluny monks was, it would seem, a laudable desire to raise the standard of monastic life and liturgy by bringing these houses into line with that which was best on the Continent. Once again Uinchcombe has been brought into the mainstream of monaatlcism throughuthe impact of'Cluny, as> it had been TTJ Elor. Wore. 1138 " : ' (2> Khowles, M, 0. 284 in the' late tenth century, via Fleury.

This renewal of continental contact was not the only- parallel between the reigns of Germanus and Robert, for {Just as the former Abbot was disturbed by the violence of Aelfhere, so was Robert to experience the distress that accompanies civil warfare close at hand. On 31st -January 114-0, BIllo of Gloucester, the ex- Constable, having broken his allegiance to Stephen, attacked Winchoombe on behalf of the .-Empress Hatilda. The greater part of the town was burned and many of its x inhabitants driven out or removed as hostages. (1) While there Is no mention of damage done to the Abbey proper, or-to the monks, its property must have suffered. Moreover the fact that Abbot Robert was re• lated to the King could hardly have weighed in his favour with a SOe in possession of the Castle close to the Abbey gates and who subsisted for four years by harrying the country side. In 12.44, Stephen himself reduced the garri• son and spared the Abbot further embarrassment. (2) To such an extent did robbers and other mallgnants roam the countryside in the troubled days of Stephen, even waylaying people within a mile or so of the Abbey^ TTJ Flor. r.7orc. 1140 '

(2) Gesta5'Stephanl, Eng. Hist. Soc. p.!09» cited ;by Royce* Landboc I. xvi 39

that V, illiaia.de Solers, "moved by the tears and supplica• tions of his tenants*'built at Fpstllp for their conveni• ence and safety a Chapel, dedicated to"St James* (1) By his charter, granted about that same time, he , withdrew his tithes from St. Peter's, Gloucester, and made them over to the Sacrist of Winchcombe in return for a light to be kept burning in the Abbey and, more substantially, the provision by the Convent of a chaplain to say dally Mass during the residence of the donor and Ms family at Postlip; but when they were absent, duty on Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays would suffice. For

the chaplain}JWilliam provided a house, half a yardland and granted free common rights and fuel. His tenants gave another half yardland. (2> ' At the Convent's request this Charter was renewed some forty-four years later b;y Roger, William's son and heir, and confirmed by Henry de Solacio, bishop of Worcester, 1193-96. (3)

There is evidence that in Gloucestershire, as else• where, the times were favourable to the erection of Churches* Certainly another was built at Hayles, on the opposite side of the Abbey to Postlip, the presence (1) V. C. H. II. 6. (This Chapel is .now in the posse, of the Roman Catholic Church. G* T. H.)

(2) Landboc. I. 81-C3- - a (3) ibid. 8^-86 the burning dwellings the flames spread to the monastery, and soon Church, domestic dwellings, books, charters, vestments, all were rfeduced to ashes. (1)

XT) Landboc. I. 83. (2) V.C.H,11,66, and list of Abbots. X C5) ibid, and Landbop. II, xix, where stated to have been "a monk of Christchurch, Canterbury." N (4) Landboc, I. xviii, "time of Henry II," but no reference is given. (5) ibid, citing Pipe Roll, ,2 Henry, II» 1155-6. Nevertheless, William kept the community together for the five years during which-he reigned, so that both he and Abbot Gervasse, 1157^71# about whom history is equally silent, (!) deserved well the regard and prayers of their successors.

1 ' ' —— I ii li Hi I f • i inn i .1 . .. (!) V. C. H. 66, and list of Abbots. Landboc, II*xixi, "monk of Winchcombe." CHAHDEH FIVE.

Until the reign of Abbot Henry, which began in 1171»CD material for the history of the Abbey has, as far as the Convent's own records are concerned, been sadly lacking. This is due, of course, to the great fire which consumed all the documents relating to the period prior to 1151* i That nothing is known concerning the twenty years after is probably due to the monks' preoccupation with rebuild• ing the- house and settling in once more. But, sooner or later, the lack of sound documentary evidence for property and rights was bound to come under consideration* It is clear that it was most unsafe to continue to rely upon the memories and testimony of a dwindling number of the monks who could recollect the Abbey's affairs* This weakness was soon realized by Abbot Henry who knew that there were never wanting those who would take advantage of the monastic misfortunes to question lands or rights* fiftth the object of guarding against just such a possibi• lity and of preserving to the Abbey that which his genera• tion held as yet undisputed, he sought confirmation of the 'status quo' from that source most likely to meet the circumstances, Rome; and, by so doing, not only achieved TD V. G. 3. 67, and list of Abbots.

Landboc 1T9 x±x, where Henry is stated to have been Prior of Gloucester. . his own purpose butvalBo provided us with a fairly service-1 able list of the Convent's property. The first document that he obtained was a Privilege

from Pope Alexander IIXt dated the 14th July 11751 which confirmed the Abbey in its possession of the Abbey Church and Chapels, together with the churches at Twining, Sherborne, Bledington, Stanton, Alne and Enstone. (1) This was soon followed, on July 21st of the same year, a by a more detailed Bull which again covered the above churches and added that of Snowshlll and the Chapels of St. Peter (Sinchoombe Parish Church), Haylos, Sudeley, Postlip, Alderton, Dixton, Prescote, and Charlton-Abbots.

The general property included the Villa of Twining, Sherborne, Eijstone, Alne, Bledington, Stanton* Snowshill and Admington with the lands, meadows, graaing rights, woods, water, and the subject population in each placeV (2). There was alsa land at> Nauntoit, Windrtxshy:. Uinchcombe and Cotes $ common pasture between tfinchcoiabe and Sudeley., a hide at Gret^on, two hides at Alderton land at Frampton (In Wlnchcombe) and two hides in Hidcote. (4) TT5 Landboc, I. 24; ' 1 ' ' " ' (2) ibid. 25-27. There was a vineyard at Twining, and mills there and at Sherborne, Enstone, Bledington and Admington. Xt would appear that more had been erected since the Survey, 1086. (3) In the Survey Aldetton had 2# hides of Abbey land* (4) Landboc, 1. 27• Ho mention is made of the two hides at CharltcaHAbbots and the ten at Cow^Honeybourne* Elsewhere, the Abbey possessed three houses in London and another at Oxford, and salt pits at Droitwioh.(l) Perhaps without the Abbot's seeking, but more likely at his request, the Abbey was taken under the Apostolic Protection in the same Bull. (2) This form of close association with Home was much sought after by houses V which were anxious to escape interference from patrons i) or bishops and had gradually become widely extended. (3) By the time of Pope Alexander III, exemptions had been practically formulated into, two categories? Abbeys that were merely 'protected,* and those that wera 'commended.' The former, as was S7inchcombe, were with ill-defined privileges and were not free of their bishops; but the latter were exempt from all control save that of Some. <4) Nevertheless with 'protection* certain privileges were often extended. In this same Bull the Abbey was granted permission to hold Divine Service during a general Inter• dict, but the services were to be conducted with suppressed voice behind closed doors and without the ringing of bells, til Landboc, X. 27. The ancient 'Salt Way,T or route along which the salt was conveyed from Droitwich to the Thames at ^.echlade, ran through the Winchcombe district by Hayles and Farmcote. (2) ibid, I* 25- (3) Khowies, H. 0. 575*ff* (4-) Landboc, I. 28* "salva sedis apostolice auctorltate, et dlocesani episcopl canonica ^ustlcia." The absence of the second clause would have placed the Abbey among the .'commended* houses and given exemp• tion from episcopal controls Later the Abbey was often visited, c.f. Khowles', M.O* 584, and for Vary• ing degrees of exemption, ibid 585. and n6he who were exconmiunicate or under the* Interdict might attend.- (1) It was also decreed that the Abbot, after his election* by the brethren, was to reoeive free Benediction from the Bishop. (2) The same exemption from Bishop's fees extended to consecrations of churches, altars, and chrism (holy oils), as well as to ordinations of monks and of clerks presented by the Abbey ^o the Diocesan. The Abbey was at liberty to choose its own bishop if the diocesan was not qualified, i.e. excommunicate or under interdict, but this right of choice did not ex• tend to all occasions, a privilege onjoyed by some of the greater houses. (3) In the matter of recruitment of monks, it was per• mitted that all clerks and free laymen desirous of enter• ing the cloister might be received without hindrance from- any quarter; but when once professed, no monk was to withdraw and obtain reception elsewhere unless he passed into a stricter rule. (4) The Chapter's voice in the assignment or^ making over of the Abbey^s churches was made absolute; and to those churches the monks were to presentiand the bishop^

kanciboc, I;, 27-28. . * 2) ibid, etr II, 89. . |3) Landboc, I. 28 ,4) ibid. \A certain number of monks had migrated to the • stricter Cistercian houses, but these appear to have been all in the North. Enowlee, H. 0. 706 - 7. The Pope probably foresaw this movement would spread as it had on the cohtinenft.)) A ' • ' * induct. (I) A welcome relief from tithe on fresh-broken land and Conventual livestock was also granted. (2)

Armed with this useful document the Abbey was secure for the rest of Abbot Henry's reign, (which ended in 1181,) except for a wrangle with the Abbot and Convent of Evesham over the church at Covy-Honeybourne, and the ultimate agreement possibly explains the absence of the church from among the others in the above Bull. By the terms of settlement the Chapel at Cow-Honeybourae passed to the Mother Church at Honeybourne which belonged to Evesham Abbey, together with the tithes and obventions of freemen and villeins, except those payable by the Abbey on its demesne. In exchange for this, the Abbot of Evesham surrendered two acres of land which he held in the Winchcombe demesne there and granted the priests' sheaves from Cow- Honeybourne to the Abbey. Evesham undertook to provide Divine Service on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Holy days. (3) Against this probable loss the Abbott and Convent, were able.to set the four hides that they obtained from \ William Taillard in Gaginwell, Enstone. Hd remitted the

111 Landboc, I. 28 and II, 8$. ' '1 (2) ibid, I. 27 0) Landboc, I. 216-217. land In consideration of three (consecrated fine) handker• chiefs or towels from the Abbot and sixteen marks silver. As there appears to have been considerable argument about the land, the Abbot took the precaution of having it well settled, and placed the grantors in danger of losing sixteen marks if they again questioned -the transfer. Sixteen sureties bound themselves to see that the agree• ment was carried out. (1) At the Abbey itself conditions had so far improved that the monks were in a position to receive some guests; and, moreover, the guests were prepared to pay for their accommodation. Robert, clerk of Alne, thought his fre• quent, visits to Winchcombe worth a reserved lodging* so he arranged with the Abbey for an intermittent oorrody. For trhe good of his own, his wife's and ancestors* souls he quit-claimed three and a half acres; but, for the more immediate matter, he gave all his land between'two valleys, called Eenredsledj and in exchange, as his charter records, "the monks have granted ma twenty shil• lings and a monk*e allowance of bread and beer such as are daily laid on the•refectory table, so often as I may come to Winchcombe on their business or my own. Moreover Ul Itandboc, I, 186-192. —— > they have granted to receive me at my. latter end as a monk 'ad succurendum;* and to Alice, my wife, they-have granted her part in all good deeds which are done and shall be done in the Convent of E/inchcombe, and burial at her latter end, if she desire it." (1)

Another guest whose presence was more regular, was that capable man of business and servant of the King and the Abbey, Nicholas of Bruere. He obtained fair termst for ten marks down he was to receive for life a daily corrody of bread and beer, a thick pottage of the kit• chen, a commons in the evening, and at his latter end the habit of St, Benedict. Perhaps, because he wanted better fare, he gave all his land in the fee of Roger de Burton, in Winohcbmbe, for a master's dish in the kitchen.(2) It will be noted that both of these guests made pre- paration well ahead for their reception at the close of (1) Landboc, I. 210. (G. &• Coulton's translation in "Five Centuries of Religion," Vol. I. 91* where he dates the charter about 1180.) (2) Landboc, I. 213 -214. Nicholas of Bruere was very active during the rule of Henry and the next two Abbots. He was for a time Reeve of ftlnehcombe Hun• dred, c. 1293-6. (Landboe, 1. 8$, "N. de B., tunc preposito hundred! de Winchecumba"} and also King's Bailiff in Abbot Henry's time, (landboc, I. 183• "ttiJie ballivo Eegis in W.") His name is found among the witnesses to at least 37 varied documents. As Reeve* he would be responsible for the pre sent ac• tion of the Elanor, accounts; and, as Bailiff, he would have charge of the royal manors/- nevertheless^ his inferior social status is apparent, in that &is corrody was centred in the Abbey kitchen, Whereas the Clerk of Alne, being in Orders* received refec• tory fare. 50 life into the Order of St. Benedict. Such an arrange• ment was often entered into, for a consideration, by those who were deeply influenced by the aura of sanctity that invested the monastic state in the popular mind during the JSiddle Ages. Society was then sharply sundered into •the world* with its many spiritual pitfalls here and ultimate perils, and *the cloister* with its present re• nunciation and eternal bliss and security. The idea spread that mere 'clothing' with the monastic habit was sufficient to invest the belated 'monk* with all the benefits of the cloistered life and make him partaker- of the accumulated merits of the Convent. In making that provision, and ultimately accepting a laat-minute cloth• ing , Robert of Alne and Nicholas of Bruere found them• selves among good company, for bishops and other great men had- not hesitated to enter into similar preparations to ensure their celestial well-being. (!) William Taillard, his family and their! heirs C2), and Alice, wife of Robert of Alne, entered into a less intimate association with the Abbey when they- secured 'fraternity,* or a share in the merits of the monks* good deeds* The popular and widespread belief in the doc- TO Bowles, 0. 477-8, and Coulton, 'Five Centuries y of Religion^* Vol. I. 91. (2) Landboc, I. 192.. William was the remitter of the four hides in Gaginwell recorded above<5

i 51

trine of the Treasury of Merit brought many into confra• ternity, particularly in the case of the great monastic establishments and, as the connection was achieved and marked by donations before., or payments at the time, rendered those abbeys no small service* Lanfranc, in his statutes, gave instructions govern• ing the ceremony of admission to confraternity, includ• ing the reception of women Into such an association with the monasteries, which of ten "took place within the Chapter House (1) though there is no mention of ,such a Ceremony in the above instances.

Ill Khowles, 0. 476 GHAKEEB SIS.

Although thirty years had elapsed since the fire, one portion of. the Abbey buildings still lay in ruins at the time of the death of Abbot Henry in 1181. This was the Cloister, the absence of which must have Imposed a severe handicap in many ways, for apart from' being deprived of space for meditatlonal perambulation, the monks were without a covered passage to link up the various important ddmestlc buildings with the Church as well as the necessary accommodation for the convenient performance of those tasks upon which many would normally be engaged during the daytime. Without the Glolster, the novices lacked the proper place for their education and recreation during leisure hours (1), while their seniors must have felt the loss of that space in the south-facing walk, where they often did their reading, copying, and Illuminating. An ex• ample Of their activity in this respect during this same period is the tTlnchcombe Abbey Breviary, one of the earli• est extant, preserved in the Mbrary at Valenciennes. (2) (1) Lanfrano's Constitutions, sect. 3» permitted talking within the Cloisters, q.v. Cranage, "Home of the Honk" Cambridge, 3rd edtn. 1934-* p.l -. (2) c.f. Knowles, M. 0. 539 (note). Np doubt., during this period the monks improvised and made use of other parts of the Abbey in which to work, but the lack of proper space for their labours must have been a perpetual source of inconvenience and discomfort, not to be tolerated for longer tban was abso• lutely necessary. But building in the solid Norman style was a lengthy business, and other works were more pressing. domestic offices, living accommodation, the Abbey Church itself, all these had a prior claim on materials, labour, and money. E?one knew the disadvantages of a monastlo house without Cloisters better than Abbot Crispin, who succeeded Henry in 1181.' He was a monk of the Abbey and had been Sacrist and Prior before his election. (1) He planned to rebuild the Cloisters, but his death after a rule of barely, a year again &eld up the work»(2) and it was not until the close of; the century or the early years of. the next that the task was completed.

Crispin is described as a man of spotless life* XT) V* C. H. 67, and list of Abbots- -Sacristy Land- boo, I, 56. fr.ior, ibid 68, and II. 260. Blessed at Worcester where he gave the Sacrist there a cope and vestment and 40A. Annales Monastic!, Luard, (R. a.) IV. 384. (2) Eandboc, I, 68:. fervent' piety and singular prudence. (1) Of his charit• able nature there is evidenoe, for he granted the tithes of Waunton and the oblations on St. Kenelm's day to the Abbey Sacrist to provide wine and wafers for hungry ap• plicants on Sundays. (2) In. business matters he certainly made the best of his opportunities, for he managed to wring, in 1181, three shillings a year from the Abbot and Convent of Bruerne, when that house made good its claim to tithes on the Grange at Corndene. (3) In the next year he did much better, for when he received a pious benefaction of some land in Sherborne, he obtained with it the right to improve the Abbey millpond there and, more important from a long term point of view, the assurance that no other mills would be erected by the grantor to offer com• petition* All this was obtained at the cost of a mere three marks. (4)

Shortly after, at a charge of ten marks for expenses paid to the same donor, William of Eaton, another gift was registered in the Chapter House and the agreement ' TT5 Landboc, I, 68. ' ' (2) ibid 92 (3) ibid. 45 - 4-6 (4) ibid, I, 196 '. ; ' •'• v, , • ' : 55 -.. " presented on St. Kenelm's Altar, by wnich the Abbey re• ceived pasture in JParmlngton and Sherborne. Intent on taking no chances* Abbot Crispin went over to see for himself and made a formal .perambulation around the land to ensure that it was properly marked out. (1) When the tithes of Snowshill and Stanton were in dispute, this Abbot called in the Bishop of Uorcoster who made a full enquiry and settled the matter in a manner entirely to Crispin's satisfaction. Not only did the monks obtain their two sheaves on all lands, but they kept all the tithes of their own lordship there.(2) (The community knew well the value of an energetic Abbot, and what a loss they sustained by his early death; particularly as the next Abbot was to rule fox a short time and* leave behind no record of any achievements to his credit. (3) It was always the Abbot who dominated and guided the community in spiritual and material matters. Not every one was a Crispin, deeply spiritual and yet business• like; but whatever his qualities, these he, as being o supreme and subject only to the Rule, imparted to the rest for good or evil. TIF April 22nd, 1182.LahdbRC 196-7 : " • • ' (2; ibid. I. 69^72 (3) V. C. H, list of Abbots. Robert Abbot 1182-84. c.f. Annal. teoh. I. 53 V.

In-one department he was absolute where business matters* were concerned* This was in respect of the con=» trol of his own income and property, for it was about this time that a division between the Abbot*s own share and that of the rest of the community took place* The primary cause of this separation was the feudal!zation of the Abbotts position and, above all, the claim of the King to hold and en£oy t&e revenues of an Abbe^ during a vacancy. To avoid this alienation of the entire income during a royal sequestration it became the practioe in all monas• teries to allocate to the Abbot a share of the property sufficient to enable him to discharge the duties peculiar to his office and to maintain his growing establishment, and this portion alone passed into the King's grasp; the rest remained untouched, enabling the monks to live no, matter how protracted the interregnum. (1) The communities* share was administered by the Ab• bot and Convent, and any business was settled and sealed in the Chapter house during the daily meeting. Here with• out doubt the Abbot had the leading voice, especially if he possessed the initiative and business acumen of >Kalph, the next Abbot, 1184-94. (2) While it does not follow IIJ Enowles, M. 0. 405 ~" (2) Election" of Halph, Landboe, I. 44. V. 0. H. List of Abbots. that ho always had his own way in details, his spirit would Infect and leaven the whole community and be re• flected in the activities of his subordinates. These subordinates were, as the obedientary system^ developed during this century, officers, each responsible for his own department and holding lands and incomes for specific purposes. (Dhey received grants* bought property, and either held it themselves or let it out on the best possiblo terms. If the details of most of these trans• actions make dry reading in the Landboc, they yet serve to Illustrate the -vigorous life of all concerned with the temporal.affairs of the house at this time and the growth of the 'customs* which, under later Abbots, were codified. We have already noticed the elaborate departmental arrange• ments in connection with the repast af^er the ESass of the Blessed Virgin, (£) and the grant of tithes to the Sacrist from Naunton. (2) 5he Sacrist was now granted land, worth 4d a year, for a* grange under the North wall pf the A^bey and in return had to find a taper for the Mass of the Virgin.(3) He also came into possession of ,an acre of land adjoining his own, for which the Abbey paid half

(1) UVSfc, above": '. ' (2) ; -P-.. 5*, " (3) landboc-, I. 93-94 a mark to the donor, 4d to his heir, and 3d eaoh to his wife and other son. (1) The Precentor, during the same reign, received some land, the proceeds from which were earmarked te buy books.(2) The greatest beneficiary was the Infirmarer, who, for the very small outlay of one shilling per annum for a light in Qold-Aston Church, received sixteen acres of land and a house bringing in three shillings a year rent, from Geoffrey de Longoharap of Aston.(3) There may have been much sadness and want behind the sale that William Burel and his two sons made of some land to Servase the Almoner, afterwards Prior; for he bought it from them for food and cash to the value of one mark. (4>) This same official persuaded one, Adam of the Vine, to part with his house and kitchen garden near the Abbey- Gateway. It? may-be that-the dwelling was in-the way of the Abbey build• ing plans and Adam not anxious to sell, for the price was fairly high, ten shillings and a corrody for Mfe from the Almonry. The house next-door was bought by Gervase's successor at the Almonry, Nicholas* for two marks and a similar corrody. <5) TH Landboc, I. 59 ' ' (2) Landboc, I. 53. The donor received fraternity and every boon. (3) ibid, 233-4. (4) ibid, 232, "®ervas!us, tunc Eiemosinarius, dedit eidem W. in denariis, et in victualibus, ad pretium unlue marce argenti." (5) ibid, 230-1 When Gervase became Brior, o* 119*, he bought up some land for ten shillings, and adding it to another plot, let it out for 5/4; but under his suocessor, 3?homais, the rent went up to 5/- per annum from the new tenant. (1)

Apart from rents derived from ordinary property, one of the most regular sources of income was that brought in by the mills, to which all tenants had to take their grain to be ground and leave there a set portion for the work. (Phis some lords claimed for themselves, paying the miller a wage as their agent; <2) but at Winehcombe it appears to have been the practice to let the mill for a fixed rent of about a pound a year, leaving the miller to make what he could. At least this Is what Abbot Ralph did when, in the middle of his reign, he built a fulling-mill in Ollveley and let it, with a corn-mill, dwelling -house and land for 28/-. (3) Again, about the same time, another com mill close to the Abbey was let for 20/3 per annum, but in this case the miller was held responsible for the repairs. (4)

Although as a rule they were not indifferent to their

HI Landboc, I. 94-95- ~ " *~ (2) c«£. E. 3* Beanet, "Life on ,the fBnglish Manor," Cambridge, p« 129-30. 5fee proportion of wheat re• tained on the Durham manors was 1/24-th from free men, and l/13th from.serfs. 134 (3) Landboc, 1. 195• ^ a taark was paid for the right to -throw down the - corn mill If desired. (4) iMd, 234-5 60

own interests in business matters, the monks could on occasion display compassion; for when (Humphrey of Sher• borne, brother of one of the monks, pleaded hardship, c. 1189, the rent of 10/- a year on his tenement was reduced by 2/- for his lifetime. (1) Another case was that in which the monks allowed William of the same place to run eight oxen and four cows with their stock after he had been lawfully compelled to renounce bis claim to pasturage on the Abbey demesne. (2)

Concern for the poor by the monks is shown by addit• ional provision out of their garden at Babele3c0m.be. For fifteen days about midsummer the monks were to take all that they required, the rest of the produce, tree fruit excepted, was to be granted to those in ne^d. (3)

A marked feature of this reign was the increased liturgical devotion paid to the Blessed Virgin Mary. Hitherto, apart from the special observance on the morrow of St. Kenelm's day already referred to, (4) the masses had been said, "retroactis temporibus, secret© efc. suppressa voce celebrare consueverant;" but, from 1194 onwards, it

TT3 Landboc, I. 204 ' t. (2) ibid, 205 pj ibid, 250 (4) page 3&»' above was ordained by Abbot Ralph that there should be a daily solemn celebration of High Mass* The many grants of lands and rents already received and afterwards showered upon the Abbey by the devout laity made it possible for

Winehcombe to conform to the practices already prevailing in most monasteries. (1)

• To base an estimate of Ralph*s reign solely on the foregoing and to imagine tliat his was a period of undis• turbed acquisition and progress would be far from cor• rect. He and the Convent had their real troubles, for they had to face both a long legal dispute and heavy ex• penditure on necessary improvements,.

£he first arose from no novel source, but out of the matter of the seven shillings that the monks were supposed to receive each year from Hayles. (2) During the ministry of Reginald, the first Parson, the Abbey had its money} but the next cleric, Simon, withheld the pay• ments. (3)

The matter was brought before Uilliam, Bishop of

Worcester, 1186-91; whose Official held an Inquisition and found that? the monks had always received the money. (4)

But Simon was not the man to be quelled by a mere state-

TTJ Landboc, I. 93 -4

(2) p. 4Cfc atiove. (3) Landboc, I. 65 (4) Landboc, II. 300 most of facti' and, taking advantage of the subsequent silence or the end of the episcopal rule, continued to withhold the seven shillings and oven demanded of the monks the tithes from a hide in Cockbury and another hide in Gretton.

Shis was too much for the monks who reforred the whole matter to Rome, from whence Pope Oelestine III committed the enquiry on 9th Jan. 1192 to a commission composed of Henry, Bishop of Worcester, the Dean of Here• ford and Thomas of Llanthony. They pronounced In favour of the Abbey.

However, Simon was prepared for this, for having provided himself with fraudulent Papal letters (1), he staged another commission composed of judges whom he took care to see dwelt at a considerable distance from the scene. Before these Simon did well and even managed to prevent the Abbey? representative from, being heard. Abbot Ralph, in defiance of an alleged inhibition against an, appeal to Some, sent the matter* there. It was then that the truth about the suspected letters and commission came to light. (2)

On a Papal mandate, the Abbot of Tewkesbury and the

(1) "Simon per Litteras Apostolicas, frauddentor, taclta veritate* obtentas " (2) Landboc*, II. 301-2.

/ 63

Priors of Worcester and Blanthony, heard the whole ease.

On three occasions the monks produced their witnesses, hut Simon attempted neither defence nor counter-claim, and the matter was referred hack to Rome for sentence. (J)

This was in due course passed on Simon, who lost on all counts, by the decision of yet another commission, com• posed this time of the'Prior of Stodeley, the Dean of

Warwick, and William de Tunebrlg. At the same time the

Church at Hayles was decreed to be a Mother and Baptismal

Church. (2)

Finally, Henry of Worcester, 1193-6, confirmed the sentence, and presumably there the matter ended. 0)

If from this protracted and probably expensive lawsuit, with its appeals to Rome and several commissions, the monks secured no more than was theirs from the commence- ment and by right, they were more fortunate materially in their other venture of a very different nature*

This was the construction of a long pipeline to convey water from a spring at Honiwell, on the high ground above Sudeley, to the Abbey. The spring itself had been granted by Robert Russel, and he (4) and Robert, the

Parson of Sudeley, (5) both readily gave permission for CI) Landboc, I. 199-200 (2) ibid, 66-67 (3> ibid, 67-68 (4) Landboc, I. 237 <5) ibid, 242 64

the . monks to lay and maintain the underground aqueduct

where it was necessary to pass through their lands.

Eut the difficulty lay not so much in securing a

source of water and obtaining concessions to bury pipes,

as in the actual construction, for between the spring and

the Abbey was a deep valley traversed by the little river

Isborne. Leaden pipes with sound jointing would be ne-

ces-sary to withstand the great pressure of the water and

these alone must have proved expensive without taking

into account the cost of skilled labour. nevertheless

the advantages must have far outweighed any temporary

straitening of the Abbey's finances that may have arisen

therefrom.

Just how the monks did manage to pay for the work

is not clear, but It is to Abbot Ralph's credit that when

he died in 1194, the accounts for the half.year showed a

small balance in hand*

The Abbey income amounted to £59 15 11 for the half

year, of whioh £19 10 8 came from wool. (1) Against

this the main item of the expenses was for clothing, food,

and other necessities, amounting to over $51-1 leaving an

0 (l> The Cotswold country lends itself to sheep fanning, and the Benedictines at Wincheombe found that at this period and later wool provided a very useful source of "Income, though meet of the trade in wool was in the hands of the Cistercians who were usually estab• lished in suitable areas. excess of Income over expenditure of £3 10 6d (1).

Had Abbot Ralph lived a little longer it is probable

that he would have left the Abbey even better off< than N he did, for his successor almost immediately reaped ad• vantages from negotiations that were very probably set on foot by this energetie prelate, whose business foresight made possible considerable expansion within the next reign.

\

CX) Trans. Vol. LIX. p. 201 CHAPTER SB¥EN

.'The community made an excellent choice when -they elected Robert as the next Abbot in 1194. (1) For, according to his "Life," he was a monk of the house and

Ma man highly commended for all manner of virtues, particu-. larly divine Service, observance of the Hule of the Order, repairing and building our Church and Cloisters, and the increase of our revenues."(2)

To what oxtent the building plans had been worked out or even put in hand by Hobert*s predecessor is un-, certain, but that money was needed is quite evident, for immediately on commencing his rule he either successfully concluded Abbot Balphfs negotiations or quickly initiated and carried through some on his own account by which he obtained from Bishop Henry of Worcester (1193-6) the grant of an annual pension of five marks for the building fund from the income of the benefice of Sherborne, as soon as it should next fall vacant. Thus, though the Incumbent then in possession was secured against loss, the future

1) V. C. H. p. 67, and list of Abbots. Landboc, II. xix. 2) Atkyns, •Gloucestershire,1 438. vicars wero to be poorer by the above sum and yet remained burdened with the charges for church and episcopal dues. (1)

Even so, they had not yet sunk to the level of mere stipendiaries, removable at the will of the owners, towards which this increasingly close grasp by the monasteries everywhere on their benefices was tending, and which was to culminate at Sherborne and elsewhere in complete ap• propriation. (2)

The Abbey building fund was not the only beneficiary from a pension nor Sherborne the sole benefice to suffer ainercement in this manner\ for, in the next year, at the instance of Hubert Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury,

Bishop Henry of Worcester granted five marks from the

Vicarage of Twining to the Abbey Infirmary on terms pre• cisely the same as those imposed on Sherborne. (3) For the same purpose other lessee sums were forthcoming later.

In 1203» aix acres+ given by Robert, son of Alard, on re• ceiving the habit of religion, were let at three shillings o • a year. (4) wtiile in o. 12151 exactly twice the above acreage realized a rent of but two shillings and a pair Ttl i&andboc. I, 171, and I£. 275 ' "* : ^ (2) Enowles, M. 0. 600 (3) Eandboo, I. 170-1, where the Archbishop's name £s given a© 'Henry', in mistake for .'Hubert Walter.' Among^ the signatories are bishops Alan of Bangor (1195 - ?h and Uilliam of Hereford (1186 - 1200) (4) ibid, 149. of white gloves, valued at; one penny, (1)

The year 1201 was marked by the largest single financial and territorial venture embarked upon by the Abbots and Convent to date. This was the purchase from William de Bethune, Advocate of Arras, of the fee farm of the Manors of Hailing, Hazelton, and Yanworth, at the cost of £208, with further payments of £12 for stock, £5 to Maud, William*s wife, and £3 to his children. (2)

By a Charter granted shortly afterwards, the Abbey was given all three manors in frankalmoigne at a yearly rental of £20, and an annual payment of 20/- to St. Peter's, Gloucester, but the right of presentation to the Churches was retained by William. (3) The assent of King John was forthcoming on the 13th May, 1202. (4) Later, the rent; was twice reduced* firstly in 1208, when it fell to £10 a year; (5) and again,, at the instance of Eustace, wife of Daniel, William's son and heir, in 1211, when another pound was substracted. (6)

HI Landboc, 1. 152 ~^ —~ (2) ibid, II* 309. The,V. 0. ,H. p. 67, states that the price.-." was £558» and probably bases this figure > on that given in the "Life of Sobert TV".... quoted by Atkyns, "Gloucestershire," p.438 "...recovered the ' manors and advowsons of the same put out of the hands of !;©.....which had been mortgaged to him at several times for above £558." There is no mention elsewhere of the nianoro as having ever been in possession of the Abbey before this purchase. (3) Landboc. II. 310 -1 (4 ibid, TZ . 109 (5 ibid, II. 311-2 (6) ibid, II. 313-4 . : • • > . - ••• • ^

However., the charge of 2C£- continued ^o be paid to £t. Peter's until it was quitclaimed on the 25th Harch, 1321.(1) Papal Confirmations were granted on the 11th May,

1216,, byv P6pe Innocent III, who was apparently unaware that tile rent haStephen Langton, into the Roman Court for his Confirmation,dated 20th January, 1217. (3)

The last stage was reached when Eustace persuaded her husband to make the patronage of the three manorial Churches over to the Abbey, some time in February, 1217• A formal notification of the change in patrons was sent to Bishop Silvester of Worcester. (4)

In the meantime so actively did Abbot Robert press forward with the work of enlarging or rebuilding the Abbey Church that, by the year 1206, he could foresee the completion of the- task and ''even entertain' plans for the construction of a new cloister and a range of claus- tral buildings.

For all this the funds derived from Sherborne and elsewhere were insufficient; so, on the 21s-t Inarch, 1206, with the Chapter's consent, he sot aside the, tithes from

Stanton' and Snowshill, together with the four and a half tl; Landboc, II. 317 ' ' (2) ibid, I* 11C-1 (3> ibid, I. Ill • (4) ibid, II. 314-6 marks from Enstohe Church and the mark and a half from St. Peter*s Winchcombe, for the fabric fund, to be ap• plied first for the building of the -Church and afterwards for the cloister and other offices. (1) A solemn ex• communication with lighted candies, "cum oandelis accen- sls," was pronounced against all who might attempt to In• fringe the ordinance, save during a period of famine or othor urgent necessity. (2) . -

In this same period building operations were by no means confined to the Abbey and Church, for Prior Thomas engaged in a little house-building on the Convent's be•

half. Noticing that a patch of land in North Street x, iSTincheombe, was void, he bought it for one mark and com• menced to lay the foundations of a slated house estimated to cost rather more than seven marks. But, as soon as the work had been put in hand, Goda, Alard's daughter and sister to that Robert who had recently given six acres to the Abbey, rushed up with her husband and son, loudly clam• ouring for the work to stop as the land had been illegally sold. (3) After a few days, however, sounder counsels

TD Landboc I. 73 • ".. in usum operationis edificii ec- ' clesio et cum ecelesia edificata fuerit, in usum simul edifieationis claustri et domorum olaustralium." The above tithes and pensions had been confirmed to th© Abbey by Pope tJrban^ III during the early years of; Baldwin's rule as Archbishop of Canterbury, c. 1185 ibid 72-73. (2) ibid, I. 73-4 s C3) Landboc, I, 99-100. "..et terram prefatam ^ure pro<- pinquitatiB, ex successione, scilicet} patorna, sibl vendicavit;" prevailed and she surrendered all claims to the land out of: reverence for the Blessed Virgin. (1)

W&en Robert, the Soap-boiler, (le Savoner) fell on evil days and found himself unable to pay off eight shil• lings arrears, he was only too glad to be able to extricate himself from tfie difficulty by the surrender to the Prior of his right? in a house which he had started- to build* This was then completed at! a cost of more than five marks and, when let, brought' in the very satisfactory rental of 5/6 a year. (2) It would appear that> the Abbey was at this time quite ready to relieve others of finanoial pres• sure and their property as well; for Walter, son of Os- bert raised ffll from Prior Thomas when he parted with his land through poverty} (3) and, in 1210, Kenelm of Cuts*- dean being in desperate straits, sold land etad everything thereon for the large sum of forty marks. (4) If there •was much building and business during Abbot Robert's reign, there was no neglect either of the brethren or the poor. .For the former a Caritas, or special allowance, of wine was orxlained by the Abbot to be issued on St* Margaret's day, provided for out of the rents derived from property in Gloucester. If there was any residue, this

TT) ibid, I. 100. : ""* €2) ibid, i; 105 -6. (3) ibid, I, 103• W ibid, II, 303 72

was to go to the sick monks in the Infirmary. By the same ordinance eight lections during the year were estab• lished in honour of that Virgin Saint, and a third noc- turn on St. Kenelm's day.(l) The poor, to the number of a hundred, were to .be feasted on the morrow of All Saints.(2}

The growing devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary, noted in the two previous Abbots* time, showed no sign of de• crease for want of support. On the contrary, substantial contributions were made by many.

Bishop Walter de Gray, at the instance of Archbishop

Stephen Langton, granted an annual pension of 20/- from

Bledington Church to the Abbey to provide whatever was necessary for the fitting celebration of the daily Mass

of the Blesoed Virgin, c. 1214. (3) Humbler grants ©f rents and charges ranged from five shillings, (4) to five pence a year (5) chiefly for lights. Of these, one grant was for 6d a year rent from a shop in North

Street, Wlnciicombe, given by Henry, son of Baldwin the baker, when he left for the Holy Land, "Cruce Signatus." (6-)

There was considerable uncertainty however about the

HD Xandboc, I. 16? ~ ~ " —' ' (2> Dugdale, ii, 322. T (3) Landboc, I, 1#8-109, and 173. It was confirmed by the Archbishop pf Canterbury on 7th April 1215 (ibid 109-10) and by Pope Innocent III on 11th Kay, 1216 (ibid, 110;) and again by Pope Honorius III 1216-17. . The Papal confirmation cost Prior Thomas one mark, (ibid, 111) (4) ibid, I, 96 (5) ibid, I, 98 (6) ibid, I> 98 promise of two shillings 'a year that. John Palmer made-

when he was very sick; for, as soon as he recovered, he

repented of his piety and determined to withdraw the grant

However, a subsequent relapse soon brought about a change

of mind again and the Abbey received the money. (1)

While Winchcombe Abbey was flourishing, materially, spiritually and in works of charity under Abbot Robert* a very different state of affairs obtained at iSvesham Abbey, under the rule of Abbot Roger Norreys. This pre• late's character waa exceedingly mixed, for h©/ was at once a lavish host, entertaining companion and possessed of remarkable energy and spirit; hut; against-this he was "openly and cynically impure of life, hesitating-not at all in the face of adultery or sacrilege, gluttonous besides and a drunkard, he disregarded, even when within the monas• tery, every rule and custom of dress, food and decorums., he abused and at times starved Ms monks* misappropriated the convent's property-» and practised the most oppressive tyranny on his subjects. The fabric of the monastery, was neglected, and as a result only those, portions of the church were weatherproof which had stone vaulting; hospitality and the relief of the poor were out of the

<1) Landboc, I. 104 74

question." (1) 3 •

Such a dismal picture of the Conditions at that time in a once great and neighbouring monastery makes sad read- • S ing, but iti nevertheless, serves to throw into Vivid con• trast the sound work, and rule that prevailed at 77inch- combe when a man,of high mental"and spiritual calibre had the rule.

In 1213 'the two men were brought into contact, for in that year Roger Norreys, after many evasions, contests with his diocesan and .appeals to Rome, was brought at last to account for his misdeeds before the legate, Nicholas of ™usculum., who was assisted by the Abbots of York,

Selby, Gloucester, and Robert of ffiihchcombe. His defence was poor and the legate straightway deposed him and "told the Abbot of IVinchcombe, who had always favoured him, to lead him forth from the chapterhouse, never to return: and so it was." (2)

*If it is true that-Robert had shown him consistent favour, it must have been from out of a deep sense of charity that refused to believe the reports of fee. ie- • , . . / •

<1> Fnowlos, M, 0. 333-^4; and onwards,' where he gives a very detailed account of the circumstances. (2) 'Chronicon Abbatiae do kvcsJiam* (R.S. 1863 ) 231.., "... praecepit dominuo legatus abbati de Winchelcunba Cqui semper.oi favebat) ut ilium irrediturum a capitulo educerot. Quod et factum est." Also'see G. G. Coulton, "Five Centuries of Religion," Vol. II. p.376 •"•75

-1 placable conditions prevailing at Evesham, to which Abbey he had neither right nor occasion to go and inves• tigate for hiniself. Keeting one another as fellow; Ab• bots, Robert would see and know the Roger: Norreys' that had impressed Rome itself, where that subtle prelate more than hold his own in the teeth of Ms Piocesan's opposi• tion. At the trial, however, the truth must have been glaringly obvious, even to Robert who learnt then that> all men were not as himself, conscientious and zealous where the interests of their houses were concerned. Winchcombe and its property at this period provided more than enough responsibility and work to keep an active Abbot at home; and, with the exception of the visit to Evooham #ust mentioned, there is only one other occasion on record on which Abbot Hobert left his Abbey, and this was to attend the dedication of Worcester Cathe• dral in 1218. (1) £hree years later he died, (2) having ruled the Abbey for twenty-seven years during which time he proved- himself to have been both a worthy pupil of,and successor to that energetic Abbot, Ralph, and well deserving of the high estimate of his character and abilities quoted at the commencement of this chapter. 'Annales Monastic!, IV. p. 40^7 ibid, 414- Of the number of moriko in ,the community during this period we havo no information, but "by c. 1200, there was probably no community larger than a hundred, and almost all had decreased from their maximum by about a -third. Hover again, it maybe added, did they attain the size reached at the beginning of the twelfth century." (1) Of those that were received during the reigns of Kings Hichard and John, they "were recruited almost entirely from what may be called, at the risk of anachronism, the middle classs from families, that Is, of small owners of land and traders in the town or district near the Abbey." (2)

3?hese, on entering the community, appear to Slave brought a small dower, as did Silvester, tho son of William Blancpain of Gloucester, in 1210, for his father settled proporty on the Abbey to the value of four shil• lings a year rental at the time of Silvester's admission.(3) Later, in the next Abbot*.s time, Thomas the Convent clerk, when 'in extremis laborans*- bequeathed two, hides

1 Enowles, E, 0. p. 426 . {The names of seven of the monks are recorded among the witnesses to a document, 1221-32; viz. Ualter, the Prior; Simon,

sub-prior, Achard, Ralph, Osbert, Phillip, and ( German, monks. Landboc, II, 166-7.) ibid, 4-24. Landboo, I, 16> I to. the Abbey, for habits for his two brothers,* Vincent and Robert, with the saving condition that if cither did not desire the life of a mpck he was toinreceive one hide for himself, (1)

i. (1) Landboc, II, 186 C.^KBR.B.I.^p. i

On the 23rd of June, 1221, the licence to elect

another Abbot was issued to the Convent by Henry IJXt (1) and within a fortnight the King had been notified of the Chapter's choice of Thomas their active and capable.Prior to fill the vacancy. ^he Mandate signifying the royal approval and instructing all in the service of the Abbey to obey the. Abbotr-elect followed on the 8th of July*.(2) a£ter which Thomas received his Blessing in Dodderhill Church at the hands of the Bishop of Worcester and present• ed to the Sacrist of Worcester the customary cope and vest• ment. (3)

Thomas found the affaire of the Abbey secure as far as Papal Confirmations could render it for, on the,21st of March 1220, Pope Honorius III had taken the Convent and ita possessions! especially the property given by Ro• ger de Solere and the Chapels at Charlton and Postlip, under his protection. (4) On the 11th of May in the next year, the same Pope extended his protection particu• larly to the manors of Twining, Sherborne, Bnstone, Stan-

r ton, Snowshill, Hailing, Haselton, lanworth, Honeybourne, _ C, P. H. 1216-25. p. 29^ ' (2) ibid. p. 296 0) Annal. Mon. JV, p. 413. (4) |,andboc, Vol. II, 79-80. Adelmlngton, Charlton, and Rowell. (1) following precisely in the footsteps, of his prede• cessor, the new Abbot soon turned, &is attention to the benefice of Sherborne, and the Vicexc there had his income still fu^l?her reduced in the ^^erests, of the Abbey. Sometime before, or ear2y in JL224, he prevailed on Wil• liam, Bishop of Worcester, to appropriate to the Abbey- two out of the three parts of all the tithes of sheaves not already absolutely possessed by the monks for the . support of hospitality* The remaining third share was reserved to the Perpetual Vicar, together with a manse and some land. J?he Vicar was still, however, held re• sponsible for the payment of the customary episcopal dues; but the Aids, and the Procurations about "the dedi• cation of the Church were to be borne proportionally by the Abbey and the Vicar.(2) •The Prlo* and Convent of Worcester confirmed the appropriation, O) as did Pope Honorlus III on the 12th December, 1224, (4) and Archbishop Stephen Ita»gt,on in September, 1226. (5) By long standing custom the tithes had been divided between the poor, church maintenance, and the Vicar; but the appropriation of the two-thirds by the Abbey, left the unfortunate parish with only the ITT Landboc, Vol.11, 102-2 ' ~ — (25 ibid, 275-6 - ' Of ibid, 279 (4> ibia, 280-1 XMd, 279^80 80

Vicar's share; and, as he had to meet some of the church expenses out of his income, both he and the poorer people were much worse off, for rarely did the distant monks concern themselves with works.of charity among the parish- oners, although Archbishop Stephen Langton had decreed that the poor should not be defrauded out ot their share of the tithes. (1) In the monks' defence it must be conceded that they were finding increasing difficulty in meeting the cost of the hospitality given not onljF to the humbler pilgrims and travellers, but to more exalted personages who came

with considerable entourages, among whom were the $ingt whenever^ he chanced to be in the district, as he was in

i, • -i June 1222,(2) and the Bishop^s Official, who might st?aj|, fop perhaps eight days and expected accommodation. withjLn the Abbey. As their income was derived from various sources, each of, which was allocated f or a specifled purpose and presumably expended fully in |ts discharge by the official concerned, the monks were compelled to seek additional revenue elsewhere, and so turned, according to the. prevail• ing monastic manner, to those livings in their patronage•

C1) QP Gtrpo^on, MEDIIS/AI. PANQRAHA, Cambridge, 1938. £•2.69 "" ' " "•" (2) landboc, I. xx. 81

While the Community was thus providing f or its guests, the Abbot's prestige was greatly enhanced by the King's grant, for his time (usque ad aetatem), of the Town of Wlnchcombe and the Hundreds of Kiftsgate, Hol- ford, and Gretestan at an annual fee-farm rent of £50, payable at Michaelmas through the Sheriff of Gloucester. .From the fact that this grant was constantly renewed it may be surmised that the Abbot made a profit satisfactory to himself. At the same time the Manors.of Sherborne and Bleding- ton were released from suit at the Hundred and County Courts. ($) In 1227 and 1228, writs for the annual payments were issued to the Abbot. (2) For many centuries the Abbots of the greater houses had tafcen their share in national and ecclesiastical councils, but until the time of Abbot Thomas the activi• ties of the Winchcombe Abbots have in this respect escaped notice, though, no dpubt, they had been called upon to bear their share of responsibility. However, in 1225, Thomas was called away on two occasions to attend to busi• ness of some importance; the first of which was in con• nection wjlth the re-issue of the Magna Carta, for his

TST c.- p. R."i2i6-25, p:4i-? "~" r - - - C2) ibid, pp. 148 and 20£ 82

r name is included among the signatories. (1) His other journey took him*to Northampton for the fourth Provincial General Chapter of the Benediotine Order* which began on September 21st. (2) It was a very poorly attended meeting as only fifteen Abbots and Priors in all were there. ($) These Chapters had been ordered to be convened eveyy three years in each Province by the fourth Lateran Council in 12151 in order to bring the hitherto almost unconnected Benedictine monasteries into closer association, to afford opportunities, for discussing matters of common concern and policy^ and to ensure that the Rule was enforced by triennial visitations by the monks themselves, as distinct

from, and additional tof the ordinary episcopal visita• tions, where made. (4) At every Chapter .two joint Presi• dents were chosen to hold office and power until the olose of the next Chapter, (5>- and in later years Abbots of Winchcombe both presided and acted as Visitors. c

During this rule several small properties passed into the possession of the Abbot• -|a two cases the pov• erty of the vendors compelled them to sell to.ThQfcae, who, CI J! Annal. Baon". ,3;. 232' ' ' " ' ' • (2) W. A. Pantin, CHAPTERS of the ENGLISH BLACK ,'MONjCS , • Vol'; 1. pp . 21 and 293*: " O) Trans. R» Hist. S. 4th Series, Vol. £. 19271 P»219- <4) ibid, p. 195- (5) ibid, 227 83

it will be remembered, had already evinced the keenest interest in and appreciation of this type of situation's possibilities during that time in which he was Prior.

.The first person with whom he dealt was I done a, widow of Peter of Cutsdene, who had been steadily making away with her property for the five .years preceding her .negotiations with the Abbot. She was a lady with a weak• ness for white horses, for in her previous sales to lay- men she always demanded, as part of the price paid, a white horse and harness. (1) This equestrine predilec• tion may not have been unconnected with Idonea's later financial difficulties, for she was forced to sell an acre of land near her dower-house for 4/- to the Abbot in order to meet her expenses* (2) Not long afterwards, in 1225» she was in financial trouble again, and this time the dower-house had to be sold for her lifetime. To what extent the half a mark and a half seam of wheat met her needs is uncertain, but that was all the cautious Abbot was'prepared to pay for a tenure that he considered might possibly be only/ too shorts Thomas's other purchase was also made from a woman, Basilea, a spinster of Colstreet, Winchcombe, who managed to drive -a better bargain with the Abbot and raised two 11J Landboc, II. 304-5 ~ —— (2> ibid, 306* (3) ibid. 306 - 7. marks for her land in order to ease the s&'&ua'W-on>« (1) This peaceful reign was marred towards its close by reason of the friction that arose between the Abbey and Henry de Campdeh, Vicar of W4nchcombe * (2) J£ the, cause of the trouble is obscure there was certainly, no lack of publicity in the mode by which Henry, gave expres• sion to his annoyance, for he caused the bells of the Chapel of St. Peter to be rung in so violent a manner that the monks were disturbed during their observance of the -Canonical Hours* Apart from this unseemly behaviour he appears to have provided the Abbot with other causes for complaint. .Indeed, so tiresome did the,Vicar be• come thofc the matter was referred to„Bome. JJ?he Pope, Gregory1 1%, delegated the Priors of Llanthony and St. ,Oswald?s and the rural dean of Gloucester to determine the charge against the /Vicar on the 7th of March, 1231• C2> As no further references to the trouble are. found it may be that a compromise and settlement was arrived at that left the monks $o pray in peace.

On the death of Abbot Thomas in 1232, (4) probably shortly after the ipth of September, as on that date the TT5 Landboc, II, 389. ' (2) Meu^lg-Dayies,, HANDBOOK to WINCHCOMBE PARISH CHtfRCH, p.30, List of Vicars, (3) Landboc, II..p. 139 (4) Annal. Mon.;,I.v. p.424. • 85

i

King had renewed the grant of the Town of Winchcombe and the^three Hundreds to the Abbot, (1) Prior John and the Convent presented Henry of Toddington, Sacrist of the Abbey, as the Abbot-elect. (2) The royal assent to the election was issued on the 12th of October, 1222 with a mandate to the Bishop of Worcester to proceed with the matter. (3) By the 18th of the same month the Bishop had.confirmed the election and all was in order to the royal satisfaction. (4) On Mid-Lent Sunday, 'Laetare Jerusalem,' Abbot Henry received his Benediction at Wor• cester and gave to the Sacrist there the cope and vest- . ment together with 40/- procuration.(5) % 1

The King's visit to the Abbey on the 10th of June, 1232, (6) has already been noted, and he was there again on the 29th* of May in the following year, (7) moving on to Worcester the next day, from whence he reissued the grant of the Tjown and Hundreds for another four years f rom Michaelmas next at a rental of £50. (8) T5 C. R. 1231 - 41. p. 107 2> Landboc, II, p. xx, where 5th Keport Deputy Keeper, folio 70,cited. (3) C. P. R. 1225-32. p. 505 (4) C. R. 1231-24, p.118 . (5) Ahnal. Mon. IV. p.424. (The Landboc footnote, VoJ..II. p. xx is obviously in error in dating the benediction, as in 1232. ' • * • (6) C. P. R. 1225-32. p. 479 (7) ibid, 1232 -47. p. 16 (8) ibid, p. 17 Perhaps, while he was at the Abbey,the building require• ments were made known to him, for on August the 14th, 1233, the.King gave the Abbot twenty daks from the .Forest 0 of Dean, which lies to the south-west of Winchcombe across the Elver Severn. (1) Two years later a mandate to the .Constable of St. Briavels was issued making another grant of twice the number of oaks, (2) and again in 1241; four more oaks were given by the ;King to the

Abbey for roofing. (3) jSuch gifts werQe no doubt very welcome, both to the Abbey and to the other monasteries that received similar favours} but, in 1242, it was the Convent's turn to assist the needy King, In a letter addressed to the Abbot, Henry JII made it plain that he expected a subsidy from him towards the cost of the coming campaign in Gascony(4). This request appears to have been ignored at first, but*later a contribution of 15 marks was made.(5) Probably in accordance with the constitution of the legate Otho, (6) the Abbeys of Evesham, Gloucester, Tewkesbury, Per shore, Winchcombe 1 et mul-tae aliae per regnum Angiiae' were dedicated in 1239;(7) the Bishop

q.R . 1231-34. p. 248 """" ' (2) ibid, 1234-37, P* 122 (3) ibid, 1237-42. p. 278 ,(4) C. R. 1237-42, p. 431 (5) "Landboc, II. xx. No references are given. (6) v. c. H. Gios. II. p. 67? . (7) Matthew Paris, R". S. 1876, Vol. Ill, p. 638 of Worcester, Walter de Cantilupe, coming to Winchcombe f or tilths purpose on the 18th of October. (1), The Abbot and Convent were commissioned in 1242 to examine into the election of John to the Priory of Great, Malverh. (2)

In 1247 Abbot Henry resigned, (3) but not before he was disturbed in the last months of office by the Vicar of Winchcombe, that same Henry de Campden who, having vexed the close of his predecessor's reign by ringing the bells, planned to enlarge the Chancel, of the Parish Church by some twelve feet, and the south aisle, then incomplete, by an addition measuring thirty feet by twelve, thus threatening the Abbey and public highways. However, when the King eventually granted him leave to proceed with the work on September the 18th, 1246, he was restrained from reducing the.Abbey's entrance to less than thirty feet in width and the public thoroughfare to less than eighteen. (4)

The various gifts received and purchases made during this reign were, like those of the previous Abbot's time, CI3 Annal. Mon. I. 112 and IV, 430 "~ (2) ibid, IV, 434 <3) ibid,.1. 136 and %V, 438 W C. JL. 1242-47. p. 462 88' neither spectacular nor numerous, but they serve rather to indicate, together w£t[h t&e absence of expensive lawsuits and demands, a time of quiet prosperity and steady expansion. ,

In 1235, William, son of Eustace, released to the Abbey a mill and yardland. in the field at Cliveley.(£) iflve years later, Hugh de Oolonces gave a messuage, croft, and four half-acres in two fields at Enstone;(2) and the Abbot succeeded in letting ^1 acres of assart in Alne Wood to Robert de Bosco for a year and an in• going fine of three marks. (3) The most valuable gift' came to the Abbot in 1245, from John, the son of John the Knight of Sherborne, who gave a dwelling house near to St. John's Chapel there, together with four acres and a plot, and followed this up with another gift of nine more acres shortly afterwards* (4)

i TO Landboc, ,11." 190-1 12J ibid, 174 -5 (3) ibid, 530 -1 (4) ibid, 233-4, and 235 i '

0 ClAPiDEB NINE

The resignation of Henry of Toddington was made known to the King at Clarendon On the 10th of July, 1247, by the

election of ca successor. (1) Thereupon the monks.made choice of John Yanworth, the CelO^er., whose election re• ceived the royal assent with a writ ,de intendendo* to the tenants of the Abbey on the 26th of the same month.(2) The new Abbot was blessed at Worcester by the Bishop of Hereford, acting for the Diocesan, later in the same year; giving to the Cathedral Sacrist the^usual alb, cope and chasuble, together with the 40/- procuration.(3) Presumably John Yanworth was a fairly young man when he commenced his reign, for he held the office for thirty-five years before retiring. In his earlier days he displayed all the ambition and vigour of youth which gave place in later life to a more mature judge• ment enabling him to steer the House through those troubles that came upon it and to win for himself a degree of recognition beyond his own domains*

On the 10th,of August* 1249 he and the Augustinian U7 C P. R. 1232-47, p. 504 ^ (2> ibid, p. 505 ' (3) Annal. Mon. I, 136 and IV. 438 ' 9b

Abbots of Cirencester arrived at a settlement concerning their respective legal rights in the Manors of Haselton and Yanworth, whereby, the Hundred 0purt of the Abbey of Cirencester was to take cognizance of all thieves,arrested on the Manors and the Abbot of Winchpombe lodge the Cirencester Bailiffs at their annual View pf/Frankpledge; but all amercements for concealment» all defaults,, ail pleas of bloodshed and of hue and cry, together with waifs taken in the JJanors, were secured by the Abbot of Winchcombe. (1) The next year was marked by the very enterprising purchase of the Manor of Dry JUarston from the Prior of Coventry. #he price agreed upon was perhaps injudicious- ly high, 1130 marks (£753. 6. 8.) and an annual rent of £1 together with a day and a night1s.accommodation for the .Coventry Bailiff and his three horses when that offi• cial came for the Court Leet. The Prior, it may be noted, did not include either the patronage of the living or the s^tfigj.©.: in the sale. (2) In the meanwhile members of another* Order had been introduced into the district by Richard, Earl of Corn• wall, uncle to the King* These were Cistercian monks from Beaulieu in Hampshire, who settled at Hayles just TIT Landboc, II. p. 380. " ' (2) The King confirmed this on Oct. 20th, 1250. ibid, - I, 11-13 ••->•-•••' •" N •• • ..- 91.

before John Yanworth was elected Abbot. (1) They steadily proceeded with the building of a great Abbey and Church there, almost within sight of Winchoombe. The completion of the essentia^ portions of this brought the King and Queen to Winchcombe for the dedication on

the.5th of; Nov. 1251 by Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester, who was assisted by the Bishops of Ely, Lincoln| London, Norwich, Sarum, Exeter, Chichester, Bath and Wells, St. Dayid*s, Rochester and St. Asaph. On the next?, day the King and the twelve Bishops return- ed to Winchcombe, for a conference at which they agreed to send an envoy, John of Cheba, a.prudent and discreet man, to the Holy See to seek protection against the visatorial powers claimed by Boniface of Savoy, .Arch• bishop of Canterbury. The Bishops entered into an agreement with this envoy by which he was to receive 300 marks for his expenses and salary, if he was success• ful; but, in the event of his meeting with -f ailure, hie remuneration was limited to ,#100. (2)

When the general Chapter of the Benedictine ..Order met at Oxford, on either March the 30th or April 7th, 1253, John Yanworth was among the J.5 Abbots and Priors TTJ Founded June l?th, 124-6. M. p. p. 709 (2) Landboc, Jtjex-xxi,(citing Report of the R.. Hist. MSS. Comm. appendix, 358.)

1 present, 25 others sent excuses by their proxies and

II failed to do eitherf (1) It was during this Chapter that the Abbot was appointed to be Visitor to the monas• teries of the Order in the dioceses of Sarum, Exeter and Bath* (2) , At home the Abbot and Convent were in financial difficulty. Very possibly the recent Dry Marston ven- tare was pressing heavily upon their resources and com• pelling them to take stock of their other commitments, in particular the various injurious agreements into which they had entered previously. An appeal to Borne, for release from some of these brought, on the 4th of January 1254, a mandate from Pope Alexander IV author• izing the Abbot of Tewkesbury to revoke all adverse grants of farms made by the Convent on long leases, for ljife, or in perpetuity• ( 3 )

o Almost four years later the Abbey was still experi• encing trouble, partly due to the difficulty encountered in the collection of the tithes, for the same Pope order• ed these to be fully rendered in his Confirmation of December 22nd, 1257• Among the other possessions se• cured to the community were the patronage of St. Peter's TT5 Trans. R. Hist. S. 4th Series. Vol. X. 219. (2) Peiitin, CHAPTERS of the ENGLISH BLACK MONKS. Vo*. I, p.51. • (3) Landboc* II, 8?-88 93

Church, Winchoombe, with the tithes, houses, lands,etc, there; the ville of Charlton Abbots, Stanton, Snowshill, galling, Yanworth, Sherborne, Ble ding ton. Twining, Cotes, Naunton, Frampton, @ow-Honeybourne, Admlngten and Dry- .Jlarstoni the patronage of the ^hapels of Gretton and Ppetlip together with the tithes there and in the JBanor of Sudeley, as well as the 7/- per annum rent in Didbrook

Church. .' • .,•.. ,. ^.It was also decreed in the same document that no Chapel or Oratory was to be built without the consent pf the Bishop pr Convent, saving the Pope's privileges, thereby preventing a recurrence of the troubles that had arisen, at the time of the erection of Hayles Qhuroh. Fresh exactions, both cleripal and lay, were forbidden, and rapine, theft, arson, bloodshed, rash seizure, slaughter and violence prohibited. (1) The demand fpr a 'twentieth* fpr the Crusade was resisted by the Bishep of Worcester who issued a writ to the Collectors in > January 1269, forbidding them to exact from religious persons and to desist from the same on the Abbot and Convent of Winchcombe* (2) No doubt the impoverished monks had complained to their Diocesan. But in January of the next year the sporadic rebel- (IftEandboc, II, 93-5 • tCotes, Naunton and Frampton are

all "in-«?inchcombe»") 0 • , (2Register of Bishop Godfrey Giffard, Worcester Hist. Socty. 1902. J. Willis-Bund. Vol. II. p.31-32 lion of the followers of the late Simon de Montfort compel• led the same Bishop to call upon the Abbots of Winchcombe, Bristol,- Gloucester, Tewkesbury, Per shore and I>lanthony>,rr#o raise as many men as possible without delay, armed and with horses, to resist those who wish to impugn the ecclesiastical liberty and subvert the kingdom."(1) Whatever may have been the response and part played, by those loyal citizens and churchmen in the campaign, by the end of that Summer all was at peace as far as the Abbot and Convent were concerned, for they joined, on Holy Hood day, with their neighbours of Hayles in celebrating the inaugura• tion of the relic of the Precious Blood given to Hayles Ab• bey by Edmund, som of the founder; a gift that was destined to make the shrine in which it was housed one of the foremost centres of pilgrimage in the land and prove a valuable source of revenue to the monks for centuries. (2) About the same time' the Bishop of Worcester for ever settled what had once been the occasion of considerable discord when he ordained the .Vicarage of Hayles in the possession of the Abbot and Con• vent of Hayles. O)

(1) Register of Godfrey Giffard, Vol. II. p.44 (23 Trans. XXIII, 278. (3X Register of Godfrey Giffard, Vol. II. 42 The year 1271 was important, for Abbot John Yanworth,- with Abbot William SIhitchurch of Evesham - presided at the General Chapter of their Order held at Oxford on the 12th of April. (1) His duties included the despatch of a letter to the Abbot and Convent of Ramsey on September 22nd 1271, commanding obedience to the Statutes of the General Chap• ter. (2) Apart from his absence from Winchcombe demanded by this and other Chapters, the Abbot appears to have jour• neyed beyond the seas in c. 1255» (3) and to have attended Parliament, to which he was summoned in 1264. (4) Reference is made in 1275 to the monastic library, for on the 20th May, the Abbot granted a mark a year from the rent of Cow-Honeybourne Chapel, paid by Evesham Abbey, for "the repair of our books" and for the larger support of the Precentor (ad librorum nostrorum emendacionem et offi• cii sui uberiorem sustentacionem). (5) In the next year the aged and bankrupt Rector of Twining and Bledington placed himself and his affairs in the hands of the Bishop. He was indebted to tsgaij credi• tors whom he could not pay. (6) (1) Chapters of the iJnglish Black IHonks, Vol. I. 58, and Annals. Mon. II, 110, and IV, 460 (2) Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. I. p.58 (3) C. R. 1254-6. p.206-7 (4) ibid, 1264-8, p.£5 C5) Landboc, II. p.540 (6) V. C. H. p.!5» (citing Register Godfrey Giffard. 86.) 96

t He seems to have served the Lady Chapel of Winchcomhe and to have had a lodging in the monastery. The Bishop decided that, "as his matures age merited a re'st from labour," the Abbot should receive his rents, maintain him in food and wine, raiment, shoes and bed clothes, and let him have his lodging ^n the monastery. The Abbot should also provide a cleric to say the "hours" with the Rector ,and a groom and boy to wait on him. He was to satisfy the Rector's creditors, cause the Churches to be properly served and bear all the charges. (1) During the closing years of this Abbot's reign a Lady Chapel was under construction in the Abbey Cemetery. By about 1280, it would seem that the completion of this work was well within sight as grants of money to provide Altar lights were recorded about this time. Adam, son of William Colemon, gave the Prior 12d a year from his oven for that purpose,(2) and similar sums were forthcoming from Joan! Osbert Turp^n's widow, O) and from Henry Drake, charged on his father's land in North Street, Winchcombe. (4)

The long reign of Abbot John Yanworth closed with his

W) V. C. H».' T>. V?n citing Register .Godfrey Giffard,- bb (2.) 'ad sueteatationem luminaris in Capella, ad honorem Ejusdem Genetricis, in Cimiterio Winchecumbe inchoata.' Lahdboc I, 245-6, O) ibid, 246-7 ,{4) ibid, 245. (Perhaps the Chapel was complete by th(Ls time as it is no longer termed 'inchoata.' • i '\ • resignation sometime before the middle of October, 1282. (1) His term of office has been described as "marked by reckless expenditure>" and the assertion made that during it "land was acquired at all costs." (2) .However, with the possible exception of the costly purchase of the Manor of Dry-Marston in 12^0, I am unable to trace any transactions that could warrant this accusation. Indeed, the amount of prope'rty received, in addition to the above Manor, of which there is any record, is surprisingly small when the length of the reign is taken into account. Consideration' of the follow• ing examples, though not absolutely exhaustive, will serve to illustrate the nature of such acquisitions and show that the monks* property could not have increased, to any consid• erable degree during the period under examination.

In 1255* the Abbey exchanged with John de Solers for the house of Thomas of the Ash their yardland in Postlip Chapel, (3) but it is to be doubted if they secured a great bargain from the layman as he had been disputing the long established settlement of Postlip with the monks some three years before. The Bishop's Commissary had been called in, and he confirmed the Abbey in possession bf the tithes of the manor there and the profits of the Chapel - the monks 1) C. P. R. 1281-92, p. 37 ' 2) V. C. H. p. 67 3/ Landboc, I. p. 87 98 • i haying to find a resident Chaplain. (1) ^ For 17 marks paid, in the same year to the hard pressed Richard, son of Walter de liuton, he surrendered his tenement at HasejjLton held of the Abbey for eight years. {?) About the same time William Dungeden, for the good of his own and belio*? souls, gave a dwelling house and walled curtilage, and a little later released all right in his tene• ment at Cliyeley. Apparently this property did not cost the Abbey anything. (3) ' .Jn 1261, John de la Haye granted the Convent in frankal- mpa'snei^p/- a ,year rents, and the Almoner a ..further 6/- rent and appointed Walter, the Clerk, his Attorney to put the Abbot in seisin on September the 14th, 1261. (4) Four years later William Dousing and Henry the Mower sold land called 'Edrichesmede' at Gothurst, Yanworth, to the Abbot' for 6 marks; one of which was paid as deposit, the balance to follow on completion; power of distraint for fault being withto the jurisdiction of the bailiffs of Cirencester.(5) The other shareholders in Edrichesmede, Henry and Alice de Gothurst, also confirmed their portions in frankalmoigne about the same time ^6) "CD Landboc, I. p.36 ' C2) ibid, II. 376. C3) ibid.; II, 199 C4) ibid, II* 396-7 (5) ibid, II» 365 (6) ibid, II, 363 9?

Property.in winchcombe was acquired about 1270i a messu• age being remitted by William de Vel, and a messuage with garden, yard, and shrubs near Oapun's lane given in frank• almoign© and in consideration of 20/-* by John Petycru.(l) In 1278, the Rector of Mickleton and the Abbey brought their dispute about the tithes of Hidcote before the Bishop of Worcester, Godfrey Giffard, who ruled, on July 14th, that, the Rectors should pay the Abbey 6/- a year at Winchcombe Pair in lieu Of tithes on the old demesne of the Abbe^ in the Parish, under pain of contributing 4/- to the Cathedral building fund* The Abbey was quit of the 4/- previously paid to the Sectors.(2) It is to be doubted whether the Convent gained anything by. this decision other than conveni• ence and assurance of receipts. Two messuages In Winchcombe were received c. 1280, from Adam, the son of Ralph the sumpter-man; one near the 'small meadow? and the ot>her on the corner of Mill Street and the south side of Gloucester Street, in frankalmoigne.(3) A little later another messuage in Hayies Street was given by Amice, the daughter of Gilbert, the Smith of Hayles* (4) About the same time John Bolur of Cliveley in Enstone gave his messuage there and 29 acres to the Abbey, saving a tli Landboc, II, 294-5 ' • (23 ibid, I. 135-6 <3) ibid, II, 400-1. (4) ibid. II, 403-4 100

rent of 2/4 payable tp /Roger de Gardlno. (1) Another of thoBe freojient and unprofitable disputes con• cerning tithe arose between the Abbots of Hayles and Winchcombe, which was settled on July lljjh 1280, by which Hayles paid 2/- a year in lieu of the hay tithe on the land known as Kentis- mede.(2)

If it is true that Abbot Jphn Yanwprth left the Abbey in debt te the extent of 930 marks (3) then the reason for the adverse balance must be sought elsewhere than in 'reckless expenditure* and the purchase of lands *at all costs,* for as it has been seen the above acquisitions did not oost any more than 24# marks, plus the legal and litigation chargea when resort was made to the Bishop. Moreover it is° scarce• ly conceivable that so large a purchase as that ot Dry-Earston could have been entertained lightly and without the least hope of its payment being met and made good within a reason• able time.

It is when we turn to consider those demands that were made upon the Abbey and the losses that it sustained, all of which were most prPbably unfpreseen by the Abbot, and Convent, TT5 Landboc, il. 172-3 m*~' *~ ' ' (2) ibid, 294* (35 V. C. H. 677. that we shall perhaps discern some of the reasons for the

" ' .... 7 -. adverse balance on the long reign. On March 2nd, 1251» the year following the purchase of. Dry-Ifarston, the Hundreds of Winchcombe, Holford and Kifts- gate passed out of the hands of the Abbot into the keeping, of Richard de Cromhal, the Sheriff, (1) and on the 8th of July, 1261, the Hundreds, with the Manor of Winchcombe and Gloucester Castle were given to Eatthias Bezil. (2) Thus the Abbot- was deprived of such advantages as had accrued to him by reason of the keeping of the Hundreds immediately after he and the Convent had committed themselves to their greatest outlay. St is not surprising that the King had to pardon the Abbot for his lack of support, due to sundry debts, in, the campaign against Scotland in 1255. (3) But the recognition of those difficulties did not prevent the,$lng f?om demanding further help from t&e Abbey for the war against^ales In 1258,(4) nor from pressing urgently for payment again in 1260*(5) A year later thirty-six Abbots, including jWinqhcpmbe, were requested to furnish help by the morrow of St* .^SSartlh; (6) a demand that was again repeated in 1263(7) and In .the follow• ing year. $8) XT} p. P. B^i&7%B*pJe9 ~ ! — \2) ibid, 1258-66, P.1B2'. ,<3> C. ,R.. 1254-6. t .1; p. 133-r4 (4) ibid. 1256-9.p-295 (5) ibid, 1259-61, 191 (6) ibid, 498-9 (7) ibid, 1261-4, p. 305 (8) ibid, 379 102

Prince Edward's engagements with the remnants of the de Montf ort survivors around Northampton and Axholm in 1266 called for another 'aid,' this time for 40 marks from the Abbot. (1) For a space after this we have no record of further demands, until October the 11th, 1271, when the Ah- bot received quittance for his payment of the 20th demanded.(2) On July 4th, 1277, the King had to be content with, and grant the Abbot quittance for, £40, which, was all that he could pay of the £53. 6.8. required for two knights' fees for the Welsh war. (3) Apart from these oft recurring and unexpected demands for aids in the wara,the King had to be entertained at least twice during the period and at no small expense, to the Abbey. The first visit was made in November 1251, when he and the Queen stayed from the 5th C^) until at least the 7th. (5) The other occasion was on April 16th, 1265, (6) and he was still there on the 26th. (7) In return for all these outgoings to their monarch and patron the monks received very little indeed* In 1251, the King granted the Abbey Free Warren or the righti to take game on their own manors, but not from the royal forests; but TTF C. R. 1264-8., p. 171-2, From the Bishop of London 260 marks were demanded, and from Cirencester Abbey 60.Ibid, (2> C. P. R, 1266-72. p.577 (2) Landboc, II, 229-300, ditto dated the previous day, ibid, I. 218. (4) C. P. R.. 1247-5a, p. 117. (5) .Landboc, I. xxi (6> ibid, xxii (7) CP.Rj, 1258-66, p.470 this concession cost them £10. CD However, the King did grant them oaks from the E&rest of Dean, 10 in 1251 *ad reparacionem cu#usdam aule sue,' (2) and six more on February 8th, 1282. (5) A more' substantial and timely relief came, not from the King, but by the generosity of Robert de (Stymies to whom the Convent had been paying thereat of £9 a yeat for their jUan^- ors of Hailing, Haselton, and Yanworth, in the stead of the Advocates of Bethune. On March 13th, 1251, he quitclaimed this rent (4) and the Inspeximus and Confirmation of the Charter by the King followed. cnJIay lpth, in the same year.(5) Two qther grants may be mentioned here, although they did not alter the situation,to any great degree. The first, was the fat buck that Adam le Despenser bound himself on May 5th, 1261 to deliver annually to the Convent for the hamlet of1 Bradenston, (6) Though of no great intrinsic worth It was probably appreciated for a day or so by those who were responsible for feeding the community. The other was of more value but, as it did not fully devolve to the Abbey until the expiration of a life interest, could have proved of little assistance to the hard pressed Abbot. Wil• liam of Cheltenham bequeathed to the Convent his houses in CI J IjfandbocA I. 89 C2) Q* R. 1251-3. p.9 (3) Cal. 0. R. 1279-88. p. 148 (4) dal. Charter R, 1226-57. p. 359-60 (5) Landhoc, II. p. 110-112 (6) ibid, p. 200-1 104

Smith Street, Gloucester, on condition that the monks found a secular priest to pray for his soul and that of his widow in the Church of St. Mary le Crypt Gloucester. The monks bound themselves to do this to the Rector of that Church. Aldith, the widow, had a life interest in the property^ but by an agreement between her and the Abbey.on Sept. 29th, 1274 she was to hold the houses for a rose presented on St* John Baptist's day, and to keep the buildings in repair at a charge not exceeding a mark a year. She also undertook < " - to find the Abbot and brethren, or others on business in Gloucester, board and lodging in the houses. In return the Convent paid her 20/- a year. (1) There can be little doubt that the Abbot and Convent, haying burdened themselves with their early costly venture, were forced into increasing difficulties by the constantly recurring demands made upon thero by the King and the Papacyj and that the acquisitions of the time did not meet the extra expenses. Money had to be raised by some means, so John Yanworth resorted to selling corrodies from at leapt 1271, onwards. For varying sums in cash or kind, he undertook to provide for the payers' worldly requirements for the rest of their lives* The scheme amounted to something very similar to the modern purchase of life annuities. „Xt had, .from the 0} fcandboc, ,/l. 116-8 " 1 "v' " "~ *~ ' ' . ' • " • ' 105

Convent's standpoint , the advantage of providing ready oash or asstired Income from property when it was japst needed In return for ^ust one more person to maintain atopng the large number of those whose lives were spent in one capacity or another in the Abbey. But when the number of corrpdians grew to become quite a large proportion of the establishment the situation changed. Every fresh 'guest* meant that there was less to spare for the monks and might well mean that the community would be unable to receive fresh members.

It has been said that "at Winchcombe in 1282 the 45 monks had to pay 15 oorrodies, or as much as would have raised their own conventual numbers to 6O4" (1) but I am unable to trace anything like this number of corrodians up to the end of the reign, nor can I discover the strength of the community with such exactitude. The following corrodies were, however, granted during the last eleven years o£| the Abbot's rule. On August 15th 1271, John West gave the Abbot?, his messu• age and tenement in Yanworth, together with all his land for the following corrody for himself, and his wife who were al• lowed a hpuse free in the town with dovecote and garden, and daily$- two monks' loaves* and one esquire's, two flagons of ale, two dishes of "free servants'"fare in the Abbot's Hall; ti; 1 G, G. Coulton, FIVE CENTURIES of RELIGION; YOL. Ill, p. 246. 1 " ' ' two seams of firewood weekly, common for a cow 3,n the Ab• bots pasture; and a robe for John or 8/- and a like sum for his wife • either died half the above ceased except• ing the house, the pasture and half the firewood. (1) About the same time John, son of John the Knight of Sherborne, whose former gift to the Abbey has been noted,(2) surrendered all the land remaining to him in exchange for

a corrody* -It was, in his caset a wise decision as he had been slowly parting with his property for years; two

sales at least being due to pressing need for money. (3) d He bargained to receive a loaf and a gallon of ale and one „ dish of flesh or fish daily; a robe a year; half a mark, . in two instalments, for linen and shoe leather; and the < services of a waiting lad when too old or infirm to dine . with the Abbot's servants. It would, appear that he had a wife living whom the monks were prepared to entertain, at > Winchcombe for not more than two days at a time, perhaps twice or thrice a year. (4)

For faithful service and the payment of ten marks, Nicholas Howe received eight bushels of grain when away from the Abbey on the Convent's business but, when disabled, the

promise of a monk*,s loaf, atflagon of ale, and a dish from.

C1J Landboc, I. 129* and IIt 321-3 ^ . • < <2J see above, p. £8, M Landboc, II,,&27-8 i»S3~+l> ? (4) ibid, I. 122, and II,. 24Q. 1Q7

the Abbot's kitchen daily, but no com, together with half a mark a year for a robe. {(This grant dated from Jan. 29th, 1274. (1)) (On June 19th, 1276 a married couple were admitted, to fraternity • and every boon- For the payjnent of 55 marks down, were promised two loaves, two noggins of ale, two dishes of pulse and of flesh, fish or eggs, or in Lent ten herrings, If either died, half of the qorrody ceased, except the consoling two gallons of ale. (2) The much more expensive corrody of JBlias de Poxcote, the Abbey Steward, in December, 1278 brought him more elabor• ate accommodation. /He paid one hundred marks and gave all his land in Sherborne. $his, and his faithful service, se•

cured him maintenance of better quality, such as the jCD^jSEcr enjoyed, gis robe was to cost 2Q/-, at the Abbey'e charge• jDurlng his'residence at the chamber built at his own cost , near t&e Abbey gate, a groom and horse would be kept tor &lm at the/C'cll&x'.cr'vc and a seam of wood delivered on Saturdays.(3) . His brother also secured a corrody abont this time. 4^) O11 January 22nd of the same year, ^he Abbot entered into a eoye*- nant wi$h fasterJSalter Hereford, a mason and faithful servant, whereby his services were secured to the Abbey exclusively, - saving the ^King's work. He was to receiveapparently with-

"TD Landboc, X, £21-2 ' : ~" (2 J ibid, 124 C3) ibid, 124-6 (4) ibid, 126

1 out paying a deposit, accomodation as did the Abbey's chief servants, and,'when confined to his chamber, his food was to be taken to him. Two grooms were to be kept for him when working; but only one when in continual sickness. He, too, was to build a chamber at his own expense, but the Abbot undertook to find the timber and stone. Fuel and from two to six candles nightly, were also provided. (1) Walter Hereford's services were at the disposal of the Abbey for a very long time, as, thirty years later, he very generously paid all the costs of the appropriation of Enstone Church.C2) These nine paying-guests and their servants brought in at least 165 marks when sorely needed, but, on the whole, it is to be doubted whether that sum and the unspecified pro• perty really paid the nlonks for the ofttimes lengthy survi• val of their pensioners and the friction and inconvenience that was bound to arise from the presence of so many lay people among the monks. The times were against the Abbot, but at least he had secured property to the Abbey, and against the alleged debt which he left his successor" to clear off John Yanworth could show the Manor of Dry-Marston, an extra Chapel, and houses and lands around Winchcombe and the more distant domains of the Abbey; achievements that did not escape the approving notiee of his contempories. (3) TT3 Landboe, I. 136 ~~ (2) Wore. Epis, Regis. Orlton. fol. 36 and Landboc II,lxiii (3) .Annals. E3o£U IV. 485, "who secured many good things for his house*M 109

GHAFESR TEN. N

\ Possibly, because the Community realized the advantages of a long and able rule such as they had experienced under John Yanworth or that their choice was limited because the men with long administrative experience had failed to outlive the old Abbot, the monks chose another young man to succeed him, a man who was destined to hold the office for more than thirty-one years. This was the same Walter de Wickewane, (of Childs Sfickham) the Abbey Cellarer, who, with Walter %nt, had Journeyed to Rhuddlan to inform the King of the vacancy and to obtain, on 13th Oct4 1282, licence to elect. (1) The Convent lost *~ little time in reaching a decision, for exactly, a week later Bishop Godfrey Giffard appointed a Commission to ©onfirm the election of Walter de ftickewane. (2) The royal mandate to the escheator, the Sheriff of Gloucester, to restore the temporalities to the Abbot-elect was issued on Jth November;(3) and, shortly afterwards, he received his Benediction at Wor• cester. If the Sacrist there considered the present of a cope and red chasuble embroidered with lions, to be of lit• tle value, 'parvi pretli,' no doubt, that Official's fellow monks were more Satisfied with the 'dolliunt' of wine - costing

CI 0. P. H. 1281-92, p.37 Reg. Bishop Godfrey Giffard, 160 I C» P. R.'1281-92. p.39 no '- • the Abbot of Wlnchcombe 40/- - provided for their customary celebration on the Benediction of a new Abbot to one of the monasteries in the diocese. (1) J The appointment of Abbot Walter de Wickewane was in every way excellent as he was gifted with tremendous ener• gy and sound business ability, so that, under his direction, the Abbey flourished to a degree hitherto unattained'and certainly unsurpassed or even equalized by his successors during the next century. This prosperity was to be seen in the building undertaken, the marked improvement in re• venue receipts and the general well-being of the community. Moreover, all this was not achieved by amassing debts; on the contrary, not only did he manage to discharge all that was owing when he assumed office, but he left his Abbey financially secure despite considerable contributions to King and Pope, the many royal pensioners imposed on the House and several protracted and expensive disputes. During the first year or so, Walter de Wickewane appears to have done nothing very noteworthy. Probably he was taking stock of the position and concerning himself with the Abbey property for the rent Of the"fullers1 and corn mills at Cllveley was raised from 28/- paid in the time of XT) Annal. Mon. IV. 484 and 485. • . r in

Abbot Ralph, (1) to 30/- a year about this time, (2) and this msay indicate the general trend where small proper• ties were changing tenants.

In July 1284, the first of the new Abbot's troubles 'came upon him. Robert de Gretton, the Perpetual Vicar of Sherborne, informed the Bishop that he could not re• side at his Vicarage for fear of death and dread of his enemies. He had been there but a little while, for it was as recently as February 1279» that .Robert's predeces• sor, Robert of Aston, had been presented to that Vicarage by the Abbot and Convent. (3) Possibly the unpopularity of the appropriation of the living by the Abbey found expression among the parishioners in hostility towards the Vicars who were sent there. The Bishop's solution was to make the Abbey provide Robert with his maintenance and find a priest who was able to reside and keep the house in repair. y(4)

If the Abbot found difficulty atvthe time in securing a man sufficiently courageous to go to that dangerous cure he would have experienced less trouble In, doing so two years later, as he then had a cleric oh his hands

tl) See above p. 59^ (2J Iiandboc, II. p. 189 (3) Regis. Godfrey Giffard, p. 104 (4) ibid, 242 112 to whom he was bound to pay a pension of 20/- a year until the Convent found the man a benefice.(i)It is not dear concerning that olerk^s standing in Orders, but it may have been he whom the Abbot wished to present to Twining four months later (September 1286), and to have him excused from receiving Priest*s Orders, as the Bishop was enquiring into the Abbot's reasons for such a request at this time. (2) On Lady Day, 1288, another cleric entered into his reward for 'past labours, protections and well deservings in hard matters.' • This was'Nicholas de Munham whose services were still desired. He was promised a competent benefice of not less than 20 marks in value and, until he received « it, he was to have that sum from-the Abbot as well as pri• vate accommodation for himself, two servant lads and two horses, and in addition 40/- for a robe. Under such fa• vourable circumstances the Clerk must have deemed himself far better off in the Abbey thanrhe was likely.to be in a living wtth its many outgoings.0) In the meantime, two disputes had arisen concerning tithes. On March 24th, 1287 the Convent referred the mat• ter between Nicholas de Devizee, Vicar of Winchcombe, and themselves to the Bishop, Godfrey Giffard. (4) The Vicar submitted his case to the Bishop at, Kempsey on March 3Qth (iJ Landboc, I. 128 • <2) Eegis. Godfrey Giffard, 295 (2J Landboc, .£> 266 (4) ibid, 267-8 in the next year. (1) pn the next day Godfrey Giffard managed to arrive at a compromise settlement by which the Abbey received aH sheaves and hay tithes, lambs, and living death duties; the small tithes from I&ttledead and Longcroft went to the Abbey as.well, if they built on it. The Vioar's portion was the small tithes, obla• tions* obventiohs and wool. If his source of income failed to provide &10 a year, the Abbot undertook to make good the deficit. $2) This ordinance received confirmation, after inspec• tion, from the Prior and Chapter of Worcester on the Feast of the Translation of S. Wulstan, 1298. (Jan. 19th) 03) When,in'March 1300, a sharp controversy raged between the Bishop and the Prior before Robert of Winchelsey, the Archbishop *>f Canterbury, this settlement and the con• firmation provided the second of the thirty-six charges against the Bishop. In the legatine Constitutions of Cardinal Ottoboni in 1268, it was forbidden to appropriate any parish church to a monastery unless it was plainly oppressed by the burdens of poverty or there was some law-^ ful cause. The Prior and Convent maintained tihat the appropriation had taken place at the false suggestion of certain persons, and that they had consented to It in TT5 Landboc, I. 268 ' (2) "ibid, 2?Gt-l (3) ibid, 268 and 272 114

error.(1) The Bishop answered thatr he b^ad merely mediated

in a dispute touching debated portions, to the profit and peace of both parties and that he had secured to the Vicar a steady income. (2> The Papal Confirmation was granted on

(Regis-, Godfrey .Giffard, f. 470-3 • cite d by .Landbo.c, ^ I. n. 272. (2) ibid, and c. f. -Trans. R. Hist. 6. Vol. II New Series, pp. 82-83. O) landboc, II, 330-1. i4) ibid, S* 273-4. (5) j* Housebote* i.e. right of tenant to take house repair• ing, wood. *geybote* i.e. right to take wood for fences. (6) ibid, I. 276 oii June 24th, 1288 (1) and Pope Nicholas IV gave his con• firmation on July 15th, 1291.(2) Sometime afterwards, Simon of Overbury received a grant of £5 a year 'for his services.' (3) This pension may have been earned by making the Hawling settlement an easy affair, but it is much more likely that it was promised to him to secure his resignation in the interest of a young friend, or nephew, of the Abbot's. This boy, John de Wickewane, was aged fourteen and was described as 'clerk' by the Bishop when he was presented to the Rectory of Hawling at the instance of the Abbot on Oct. 12th, 1293. The real custody of the Church, and the boy, was vested in Henry, Rector of Stanton; (4) but the lad was assured of a certain income and the wherewithal to meet the costs of his education.

Thereafter, his patront or uncle, could expect no more trouble over the tithe question. Three years later the Abbot was still mindful of the welfare of his own kinsfolk or of people from his native place, for on June 20th, 1296 he granted to Walter de Wickewane and Alice his wife a messuage two yardlands, a cottage, dovecote, arable land and grazing for,four oxen "CD Landboc, I. 2?4 and 2??. ' (2) ibid, II, P. 330-1 (3) ibid, I. 272-3. (4) Register, Godfrey Giffard, 434. 116

in tlie Abbot's pasture^ all at Yanworth at the very reason• able rental of $2/- a year, 20/- of which was payable to the Prior. (1)

In 1290, the Abbot and Convent were in serious trouble with the King from which the Archbishop of Canterbury managed to extricate them by obtaining the royal pardon on June 27th. Their offence lay in accepting, without licence, sundry houses, lands and rents» contrary to the Statute of Mortmain. The list of such property is im• pressive and helps to explain how the Abbot managed to raise the money to meet his creditors and to carry out his plans. Between the passing of the Statute in 1279 and the pardon granted in 1290, the Abbot and Convent had received the following property:- 12 messuages, 30 acres, and 5/- a year rents, all in Winchcombe; in Cotes, one mill and 17 acres; 5% acres in Greet; 1 messuage, 13 acres and 3/8 in rents in Gretton; 6 acres in Frampton-in- Winchcombe; 1 messuage and 2J6 acres in Hawling; and three acres in Sudeley. (2X

With an Income such as the above property indicates, TO Landboc, I. 129-30. It is of interest to note that William, Archbishop of York, 1279-8$ was surnamed Wickwane, and may have been a close kinsman of the Abbot. (2) Landboc, II, 106 - 109. - - 117

It is not to be expected that the Bishop could find much to correct when he visited the A£bey oh Tuesday, the Con• version of S. Paul, 1291. Godfrey Giffard stayed two days .'at the expense of the house' v-ahd preached the monks a sermon on the text 'Arise, 0 Jerusalemr and stand upon the height' (Baruch V.5}»|#)The Bishpp waa still using the identical text when he visited S* Augustine*s, Bristol, during August in the same yearI (2)

£f he had deferred his visit until the next winter he might have seen the community at Wihcheombe wearing the black skin caps that the Pope, Nicholas IV, had in his mandate of July 7th» 1291» granted them, leave to use, that theiji almost wholly shaven heads mights receive some protection from the cold. That*this concession extended the use of the same caps to the hours of worship within the Abbey Church, is apparent, since the Pope strictly enjoined the aojBks to remove them during the reading of the Gospel and the Elevation of the Host at Mass. (3) /The same obliging Pope made a re-grant of all former Privileges that had fallen into disuse through "simplicity and ignorance" on August 30th, In the same year. j£he businesslike mind of Walter de Wickwane was much concerned TI3 Regis. Godfrey Giffard, p. 382. ' "' (2) "ibid, 393. (3) Landboc, Salisbury on the 11th September, where he joined in the discussion concerning the new Gloucester College for the monks at Oxford. (3)

The unexpected demands likely to be pressed upon the Monasteries at this time called for ready cash. This was not always available and recourse had to be made to others who were better off^ - sometimes other monasteries, some• times moneylenders . On Bovember 7th, 1293 the Abbot* had,

Tl5 : Landbbc, II, 89-90 "* '. ' (2> Regis. Godfrey Giffard, 393. (3) Chapters of the English Black Honks, Vol. I. 129-130, also see Trans. E. Hist. S. Vol. X. 4th Series, 195 ff. 119

to rai^e money from abroad, for he acknowledges to the King that he owes £20 to Fredk. Ventoure and his fellows, mer• chants of Lucca, to be levied in default of payment on his lands and chattels in Gloucestershire. (1) The debt was soon wiped off, however; and the Abbot ready to embark upon an extension of the Abbey gardens. For this he had to obtain permission from the King, on Sept. 4th, 1294, in order to stop up a public highway, Peticrue's Lane, which ran between the two gardens in the possession of the Con• vent. In compensation for this advantage the Abbot was called upon to provide another road, serving the same pur• pose, on his own grounds. (2)

In 1299* it t?as the Abbot's turn to bo owed money by a fellow Abbot. On March 30th in that yeaft, the At>bot 6f Bruerne was in Walter de Uickewane's debt for the sum of £166. 13. 4. (3) .Presumably this was paid off by the transfer to Pinchcombo of a messuage, a oarucote of land, and ten acres of wood in Oorndene, long ovmed by the Abbey of Bruerne. The necesoary licence to alienate in mortmain was issued by the King, on May I6th, 1299 (4) and tho licence of John de Sudeley was given about the same

_ oa. C.1R. 1288-96. 32£. ' (2) 0. R. R. 1292- 1301, 87 and Landboc, II, 105-6 (3) Cal. C. R. 1296-1302, p.299 (4) C. P. R. 1292-1301, 416 and Landboc, I, 295-6. The Abbot of Bruerne's Grant (undated), Landboc I, 293-4

c • 120

ti&e because h© was still in receipt of the service rent of "a pair of boots, a monk^s girdle with knife, sheath, and needles and case appendent" from Bruerne Abbey, which had been granted the property on those terms by John*s ancestor, Otuer, in fulfilment of a vow to maintain two monks in that Cistercian Monastery. (1)

On September 15th following, John de Sudeley demised for 60 yeaTs to the Abbey of Wlnchcombe, in consideration of £60 down, a plot of land with underwood called the 'Warren,* under Londeley. (2) He also gave the monks full permission to repair the water-pipe from Honiwell, at their pleasure; but,they were to make good all digging- damage in seed-ground and meadow. For wanton damage done by John, or his representatives, 6/8 was to be paid for each day in which he negleoted to repair the breakage. 0) The right to dig stone from Londeley and Kintestone was con- ceded by Ralph de Sudeley about the same time. (4) T&e •j, century closed with the purchase from John i^aupol of Wenlond, of a capital messuage, lands, and services of freemen and villeins in Throp. For this estate the Abbot paid £100 (5). It is obvious that, by now the Convent was not merely solvent, TTT Landboc, I, 292 -3. ' " (2) C. P. R, 1292 -1301, 436. (3) Landboc, I. 239. (4) ibid, II, 149 - 150. (5) ibid, II, 155 - 6. (RoyaJ^ Licence, ibid 112 - 113 and 0. P. R. 1292 - 1301. *37i dated Nov. 16th,, 1299.; ! 121

"but in possession of sufficient funds to secure property of the above costly nature. Such increasing prosperity provided no mean testimony and compliment to the business ability of the man in whose hands lay the direction of the Abbey's affairs and whose rule was as yet scarcely more than half completed. 122

/CHAFJEEB 5^VJK.

When the fourteenth century opened all was well in the Abbey of Winchcombe, at least Bishop Godfrey GUfaxd found nothing for him to correct or comment upon when he made his last Visitation on the -Wednesday after the Ex• altation of the Holy £ross, (Sept. 14th) 13©0. (1) Six months afterwards, the Abbot and Convent were called upon to entertain more illustrious guests when, on March 22nd, the King and Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, stayed on their way to Hayles for the buri• al of the remains of the Earl of Cornwall. (2) It was from Hayles, next day, that the King granted the Convent leave to receive in mortmain from John of Bledington a messuage in Fleet Street, in the Parish, of St. Bride's, London. (3) This acquisition must have proved very convenient every time that the Abbot went to London on business or to attend the meetings of Councils and Convocation. In the^next month the Abbot found himself in a very serious position. He was excommunicate for complying with the King's demands for money for the Scotch and French wars! Despite the support that he had recently sought CI J Regis. Godfrey Giffard, 531. (2) C. P. R. 1292 - 01, 580, and Annal Mon. m* 549. (3) ibid, 581. t

0 ahd obtained from Pope Boniface VIII in the two Confinfla• tions, dated January 2j5rd, 1301 which placed the Abbey un• der the Papal protection (1) and granted exemptions from secular exactions by Kings and all others, (2) he had been

compelledv ae b,e admired to the Pope in his fetter of April 18th, to meet the demands mad© upon him, through violence and dread of the loss of the Abbess temporalities. Confessing; his inconstancy, he pledged the House to obedi• ence. (3)

Reconciliation must have soon followed, for on Nov. 7th, the Archbishop of Canterbury, having heard complaints about the excessive length of, and expense involved by, the visits of the Bishop?s Official to the monasteries of the diocese* commissioned the Abbots of Winchcombe and Pershore to prevent the recurrence of the scandal. '"Their duties, in this respect, did not burden them any longer than 1307; as in that year Pope Clement V reversed the decision, and .the Official and his many servants had to be lodged notwithstanding any orders made by the Arch• bishop. W By the end -of the year the long episcopate of ^Godfr^ey XT) Landboc, II, 91 " : ^ ~" (2) ibid, 81 <3) ibid, I, 254-$. (The Pope, Boniface VIII, published IXL 1296 the f ampus Bull "Clericis. taicos11 by which he forbade the clergy to pay, and the secular powers to exact, under penalty of excommunication, contributions, taxes, etc. from the revenues of the Churches.) (A) Trans. R. Hist. S. Vol. 2. p. 86 Gifvfard was clearly neaping, i$s close. He was a dying-man, and, as the Archbishop Knew, beset by a powerful rival for power in the Prior of Worcester. To protect the property of the /Bishop and to secure the restitution of what had even then* been seized, Robert JSinehelsey instructed the Abbot of Wlnchcombe and the official of the Archdeacon to act for him, on January 10th, 1302, JJust sixteen days be^ for the Bishop of Worcester died. (1) Between the death of the Bishop and the episcopate of the next, which began on October 26th, the See was in the custody of this same Prior of Worcester who determined to carry out a visita• tion of the monasteries in the diocese. From Tewkesbury he was forced to turn away because the Abbey gates were closed against him. The Abbot there thought that, as he had already been visited twice within a short space, once by his own late Bishop and once by the Archbishop, that was enough. Besides, fees were demanded on each occasion, a very relevant objection to a third expensive visiti, frothing daunted, the visitor went on to Gloucester, where the two houses both refused to allow him to enter; and from thence to Winchoombe which also shut its gates.(2) Later on, he managed to get a Judgement against the Abbots of Gloucester and Tewkesbury for their action, bujfc there

TQ Liber Albiis. p. 61 ' * " (2> Annal Mon. W, 551 1 J - ' '

\ is no mention of any proceedings, taken against Walter de Wickewane.(l) The next Bishop, William de. Gainsborough, visited the Abbey on June 6th, 1304, and found nothing about which to complain. (2) He obliged the Abbot in 1303 by ordain- r ing to the Priesthood, one, Robert Michel of Winchcombe, "notwithstanding a .blemish in his eye- (3) The Abbot must have been well off about this time since two large sums had been loaned to laymen. On October 28th, p.302 John Glffard of Weston-under-Edge was owing as much as £110* having pledged his lands and chat• tels. Similar security was accepted'for a loan-of £106. 13. 4, to John de Sudeley on May 19th 1303. This latter debt appears soon to have been wiped off.(5) The liberality of this last loan was probably regretted when, two days later, an expensive and unprofitable guest was quartered on the Abbey by the King. This was John - Yatingden, possibly a veteran of the wars, who came with horse and groom. (6) „ Edward I, was thus tardily exercis•

ing the privilege that he Claimed of sending to each of v TTT Annal Mon. LV, 556 C1303) ~~ ' ! " (2) Register Bishop William Gainsborough, xiii. C3) ibid, 22. M. Cal. C. R. 1296- 1302. 607 5> ibid, 1302-7. 78 6) ibid, 1302-7. 08 the royal Abbeys a •guest,• whenever there was a change of Abbot. ^This right provided a pension for a royal servant at no charge to the King, but formed an unwelcome tax en the unfortunate.Abbey. /John de Yatingden was lodged out in a house to him• self, but daily he fetched his allowance of food and drink from the Abbey, or dined there off his two jloaves, two dishes from the best course and the two gallons of ale provided for him and the groom. Each year he received a robe, "after the pattern of the esquires'," and had three bundles of litter for his bed. The groomfs robe and the keep for.the horsevtpre,estimated at 26/8 a year. (1) Before that year was ended, two other similar guests turned up. First, Simon de Trewyk was sent by the King on August 1st, (2) and he stayed until January 26th next, when the Abbey managed to.get him sent on to St. Albans. (3) The other was William de Kent, sent on November ipth (13Q3), but he was not admitted, (4) -tas\ the Abbot must haune had, by this time , , enough trouble with the old soldiers in the y monastery. There seems to have been something very much wrong with William, because nobody wanted, him. When at last, in January 1304, a billet was found for him among, TT3 I»andboc, I. 139 - 40 *

Ce> Gal. C. E. 1302r7. 1000 pf ibid, 195 (4) ibid, 111

0 the monks at Colchester, nearer his home, (1) it proved to be for a very short duration, for two months later he was sent off to the Prior and Convent of Merton. (2) Walter de Wickewane was present at Gloucester for the funeral of the Abbot, John Gamages on April 17th, 1306. (3)

The year 1307 was a fortunate period for the Abbey where property in Enstone was concerned. On February 3rd, an exchange of land took place between the Abbey and Henry de Williamscote, lord of Asterley and Kiddington^by which the monks acquired all lands belonging to Enstone Manor, outside of the lord's enclosure there and his de• mesne at Asterley, and the right to assart and enclose waste in Enstone manor 'as they will.' In exchange, the Convent released its right within the enclosure, at Asterley and gave the lord of the manor licence to assart in Kiddlng- ton and Asterley. (4) Still pursuing their policy of rounding off their estates there, another exchange was made c on March 25th, with Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick} by which the Abbot had the Earl's permission to enclose waste and assart lands in Wichwood Forest in the Banor of Enstone. Tl Cal. C. R. 1^02-7, 1^4 ' 2-j fcbld, 203. (3) Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Glouces- trie. R. S. Vol. I.p.4-1 M Landboc, II, 205-6* i

The Earl received in turn the Abbey1s.permission to en• close a corresponding area in Spelsbury. (1)

Adjacent to thesd lands lay Wychwood Forest, in which, on June 16th, the Abbot and Convent obtained the Kingfs licence to assart 115& acres, in fee simple, at the very reasonable rental of 4/9& a year. Unfortunately for the Convent, all hope of repeating, such a bargain appeared to be eliminated by a proviso restraining the Community from holding any more of the waste land than had been granted to them by this licence.: (2) However, Enstone had been by no means fully exploited. There remained, as yet, the benefice which was in the Abbey's patronage. To this the attention of the Abbot had been directed for some time. A petition for appropriation met with Pope Clement V's support and, on August 2nd, 1307 he gave the living to the Abbey. He was moved by the reasons that the Abbot and Convent framed, for they declared that they were im• poverished to a dangerous degree by the flocking of the poor and faithful to the monastery for the necessities of life, by sundry oppressions and creditors draining the sup• plies needed for hospitality and alms-giving and the work of completing the Abbey.' The Pope stipulated that a secular priest was to be appointed to the Church, but, even after

T1 Landbdc, 1, 3ol-2 : 2) C. P. E. 1301-7, 531, and Landboc, II, 125-7 « Ills stipend had been paid, the monks could look f op a generous profit as the living was worth much more than the 40 marks a year at which it had been assessed for taxation. (1)

It was, however, one thing to obtain the authority to appropriate and quite another to enter into possession, as the Abbot found. Though the legal formalities were put In hand without delay they, and the satisfaction of those with vested interests in the benefice, took some time to complete. By September 12th, 1307 the Benedictine Abbot of Bardney had been appointed executor by the Pope and he was then in possession of the above Bull, together with instructions formally to notify the Bishop of Lincoln, (In whose diocese Enstone was) the parlshoners and others interested that the Pope had authoriged the appropriation. As soon as the present Rector resigned or died the Abbot of Bardney, by his chosen deputy, Richard of Reading, was to give public notice and let the Abbot of Winehcoa.be take possession of the Church and of; its emoluments. The Bishop of Lindoln was warned not to interfere and was threatened with suspension for the first week of his opposition and

UJ Cal. 'Papal Reg. Xl, 27, and Landboc, II, M-^. The reasons advanced to ob/fcain the Appropriation are

more conventional than specifically related tot fact. 130

excommunication for the next such week. The actual in• duction of the Abbot of Winchcombe, or his proxy, into the Church was entrusted to the Abbots of .Tewkesbury, iHayles, and Bordersley. (1) Preparations for the publication of the appropriation were settled by the Abbot of Barney*s commission to Robert of Wych, and Nicholas,Rector of twining to see that due notification was made in Enstone and the neigh• bourhood, as soon as the benefice was vacant.(2) The Bishop of Lincoln was opposed to a living in his diocese passing into the absolute possession of a JSonastery elsewhere and, despite the warning given to him, published a general Inhibition against any persons entering on a Church in his diocese without his permission and as long as the present incumbent was in possession.

;This declaration was clearly intended to hinder the entry of the Abbot of Winchcombe.(3) In addition, the Bishop went to considerable trouble to oppose the matter at Rome, where, however, he received scant satisfaction. In fact he was bluntly informed by Thomas, Cardinal of St. Sabina, that, his permission was not even necessary as the Abbey was the patron and had the benefice appropriated to (l) Landboc, II, 212 -6. ' ~" : (23 ibid, 224-5. (j) Landboc, : II, 217-8 / it by the Pope, that the Inhibition was considered there to be discreditable and to have been a hindrance and that there was peril in provoking the Pope by his conduct in this and cortain like cases. (1) -The failure of the-Bishop of Lincoln to oppose the entry ofthe Abbey in to the rec• tory left but one obstacle remaining, and this proved to be even more serious than an angry Bishop. As noted above, the appropriation could not take effect while the present Rector was in possession, and he, William de Haustede, was by no means backward in appreciating his position to the full. On March 11th, 1307 he- had resigned the benefice! of ^nstone, (2) almost five months before the Pope's appropriation of the benefice to the Abbey. Probably there was some illegal factor in his tenure, for i he;was also in possession of Rolendon Church in the Arch• diocese of Canterbury. Immediately .afterwards» he left for Rope and obtained the Pope's dispensation to hold both, on June 14th, 1307? being then provided to the Rectory of Enstone "with the title of 'commendam, "* and with licence to retain also the Church of Rolenden. (3) He was thus well fortified for bargaining with the Abbot who, doubt• lessly, was anxious to have the Rector gone. These nego- UJ Landboc, .11^-216-9. rT?=p^~" —— (2) ibid, 224 (3) , Cal. Papal Reg. 1305-42, ^ol. II. 24, and Landboc, II, 222-4 tiations were very protracted, and it was not until January 1st, 1309 that the Abbot was able to secure his induction by proxies. One of the proxies was Robert de Owdeby, monk of Winchcombe, the other, John de Wickewane who, sixteen years before this had been presented to Hawling at the age of fourteen, had now become Rector of Bledington with the support of the Abbot.(1) A little later, on December 6th, 1309, the reasons for the late Rector's opportune retirement became obvious. He had been bought out, and at a very stiff price! The terms, to which he made the Abbot agree, secured to William de Haustede 80 marks a year for his life. Now the living was assessed at 40 only, but the Rector knew its real worth, and he determined not to lose by helping the Abbot into his Church. Having made certain that the money would be paid to him he was, presumably, able to go off to his other parish in Kent.(2) On December 21st 1309, John.de Twywell was presented by the Abbot and Convent to be first 'Vicar' of Enstone, on the nomination of the Bishop of Lincoln. The right to nominate had been conceded to the Bishop in compensation for the surrender of episcopal claims, at a vacancy. By the terms of the bond to this effect, dated December 24th, 1309, the Abbot and Convent had to present the Bishop's TX) Landboe, II, 225-/'. ' (2) ibid, I, 259-260. 133

nominee within a month, otherwise the Bishop could pro• vide a Vicar. During a vacancy in the See, the nomination was to be exercised by the Chapter of Lincoln. Enstone was no longer the great living it had been as a Rectory, for henceforth the Vicar received 15 marks a year,(l) but even so it was a trifle better than most ot the vicarages in the control of monastic rectors, which averaged about ten marks* The costs of the appropriation were borne by Walter the Kason, who was in receipt of a corrody in the Abbey,(2) Nevertheless, the Abbey was experiencing difficulty in meet• ing its liabilities, for the Abbot was owing Hugh de Norman- ton the large sum of $200 on December 4th, 1309. (3) How• ever, within the Abbey all was in order when the Prior of i Worcester visited it on the Friday after the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin in 1308, (4) (during theWorcestershire riiot. Socty. shared, in varying proportions by the Gonvent, the Vicar of Winchcombe and the Hector of Toddington. 5?or example, the Abbey had the tithes of corn, hay and lambs in Gretton, the Vicar of Winchcombe had the leaser tithes, except from one and half virgates; and the Reetor of Toddington had the corn and hay from six other fields. In^ddle-Stanley, the greater tithes went to the Abbey and the lesser to the Viearj but, around the Stanley "where the Gourt House was," there the monks had all the tithe from one field, but the rest were divided in the proportion of three to the Abbey and one to the Rector, save the tithes of lambs where the, proportion was two to one. It is not surprising that disputes were bound to arise at the autumn collections between the three different groups of collectors, who were often in error concerning the portions, due to their masters, and that losses and scandals ensued* With the object of preventing a continuance of these troubles the parties con• cerned agreed to amend and simplify the master on September 30th, 1310. Thd agreement provided the Abbey* with, ail the tithes of corn, hay, lambs and live death dues in Gretton, y and made the tenants there parishonere of WinchcoQjbe •. The Vicar received the lesser tithes and dead death duss the^e, and the Roc tor had everything and everyone in the .Stanleys* £1} TJ3 Register of Bishop Walter Reynolds, p.22 ff. K. A. Wilson, Worcestershire Hist. Society, 192?, and Landboc, II, The same Bishop cleared up a similar dispute between the Abbey and the Eector of Haeelton and^anworth, .Ellas de Dayton, on March 29th, 1313. (1) ^his friction had been long-standing, as both parties were before the Arch• deacon's Official as far back as December 13th, 1299»(2) but, as the Bector remained obdurate, the Pope commissioned the Abbot of Evesham to settle the matter. Sis enquiry resulted in the apparent submission of Ellas on July 27th, 1301, (3) yet the Eector still continued to press his claims to the annoyance of, and detriment of the Convent. The trouble was that the Eector had plenty of precedents « for-his claims, for, since the appropriation, the Abbey had lost control of the benefice through their negligence and simplicity and by the practice of the Abbots in pre* senting their own nephews who, taking advantage of their kinship and the suffranee of the bailiffs, had unlawfully occupied lands, etc. belonging to the Abbey. Elias,was, not 'unnaturally, loth to lose what he held to be his long existing rights*(4) Common friends brought the conflict- ing parties together, and the Abbey secured the corn tithes and live death-dues, while the.Eector had most of the rest.(5) , In the following Michaelmas the Convent presented fij' Landboc, II, 337- ~ (21 ibid, 344. (3> ibid, 342 (4) Register Walter Eeynolds, 69. O) Landboc, II, 339-340 136

another Rector, Robert de Alne, to the Parish^ as Ellas had resigned in order to receive* on the Wednesday/after, a corrody from the Abbey. It included a chamber near the Abbey, food and clothing for himself and groom, and £ keep.* for a horse.. .Provision was made for this to continue if he went away; and, if he so desired, he could have £20 a year instead of everything specified in the corrody, on giving adequate notice. (1) /The last considerable acquisition of property was the grant to enable the Convent to enclose 60 acres of waste on their manor at Enstone, out of Wychwood forest, despite the prohibition of 1307, on June 12th, 1311.<2) Many smaller grants were received by the Convent dur• ing the reign, among which were a yardland in Honeybourne; 5/- rent in Windrush; and 1614 acres in Gretton from Blias le Botiler, on December 2nd 1292; (3) 19/4 rent in Throp on March 26th, 1300; (4) 20/3 rent, a messuage, an acre of wood and a carucate of land in Cotes and Throp, from John le Brun on May 9th, 1303; (5) land in Twining; and a messuage and land in Cotes on February 1st, 1306. (6£

The corrodies and various maintenance grants were TTT Landboc, I. 317? 8./ ~~ (2) CP. R. 1307-13. 351. (3) Landboc, II, 123. (4) ibid, II, 114 and C.P.R. 1292-1301, 497. (5) C. P. R. 1301 -7, 141 (6) ibid, 414 137

not very beneficial to the Abbey* John West had given all his land for his corrody, (1) but John the Mouse had on©, on the strength of his service. (2) For 40 marks, Robert de Sutton, Eector of Dursley, secured a splendid corrody which included accommodation for two horses and a groom, but the Abbey would only support -the one horse. It would appear that he felt the cold, as ho bargained for 30 horse loads of large firewood to be delivered to his chamber. (3) A grant of a robo a year and "food with us" v;as made to Richard of Snowshill on July 15th, 13.10* This was given for his past services at home and abroad and in anticipation of his further attention to, business, and it was to continue until a suitable benefice could be found for him. (4)

Another Abbey servant, John the Messenger, also had the promise of maintenance during service and in his old age. The grant, dated August 11th, 1311 included the usual 'robe a year' to the value of 10/-, and a further 3/4 for boots. (5) From 1300 onwards the Convent did not escape the im• position of royal guests and claimants. John le Blak, in consideration of his long service for the King and his father, and bein% now too infirm to continue as on envoy, TTF Landboc, I. 129. (2) Sept. 22nd, ibid. (3) ibid, .298-300 (4) Landboc, I. 143 (5) • ibid, 314-15 138

was sent to Winchcombe on January 10th, 1310. (J) He feceived a fairly substantial grant; that is, if he and the William le Blake, also described as 'sent by King Edward II,1 are one and the seme person, as is most proba• ble. William's grant, made on March 26th, 1310, pro• vided for the possibility of hi3 wanting to sell the amount of food, allocated to him when he was;;' away and not able to consume it . (2) Claimants of another type, for whom the monks were compelled to provide, were two clerks seeking benefices. William de Herton, at the request of Prince Edward, had to be paid an annual pension of $ marks by the Convent, from Monday before St. Barnabas 1307» until he had been found a living by them.(3) On March 26th, two years later, "John de Hertulle had Papal authority for his demand that he be appointed to a benefice at the next vacancy among the Convent livings, saving to Haselton or to Twining.

* Until the monks were able to satisfy him, they had to grant him a mark a year. (4) Apart from these outgoings, which were devoid of any compensations to the monks',' there were other ceaseless de• mands from both King and Pope. Aid was requested for the UJ Gal. C. R. 1307 - 13, 241. (2> Landboc, I. 313. (3) Landboc, I, 296-7 (4) ibid, 305-6.

v war against Scotlandt on January 23rd, 1310* (1) and, because toe Abbotts response was not? immediate* a clerk was sent by the King on .May Hat, in the next year, to see into the reasons for the delay. (2) Knights*;, service proved expensive and tended to increase. As far back as 1166, the Abbey was called upon to provide for two at a charge of 4 marks; <3) while, In 13QQ» a Jury .found that JEnstone was held by the Abbey for two knights' fees. (4) Moreover* between 1232 and April 17th, 1311i Walter de ^ickewane rendered military service thrice in the rjffelsh campaigns and four tidies in the Scottish* During the same period he Jjad to contribute yearly a tenth of spirituals and temporals to the Pope. To the King he paid "some-times a half or a fifth, more frequently a ninth, or an eleventh, or a thirteenth of temporals. Every year there came'one, sometimes all the oppressions fell in a single miserable year, to the tota$ amount of £1, 500•" <5)

TT3Cal. q. R. 1307-12* 261; 02) ibid, 357 (3) Khowles, M.O. 712 (in 1159 7& marks.) (4) Landboc, II, 180. (?) Walter de Wickewane*s Constitutions, in MS.Cotton, Cleopatra, ?.ii.» fol. 216-219b., Landboc, II, lvii, Dugdale, II, 304-9. 140

CHAPTER T.WEfcVE.

Despite the. burdensome taxation already mentioned and the relatively slender income of the Community, - it had been assessed at only £110 a year in 129-1.'- (1) Abbot Walter de Wlckewane was able to undertake a consid• erable amount of building in and around the Abbey, In the Abbey Church itself, he had the Presbytery vaulted and added Chapels to the north side. Timber was obtained in large quantities for the construction of sixteen granges and sheepfolds* some of which may have been erected on the more distant demesnes. ^(2) fi!he cost of this must have been considerable and, v although William de fherington had given j£AQ towards the work(3) and Pope Nicholas 31V the grant of an .Indulgence of a year and forty days for penitents who visited the monastery on the feasts of the Virgin and St. geneim, probably in aid of the same -cause, <4) expenditure out- atripped receipts during one period, so that the Abbot was compelled to divert to the Sacrist» who was responsible til Pope Nicholas Tax. Keci, Com. 45, 228, 232. (There were other sources of revenue not included, e»g. 40 sacks of wool sold at an average of 15 marks a sack. Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and N Commerce, I, 640.) (2) Landboc, II, lvii-lviii (where H3. Cott, Cleop. B»ii, fol. 2I6-219b (and Dugdale, II, 304^9) is con• veniently sttamaEiSed.) (3) Landboc, I, 299 n. (and above MS. fol. 230d and Dug- dale 308 .A (4) Cal. Papal Reg. I. 541 (quoted by V.C.H. II, p.68.) year 1291. .• 141

for the work, funds usually allocated to other uses* Thus the tithes of Sudeley, the heriots and some of the tithes of ^incheombe, and 4/- a year out of the rent of a shop owned by the Convent within the North Gate of Gloucester were made over for this purpose. (1> With• out doubt the position would have been eased if the Abbot had been able to secure the fruits of Enstone Church, appropriated in part for this very season, but little or nothing could be looked for from there while the ex- Rector continued to live and draw his large pension. Nevertheless, the initiative and ability of the Ab• bot were neither confined to, not exhausted by, the above worfc prosecuted in the face of so many difficulties, fop he managed at the same time to increase the amount of . help given to those who were dependent upon the Abbey and to raise the standard of living for his brethren within it. The Constitutions that he drew up for the govej^imeat of the monastery bear witness to the not Inconsiderable assistance regularly rendered to the poor in the district, though it is probable that some of the doles may have been made prior to his time and that he has not included ali that was given away in a .year. JKiat he did was to ensure TS3 ;X.andboc* l> 299 n* ' 142

that the Obedient aries responsible for such charities had income settled upon them adequate for the due discharge of their obligations. (1) -Twice a year corn was given to the poor > 3?rom .St. John's day (December 27th, until St. John Baptist's day (£une 24th), the Kitchener made his dole of grain, (-2) and there was another on each of the first three Thurs• days in Lent, made by the Pittancer. (3) The Almoner distributed a dole of some kind every Monday in the year to the poor, charged on th© tithes of Winchcombe Parish Church and on the sheaves from Gretton and Stanley. (4) On St. Martin's day, cloth was given out and, about the same, time, flesh provided out of the proceeds from the sale of the Convent's sheepskins- and hides. (5) The Pittancer gave another dole worth 13/4- on St* Brice fs day (6) and a similar sum was forthcoming front the Kitchener on the 29th December (St. Thomas of Cantej?- bury). (?) Property in Twining and Sherborne brought in TT7~ MS* Cott. Cleop. B. ii, fol. 21fc-219b. summarized in Landboc, II, Ivii-Zxi. (All future references to the Constitutions will be those in the Landboc•> (2) Landboc, lix. (3) Landbod,. II, lxi. (4> ibid, Iviii. ibid. C6J ibid, lxi. (?) ibid, lix. an unspecified sum fox a dole that wag made by the lat- tea? official on November 22nd. (1)

The constant presence of pilgrims and travellers ' made demands on the hospitality of the Abbey and, towards the cost of this, the Abbot allocated 6d a year out of the rents of several houses in the town and.the entire rent of 'Jjittlemeadow.^ ^fe-^C?6t^|Qr- was expected to spend not less than a penny a night on fuel for the lower hostelry where the less eminent guests were accommodated.(2) Jfhen important people stayed they were, as a rule, set uat the Abbot's table, and the charge borne by hinu. Abbot

:Walter de Wlckewane did his best to mitigate the excep• tional Lenten austerity, for he provided the Kitchener with the funds to obtain 20/- worth of fish for the two Tuesdays in the fortnight following Septuagesima. This supplemented their normal fare of eggs and milk during the fast period. 0) Property in Cotes was allocated to the same official to buy fish for other times. (4-) It TTJ Landboc, II, -Tlx.' 1 ^ ' n • (2); ibid The Almoner was the official primarily concerned with the distribution of alms. The Pittanoer provided all the materials for the pittances or extra dishes which supple• mented the normal monastic fare on Feast days. The Kitchen• er was responsible, for all the food from the time it came to the kitchen until it reached the refectory. The hostil- er was in charge of the guests* accommodation. (2) Landboc, II, lix* ' (4) ibid. 144 would* seem that at ©4?her times flesh Aid not always ap»-

peaa? on the table even when it was permitted toxthe monks, so the Abbot set aside that meat should be provided on four days in any week between Trinity and Holy Grose at a charge of 2/6 on lands in Throp and Cotes. (1) From 1309 onwards, for two days within three weeks of Advent, Septuagesima and Quinquagesima Sundays the Subcellarer had to provide paste for nine pies (picae), without di• minishing the normal rations of bread. (2) The Corndene property recently acquired by the Abbey s was employed by the Abbot as the place to which the monks were sent for the periodic blood-letting. $hey went up there in groups perhaps three to five times a year be-* tween Easter and All Saints, and, after the operation, remained to recuperate for four days. \$hat had once been a,routine parctice for their he aith had by this time be• come the occasion for a break from monastic strict disci-: plfne and a .period eager 1$ looked forward to by the younger monks at- leas/t. While away, they were allowed two cups of;.beer daily, and a 4d pittance was added out of> lands at Cotee. But all was not playtime, the daily h^urs had to be said and at least one mass b^eard for the souls of the Abbot*s parents and the dead- • was left ,to the

— i^ndbec, ' ^!, mx\-,- ! ! ' ' 1 v " ;i . (2) ibid, Xxi N/ 145

/

Kitchener and the Refectorer to see that precautions were taken against recourse by the * invalid' monks to taverns and also against their "dropping in" to see their brethren at the Abbey. ,-From 1309» it was permitted that the no~ 'vlcee might go with the others to be bled, but they were forbidden to go out for morning play! ^1) Provision was also made by the Abbot for a consider• able number of masses.. The Kitchener, to whom the rent from the lands assarted at Enstone was paid, had to cele• brate thrice every week, on Wednesdays and Fridays-, for the Abbot, his parents, and all faithful souls, and, on Saturday, In honour of the Virgin* The Almoner, from 13G7 onwards, celebrated mass for the souls of Bishop God• frey Giffard, William de Cheltenham and others. (2) The Infirmarer, because he received the rent from the houses left by William de Cheltenham in Gloucester, said a mass on every Wednesday for the soul of William, whose name henceforth was entered in the Missal Commemoration list, n in lieu of the chaplain originally required at St. Mary de Crypt Gloucester. (3) After the death of the ex-Rector of Enstonei~ when the Abbey at last secured its 60 marks, three masses were to mark the two days on which the money was received.^ : ;A special mass, with two Chanters, was sung TD Landboc, ii. lx. (2) ibid, lviii. (3) ibid, lix. 146 1

on the anniversary of William de>.OJ&ringto& .who haoV.given £40 towards the Abbey building fund. His memory was fur• ther honoured by a repast for the monks which,, the Pittancer provided out of the 28/8 granted by the Abbots (1)

A little light Is thrown on the working of;, the domes• tic finances within the Abbey by these same Constitutions. The Prior, for instance, was permitted "to winter 30 sheep of the Lady Chapel" with the Abbotts, in return for houses in Mill Street. (2) Clearly both monks possessed sheep and regarded them as a sound investment, as indeed they were in the days before Consols and other gilt-edged invest•

ments, for wool brought in^a very good price. ;In sheep, the -Prior had obviously invested some of the Chapel capital*i The transaction shows too, the concern felt by the Abbot that the Prior should not gain at his expense. When each was thus looking to his own there was little chance of their accounts getting muddled? Mention is made too of the persons responsible for the collection of some of tBae revenues. The Abbey Bailiff went round the town to collect the rent for the Obedientar- ies and to execute distraints. When he was so engaged, a T) Landboc, II. Ixi. ~~ ' 2) ibid, lx. 147

brother accompanied him, no doubt as a precaution and check. (1) The Sacrist had his own Collecting Clerk as well{ for both of whom provision was made in the Abbey.(2) There was also a Brevitor, who had a clerk, and these had the same fare as the obedientaries while they were not out on business. (3) The duty of keeping the records of the various business transactions was entrusted to the Succentor who was obliged to enter them up in the Landboc. (4)

The death of Abbot Walter de Wickewane, sometime before the end of May 1314, brought to a conclusion a strenuous and very prosperous period of service. Under his wise and able guidance the Abbey had been rescued from debt, numerous and crippling demands met, large and valuable properties acquired, the Abbey enlarged and its inmates' existence ren• dered more tolerable. To the very last, dedpite what must have been a fair age, the Abbot showed no signs of diminu• tion in his powers, and his concluding transaction on behalf {1} Landboc, Ix. (2) ibid (20 ibid, lxi. (4; Quod nulla littera sigillo conventualii quodcum que eontigat, aliquando extra claustrum deferatur; prius- quam per Succentorem aliumve per eum in Landboc, seu aliis locis, prout negotium requiret, scrlbatur, ex toto, quibus aiebus iste ordinaciones l&gantur. Constitutions. Landboc, I. 55*-56 n. . 148

of,the monastery was entirely characteristic of the man's whole life and his unwavering devotion to the welfare of the Abbey. This was the purchase, for ,£40, of the cus- tody of the Abbey during vacancies. (1) For the repose of his own body and soul he did not omit to make provision.: It was his desire that he should be laid to rest before the Altar in one of the Chapels that he had built, and that masses should be said there perpetually for the repose of his soul. (2) For the souls of all whom he might have wronged, by any acquisi• tion or otherwise, and of all the faithful, ,he left the tithes of sheaves and hay near Gockbury and Gretton, pre• sumably to provide for masses. O) On his own Anniver• sary, mass was to be said and 20/- expended on a repast for the brethren. (4)

If a tribute is needed to this able and pious man, no better can be found than in his own words, devoid of > all unjustified boasting, with which he concluded hie Constitutions. "Thus all things touching the House have a prosperous consummation and its state on all sides abides in peace." 05) CI} Landboc, II, Ixi. (This concession excluded the escheator during an interregnum.)" C2) ibid, lviii. (5) ibid, lxi. (4> ibid, lx. (55 ibid, Ixi 149:

CHAPTER 'Q?5JEDSEEf-.

On Kay 31st, 1314 the news of the death of Walter de Ifflckerane was: brought to the King at Hewmlnsterv by Eichard de Idbury, the Cellarer, and William de Preston, the Sa• crist, to whom Edward II gave licenee to the Abbey to elect a successor. (E> The Convent thereupon proceeded to

elect Thomas de Sherborne, their Priorr as the next Abbct. Notification of the choice was made to the Bishop of "Worces• ter, and the royal assent given on June 25th, (2) and, on the 10th of the next month, the temporalities were ordered to be restored by the escheator, as the election had been confirmed by the Bishop. At the same time the writ 'de intendendo' wag issued to all knights, freemen and tenants of the Abbey. (3)

The appointment of a man who had served as Prior unde£ the late Abbot promised well for a continuation of that prosperous policy that had marked the long reign of Walter de Wickewane so it is not surprising that, when Bishop Walter Maidstone (13X5-17) visited the Abbey in 1315.' found nothing to correct. (4) In fact the Abbey was prospering, for,Edith, widow of William the'-Smith, of Cotes, was giving and selling, on

(ij c:: ••p.wB-; 131$??. p. 119 ! " ~~ (2) ibid, 126 (3) ibid, 155 (4) 7,'orc. Epis. Begs. fol. 24,c,f. V.C.H. 151 poralities followed on the first of.the next month. (1) Within two years, the new Abbot was deeply involved in business affairs. The first of which was another dispute with the Vicar of Winchcombe, William de Preston, who was, it would seem, that same monk who had accompanied Richard de Idbury on his first journey to court in 1314. He had been appointed Vicar, in 1317, (2) by the Abbot and Con• vent, the Patrons and his bretheren, but that did not pre• vent him from entering into a dispute before the Bishop, who, in 1318* commissioned the Abbot of Cirencester and Master John de Bloyon, Official, to act for him jointly or separately in the matter. (3) As no more is heard of the matter, whatever was the trouble, it was presumably smoothed out without much difficulty.

On March 16th, in the same year, the Abbey obtained the King's lieence to acquire the Manor and advowson of Rowell, near to Winchcombe, from the Benedictine Abbot and Convent of St. Evroult at Ouche, in the diocese of Idsieux, Normandy. (4) In exchange for this, by licence obtained on March 25th, 1319, Winchcombe undertook to pay T} C.P.R. 1313-7, 481 2; T. B. Meurig-Bavies, 'A Handbook to Winchoembe Parish Church,' 30. (30 Register of Bishop Thomas Cobham, (1317-27) E. H. Pearce, 1930. (4) C.P.R. 1317-21, 121 and Landboe, II. 121-2. The lieence cost 40/-. (The Manor had been granted to St. Evroult in 1061. Domesday Survey of Gloucester• shire, C. S. Taylor, p. 144) In the Survey Rowell was assessed at 10. hides and valued at410 p.a. both in the time of King Edward and the year of the Survey, when its population was stated to be 21 males. 152 an> annual rent of £20; to St. Bvroult, charged on the Manors of Admington and Dry Marston. (1) At Bnstone, various local landowners held claims and rights to the lands recently assarted "by the Convent. These were gradually persuaded to renounce them. .John of Weston, Lord of Bloxham, released all his rights on May 31st, 1320? nine days later Walter de Shogngto^ proved equally generous and the next day Ecbert de Trillowe fjelL into line. (2). On the-Sunday after February 2nd, 1321, Egnry the Splce^ also waived his claims, (3) and byi July 7th, 1322 William de Leie, the last such owner, had1 been persuaded to make concessions. 04) All these re• missions appear to have cost the Abbey!, 100 marks. (5)

From the time when it. had been granted b^ King Edward the Confessor, Winchcombe and St Peter1 s Gloucester bad TD C P. E. 1317-21, 322, and.iandboc, Ii, 122-3. j^Ehe licence cost Winchcombe 10 marks.) ptt v/ould appear that St. Evrouiii nad more thajfi the ^'a irear; &s; the Maix^ri but not the. patronage bf "the••';#Luycfi, of Bledington was assigned to them in 1$19« Note kindly supplied by th© Rev. Stephen Liberty, Vicar of BledingtohO DSgdale, II, 312, cited by^7. H. states that £5Q0 was, also paid at .tfJhe tij&e of the transfer. 42) &a»dboc, :JX, 208 - 210. 13) ibid, 207 (4) ibid, 211-2 (5) Dugdale, ^J, 312, which payment, 1 conclude, to have been made in consideration of these concessions. ..." 153

shared the expense^ of and prof its from a fishery^ at P^amilode on the River Severn. Towards its upkeep, Winch- comhe was bound to provide the small timber and Gloucester the large. (1) The Abbot and Convent sougftt and obtained licence to alienate their share to Gloucester on Oct. 28th, 1320, in exchange for an, annual payments by Gloucester of £4, together with qui&tanoe o%the 2©/- that, Wineheombe had been paying; to St, Peter *p for Its Yanwo^th Manor ever since the time that it had been purchased from the Advocate

of Betkune.;<2}£he Abbot of Gloucester gave his forme® quit• tance for the rent on Yanwonth on MarGh 25tb, 1321 .($)•. and he released all rights in that Manor in Hilary Term, 1322. (4)

fhe sale was probably forced upon Winchcombe by reason of the recent heavy costs involved In the purchase of Low• ell Manor and living and the ^Bnstohe transactionsv Certain• ly the Abbey was ^ti debt afcotzt this' tiifce *6o Gloucester for Its., share of the upkeep of the fishery. However these debts were all paid off and a receipt obtained from -the Abbot of Gloucester on November 3£>th» 1323 (5) and the fSD Hist, et Cart. Mon. S. Petri. Glos. Vol. HI. p. 276, and liandboc, I, 226. 2) C. P. £. 1319-21, 516, and Landboc, II, 116. 3) Lahdboci ,11, 317, and 354-5- 4) ibid, 330 5) Landboc, -I. 331-2

• • 154

wfjrole matter was wound mj by a general quitclaim from Gloucester, dated December? 1st, 1323. (1) In the midst of these exchanges of property., the Abbey was called upon.to entertaim its Batron, the King, when he came th^re on Dec. I7th, 1321; having journeyed from Cirencester where he had spent the previous two days. However, his stay was notprotracted, as he reached Wor•

cester by January 2nd. (2>; Kin$ Edward 111, shortly af• ter his accession, strayed in Winchcombe from -December l?th to the l£th, 1327. <3) •She Abbot and Convent saw even less of their Dioces• an than their King, jfor'Thomas de Cobham does not appear to have visited the /House at all during his episcopate, 1317-27; ^4) but, on June 5th, 1322, /Robert le Petit, Bishop of Cionfert, came to the Abbey in his stead (5) and ordained to various Orders 102. candidates. <6) Of these,

59 received the Sub^diaconate-, 2$ the #iocana^ef apd 23 the Priesthood. (7) Among them were three of the monks from ihe Abbey: JJibfcdlae de E^esha© made Sub-deacon and

(2) C. P. R.« 1322-4 . 44. (3) C. P* R* 1327-30, 104-5 (4) SfHQEAS DE COBHAE, 'Itinerary* 254-5, E. H* Pearce. S.P. C. KV <5) AGISTER OF BISH.0P fSOMAS DE C0BHA1, 125. E. H. .Pearce, ^drceitershire Historicai Societyi" 1930. C6>) THOMAS DE COBHAM, 74. (7> ibid, Appendix I. 253 Richard and ftnfrerus do Tewkesbury made Priests. (1) Despite his deposition from Clonfert* Robert le Petit came again to the Abbey two years later and held another Ordination. (2) The next Bishop of Worcester, Adam de Orleton, 1327- proved to be far more concerned in the state of the Abbey - probably to the Abbot's dismay - for he framed fresh Ordinances and made corrections on July 12th, 1329 after his thorough visitation .(3) He demanded stricter conduct in the matter of the daily and nightly offices, and ordered every priest-monk to say Mass daily at which the younger monks were to take their proper part* He complained that there was far too much talking going on, especially in Church, Cloister, Refectory and Dormitory; some of it with women, religious and other• wise. It should be permitted only when necessary, and then should be brief and in the proper place and a^ the right time* The hours of silence were to be strictly observed * under pain of the offender's loss of his alliOw—-- .' U) R^ISTJIR OF BISHOP THOHAS DE COBHP, 126-7* Bishop Pearce (THOMAS DE C0BH^,77) trace0 156 of the ordinands to their monasteries during this epis• copate. Eleven earne from Winchcombe* wjhen this num• ber is compared witli those from o^EteE Houses some lights,.' is thrown oft. the relative strengths ot the re• spective communities* $here were from Tewkesbury; and Pershore £0 each; Gloucesterg St. Peter's,9i Hay^es 6; \Great Maivetn 3\ and little Malvern 2. &2) Sede Vacante, 261 (3) Wore. Bpis. Regis. Orleton, fol. 31d. 156

anc.es.

JJUhe mon&s were "bidden . to stay In tbe Abbey and spend their time in meditation, ©tody, reading, writing and in repeailing their offices, but not to wander about the town and countryside alone, 30he younger brethren, were f^rb^oV den to go out at ail* She habit o£ many in sitt&ng about and drinking after fiftnfleg and supper was ^eepQciai^r.condem• ned.

A|tl needless extravagance was to be corrected and* instead q£ tire monks throwing away the fragments or pox**, tions of the .^Efes^eotoicy or Is$iamary £ape» oa? giving, it to favoured servants of the House* the bits wotf© to be col• lected £ or the Almcrier to dole out to the poor. Qffen'ces in this respect, without the Abbot*s leaze, entail&& ^6a>-

^eiture'. cr£ a sum equivalent to the amount lost to the monor, because "such an one is a tfudas, the traitor* a thip£ tampering with the things put in the bag."

Oorndone, so lately appointed as a pleasant; place for the monks to spend their time after bleeding, waB put out of bounds for that purpose. It would appear that, laxity in the discipline had increased? so a more suitable. place had to be found* where food and oomforts in moderatfoii might be provided without risk of abuse.

Turning to parJfei&ilaa? officers; the Bishop enjoined, the Abbot to govern with supreme wisdom* by the- Buleand, 157

to ensure that> the monastic finances were.kept in good

order* i he ordered that all the obedientiaries responsible

for moneys should render accounts before th£ Natjiyity of

the Blessed Virgin Mary. Two Treasurers, each w£th a

key, were to be appointed to administer the common, fund

for the Convent. "She obedientaries were, at;;the will

. o£ >the Qhapter, to make contributions as necessary. Appaj?-

en^tlyj isim Abbofe had. secured to his awn use some of the

proper^ that belonged to the brethren for he was ©#deiged

$,9 restore r^nts alleged to havp been taken from them.

Anqlsher cause ofj complaint appears to have beejj that? the^r

Abbot indulged in the private sale ofj wood, wool* dhee&t

lambs, and even oorrodies without the Convent's consent*

r5This had to cease, and, to regulate such matters* the com•

mon seal was to be $ield in sa$e |ze©ping and opl$ used

In the^ presence of the ^a^t^a?^h4<3h $as to settle all

business by a majority .vote.* ba£12£$s wore

to be appointed to the Manors%• and these and "the mo^^s

concerned were to render accounts by tally, with sished$il6

or Indenture attached* Thea^ a&thj&il ob^dl^tatfiea mvpo

not ^to be li^htliy removed -by

rubles for the appointment of the irlor and ,<3ellare j> wore

Cij It was ibojfe un£&ownformate t&sk one-. oeaQi tb^..'iSu. '

nee in an-Abbes?., a pitftetito- op&orfcuni&y' £or ;&aud. Omomom '©f' Z®CE&W of EPAfe^OHP, p* 60» <&a£to and Wlndus* 1931. 158

i to be strictly observed. Thus the Abbot, who appears to have extended his domination beyond justifiable limits, was prevented from discharging efficient officers in favour of those more likely to prove compliant to his schemes and extortions. Moreover, the Abbot was no long• er to appropriate to his own use the food of the Infirmary.

In the matter.of the servants of the Abbey, drastic reductions were ordered, superfluous men being sent away; and, to those who remained, no suspicious gifts of clothes etc. were to be made, but their wages and allowances paid punctually. Cuts were to be made in the matter of the monastic stables. None but the esquires might have horses, saving the poweir of the Abbot to grant one to a deserving inferior for business.

To ensure that these Ordinances were obeyed the Bishopt at the/ request of the Abbot and Convent, made som© fresh\appointments but those officials did no^ work well with the Abbot, so, shortly after December 7th,1329 the Abbot removed them and appointed others Sin whom he had more confidence, pleading that his privileges had been infringed. (1)

The Abbot, had some suggestions to make» of these the Bishop approved and they were incorporated in the ITT Uorc. Epis« Regis, Orlton, fol.ll. e.f. V.C.S. p.69 ^airiefeo©,8* These included provision for a solemn celer oration of Mass on Corpus ^^hristi and for the mention of the, Abbot? s name in the mass and its insertion in the His- eals* ?en marks were allocated^or a commemoration on J3t. Kary^.lTeigdalene* s day. On each anniversary of his ^ds&th^ marks were to be spent i- 3 for a refection and two the poor and commemorations of tfee souls of himself, ; '-'V;' • gi^bop Adam, • Abbot Walter, ^Walter the Mason and all the faithful. The requisite tfunds were- set aside for this 'during the Abbot*s lifetime. ;\ Ehe Abbot also agreed with- the Bishop that the pro• ceeds from |Instone Church should help the Convent in .ur• gent necessity and that aa^ repugnant or litigant monk should forfeit his share from that source. The Pittances, who held the Church at ^hstone under the Abbot, should ma;k£ the following quarterly payments«- 10 marks to the P/itchenor; 60/- to^the Sacrist on St. Kenelm's day; 6/8 '*-:."' . V to the Vicar (of^Bnstona); 6/8 to the Archdeacon of 0x-

ford for sequestration (sequestri commode.) (3$ The.

Fi^^anoer was liable;for the repairs to Enstone Church,

but if the proceeds from the income exceeded the antici-

pated ®0 marks,, the surplus was to go towards the Qonvent C3Q Enstone was in ihe diocese of Lincoln and the Archdeaconry of Oxford. 160

expanses; but when the income from there fell below that sum, it was to be made up to the Fittancer out of monas• tic money, without demur. The obligations of the Abbey to the poor of Enstone were recognised by the grant of 9. qrs. of corn. (1)

A list of those servants employed by the Convent at about this time makes imposing reading. There were at least 28 men and boys on the payroll and their total remuneration amounted to £5 5. 8, a year. This does not inelude the Abbot's own staff which numbered over 15» and cost their employer £6 3. 8.; but several of these would appear to have served the Convent as well, although listed with the Abbot's men, e.g. the Abbey Smith and the Carpenter. Kpreover, t&e Abbot appears to have paid high• er -wages- than did the monksforthe Abbey Cook received but §'/- a year wfc£le ^he Abbot's Cook was pa^d 6/8. (?)

Ci; A atfimalt^ these" ordinances is pointed in Landboe, fj*'$&i^lsiiv*" Y (2) .l^boo, £• 363-366 -5Ehe l$at 9f the AJbbey Servants is as follows t- $$Mfl$4£r for til® Cellarer, 6/8; ^he Porter, 5/-; ^eYpfpderporteri at the Abbotts will, because the

.TOfctfer- ought to pay,fe&ft* 3/r; fM&Bte* fex^eant of

*Jse X|»urca4 4/~; . J3nbBe;r^afct of tfoe^acr&stry, 3/-; /Befe

The annual pay roll was, therefore, considerably higher tbj^the above, total, would lead us to believe and must have' ^imposed a heavy burden on the monastic resources. During this reign of twenty-four years little substan• tial extra income was derived from grants made to the monks. If the Landboc records are complete, pious offer• ings showed signs of a severe slump.

Shortly after 1317» William Aderwyne made over hi$ fulling mill at Cotes and his lands around the town, in a^l.about 6& acres, to the Convent'in puram et pecpetuam ehon door Porter* 2/ti Swineherd,, 3/1-; Master tpannec* Under Tanner, 3As Carpenter Who finds the tubs, 3/-i 'Parlour', Serjeant, 2/-.

Tfte^ Abbotts ^erva&t$(«~ Butler i 13A, Sumpter, 6/8 ; Bsquire» ,10y»; Messenger , 6/8; Padgroom, 6/8; Chaplain *a groom, 6/8i Cook 6/8; ,Cellarer's Esquire, 6/8; Cellarer's groom, 6/8; Underbutler?, (probably paid by the Butler}; Farrier, 10/-; Abbey.'Sntith, 13/4; Smith's boy, 3/-; Abbot*.Q Miller, 5A; Carpenter, 13/4; Every K^nor. Sor-^eant, 10/-. > MTh;e Cfcamberlaln ottght. to pay his own sergeants- Lahdboc, £# 366; * ' 162 '

elemosinams.' (1) Edith* widow of William the Smith of Cotes, whose benefactions daring the last Abbot's short reign have been noted, was, in 1317i still well inclined towards the Qonvent. She granted an acre and a meadow on May 3rd, and, on July 25th, added eleven butts and some land on Pat combe Way, all in frankalmolgne. (2)

;€n Easter Eve, 1325, John de Sudeley mortgaged 40 acres of his meadowland between 5?oddington and .'Wormington to the Abbot for £136, undertaking that if the ground was not redeemed in his lifetime it should become the Ab- boat's absolutely. 4En the meanwhile the interest was fixed at 6 marks(5}5?his reasonable rate appears to have been more than ho was able to raise, oo the land passed t© the Convent 'In perpetuam elemoslnam' as soon as the royal licence was obtained on October 7th, 1329. (6)

Apart from the above grants and acquisitions, very little came in for the specific purpose of maintaining

TTJ Landboo, II. 45^ ! (2) ibid, 4?6-8 (3) ibid,.393-4 (4) ibid, 410 (5) ibid, 284-6 (6) ibid, 120 and 6. P. R. 1327-30, p. 450 163

the Abbey services. The solitary gift for the provision of lights in the Lady Chapel was that made by Walter, son of the Miller of Tewkesbury, on July 17th, 1321. He gave the Convent a messuage in Bete Street, Wincheombe. (1)

Very little other business was transacted. Five agree• ments with tenants are recorded between 1317 and 1328. (2) It is possible that there may have been some slackness at this time in keeping the accounts and records, or silence considered m;©re prudent, as the above dealings are certain• ly less than might have been expected in so lengthy a reign. Nevertheless, though the acquisitions were down in number and value there was no diminution in the demands made on the Abbey during this period. The heavy exactions of the Papacy are unrecorded by the Wincheombe monks, but; these is evidence in plenty for the claims made upon the Abbey by King .and Bishop. On January 26th, 1332 the King requested assistance from the Abboty,and Convent to enable him to meet the costs of the u^arriage of\his sister to the Gount of Guilders* This was an, unusual appeal and,, i£ met, was not" to create a precedents. But the King took no chances, for a clerk came with the request and had his instructions to put the Abbotts reply into writing. (3)

TT5 Lattdboc, II, 468-9 (2) ibid, 283 , 349 - 358 , 360 (3) Cal. C« £. 1350-3. 587 It would appear, however, that payment was anything but prompt, since 1$ was n^j until Feb. 12th, 1333 that the J£ing was able to record a promise from Winchoombe of 20 marks. (1)

3Por his wars* JSdward III had demanded and received 40 days* service of two knights, in the persons ©£ John de Bourdeval, Piers de Bourdeval, Thomas de Holdernesse and William de ?3iytwl7k.C2) He levied in great urgency, . a 3?enth for his campaign in Scotland, on November 11th, 1334 (3) and, on January 16th, 1336 followed it up with a demand for a levy on wool. (4)

3?he usual,. or perhaps more tkan usual demands were made fon? pensions for clerks and others from the Abbey. The first eame on July 17th* 1316* because of the new cre• ation of an Abbot. 3!his was f or-Slefcard of Worcester,

clerk, and ho was to ;be provided 'wfcfch a benefice .45) ^n- til he was satisfied the Abbey had to go on paying him 5 marks a year . ./(6)

;0n April 22hd, 131? William Severed was sent to the.

Abbey by the King, *t6 receive the necessities of life,*(7)

IT) Cai. C. H. 153$^ 'and C. P. R. 1330-4, 422, dated June 16t&, 1333. (Evesham paid 40 marks & St. Edmunds, 12+f- (2) Landboc, II, 229 C3) Cal. C. R. 1333 - 7. 356. (4) ibid, 1537-9. 634 (5) ibid, 1313-8. 424, & Landboc, I. 297. (6) Iiandboc, I. 297-8 (?) Cal. C. R. 1313-8, 462 165

and two years later, on August 12th, William de Chanter had authority to present himself for similar sustenance.(1)

But these three pensioners were as nothing compared with the next royal request. This was that the Abbey should make provision for a woman, Maude de Sydenham, granting to her the daily allowance of a monk, a suitable robe yearly and a house outside the Abbey Gate. The Ab• bot and Convent displayed marked reluctance and hesitation in complying with the novel demand, for, while -they had themselves sold oorrodies to women before this, it was the first time that the King had sent a woman to them. With their silence in the matter Edward III grew impatient and, on November 28th, 1320; sent another demand to which he, expected an answer bearing the Convents seal. (2) Un• der this compulsion the Abbey made a substantial grant, which they ante-dated to February 3rd, 1320; probably to excuse their delay.. Maude was no small drinker. She de• manded her two gallons of; beer a day. Her appetite was of a similar orderx- two full dishes of food from the Ab• bot *s as well as -tfro more of Convent pottage. To illuminate her house in Vinyard Street, she drew 12 lbs of Paris candles; and kept warm with two seams of firewood

11) Cal. C. fe. lj*l£-2V 208 ' ~~ (2) ibid, 344 delivered every week. Her bedding litter was renewed thrice a year, and her annual robe and pension cost the monks three marks. A^bbge^ler, Maude must have been a heavy drain on the Abbey resources. (1) ^The death of one of the King's pensioners did not bring any lasting relief to the monks, as no sooner had such an one gone hence than the King presented another in his stead. When John de Martyn^den died., it was not long before John Jtoez was sent to replace him. He stayed with the monks - from December 20th, 1327 until his death c. 1340, (2) but his maintenance was far less burdensome to the Abbey than Maude's• For one thing, his thirst was much less, a mere gallon and a half of beer a day was enough for him. Nor did he eat as much, for he made Vk full dishes from the Abbot % kitchen suffice. Straw for his bed was changed but twiee in the year, "if needfulf" and his annual .suit was to cost but half a mark. (3) After his death, the King sent the ©onvent another guest> on March 4th, 1340. This was Thomas de Holford, king's yeoman, who had earned his pension for good service 'on either

, •. • . • • •.<•''' • side of the sea.' (4) Many of these gue^s lived too long for the monks* jbockets. There was John de Yatenden

TT3 Landboc, I?358-9 ~ (2) tfal. C. 1327-30, 241 C3> Landboc, E. 358 (4) Qal. C. R. 1339 -41, 455 167

still with them in 1320, after a sojourn in Wlnchcombe of over seventeen years, during which he had enjoyed ample accommodation for himself and groom* On June 24th, 1320 the Abbot and Convent revised his agreement with them and managed to cut it down somewhat; the groom and horse were sent away, but a mark a year had to be conceded to him. (1) It may well be that he was getting past horsemanship and needed 'little extras' in his old age*

The monks* burdens evoked little sympathy from the Bishops. Rather did the Diocesans add to them, for from time to time the Abbey was expected to find livings tor clerks sent by them. Bishop Thomas de Cobham, for ex• ample, having to make provision for poor clerks, bethought himself of the Abbey and its patronage; so he sent a re• quest, on March 14th, 1318 for a benefice for W<ar ¥eston of gtratford, and comMssioned the &bbo^ of Eftre- sh^^iio see that some thing was done in the matter. (2> Three years later, on May 25th, he coip&sEjioned the Abbot of Cirencester to see that Winchcombe provided William* the spn of William de St own, w;lth a living. C5) I* was .an ealy 4nd convenient- way of getting deserving clerics ad• vanced, but it bore hardly-upon the Abbeys with its limited

&% Xaftdbo'C;, I. 339^40. For the original grant see above,: p. 12®.. .; (2,) Register of Bishop Thomas de Cobham, p. 272. .-(3> ibid* ' patronage, so hard pressed by the frequent royal demands

of a similar nature* SJlthall those outgoings the Abbot and

6th, 1328 promising to settle for the #48.r 4. 0 worth of cloth received from him in the previous year and for that sent in the year of the bond, valued at £2?. 16s. 042) In an effort to make both; ends meet the Abbot and Convent added to the already numerous guests by selling more cor- rodies and making grants* Most of these were settled for unspecified amounts and, as will be seen, some of them for|a certain sum.V Possibly a few of these were granted

by t&e Abbot alonovand he wished to keep the business de• tails from his brethren. There were complaints from the Bishop ( Adam de Orleton) in his Ordinances of 1329 TT5 Landboc, I? ^36-7—— [ (2) ibid, ££3363 169 about this private sale of corrodies. After his visita• tion the traffic almost ceased and only one more was granted* but before it,, some twenty-two ©orrodies and grants had been entered into by the Abbot and Convent, either singly op jointly.

Some of the guests had paid well for what they re• ceived. In 1316, John de Somery, 'Sector of Bishampton, bought himself good accommodation and the services and maintenance of a groom and horse, ' but the price is not ' disclosed. (1), When the Abbey was in urgent need he revised the grant and paid down 140 more marks on July 16th, 1320 for much more elaborate fare, fraternity and community, (2)

On February 24th» 1317 William Dousing, their wood- ...... / wadpd at Couridge, Twining and Stanton, ensured his main• tenance , when disabled, by paying £20 and promising half o$ his goods w£en he died. The, monks took care to see thast they were at liberty to check his property from time to time, to make sure that he was not making away with t£telr expected share, and also insisted that the accommodation might be withheld, until they were fully as- t siaj?ed that his incapacity was -genuine! (3)

TT5 ::£amdboc, 320-3 ' ' (2) ibid, 333-£ <3> ^andboG, I. 277-9 170

On August ICth, 1317 that same William Dastyn, with whom the Convent later entered Into a bond, managed to persuade the Abbot to grant a corrody to Margery of Alderton, in consideration of 140.marks. It was a good pricebut she expected much. Not only did she want her two gallons of beer, but also 6 pigs worth 3/- each for her larder, or two cows or oxen instead, every year. At Martinmas, she looked for 12 cheeses; on Ash Wednesday, 120 stockfish or 10/-, and 1,000 herrings or 8/-. Should her death occur within five years* then the Abbey*s liability was continued for a year in.Masses for the repose of, her sb.ul.(l)

For faithful service, Thomas Dogse of Hawling had a manorial servant's allowance and the promise of mainten• ance in his old age, on October 28th, 1321. (2) At that- time no price was mentioned in the Abbot's grant, but, on August 9th in the next year, he released all his inheri• tance in Hawling to the Convent, (3) a transfer that was perhaps foreseen from the first.

On the Thursday after the Epiphany 1322, Robert Bernard of Dumbleton, secured a corrody 'for a certain sum of money* and he was given a chamber under the 'Royal' Chamber', 0 f with "free access and egress, altogether respectable." "CD Landboc, I. 32S-3C ~ ~ ™~" (2) ibid, 341-2 (3) Landboc, II. 360-1 (4> Landboc, I. 343-4 ' ' For half hie goods at death, the Convent granted John of Radford Hall, on June 24th, 1323 a supply of corn and 2 acres of standing wheat, while well or infirm. (1)

The Abbot made Richard of Snowshill a grant which included plenty of food, and a lodging, with the option ot building his own chamber with Abbey timber. This*, as the agreement of August 15th, 1324 shows, was for foreign and home service rendered and also because the Abbot was

•mindful of a sum of money' paid by him. (2)

Another of those who managed to obtain present suc• cour for future payments was John, the Chaplain of Charl• ton Abbots.. On October 18th, 132§ he bargained half of his property, on his death, for a corrody, but in the meanwhile he had to help in the Parish and attend to the Convent's affairs in their cour&s. (3)

MIL addition to the clerks sent by others, for bene• fices ^rom^the Abbey, the Convent had to maintain .William de /Boseo until they found him a benefice. Even then he expected to lodge at f&o monks' expense - if &ls illving was near enough to allow him to go to and .fro; but, if

&andboc, ,1. 168-9 ^ 2) ibid, 352-4 , (3) Ibid, 356-7 1?2

too faj? distant to allow &£ this, the lodging and cos?rody had to be surrendered. .(1)

The only corrody to "be granted after the Bishop's Ordinance forbidding the traffic in such matters was that granted to John of Stratford on June 29th, 1332. The Convent allowed him generous fare and "board (2>,, but took care to make him swear to surrender it on obtaining a bene fice of greater worth. Until then, by an oath sworn be• fore the Abbot, Prior, Precentor and Seniors in Chapter, he undertook to be "faithful, profitable, patriotic, and a safeguard to the Convent." (3)

She rest of the ©orrodies and grants were all made in consideration of unspecified sums, or for services expeated or rendered. (4) Unless the sums paid were on a generous scale, or the services performed profitable to the Abbey, it is difficult to see how the Abbot and Con• vent could have benefited from their guests. It is true that ready money was obtained from some; but other© showed a return only after their deaths» and, until then, they, as well as those who had paid ready money were liv• ing among the monks and the Abbey servants} in all, a

(l)Xahdboc, 'l

Early in 134-0, Eichard de Idbury resigned, worn out by age and cares. He received a liberal provision from the

Convent and was given a chamber in the Infirmary. (1) Although he had served under Abbot Walter de lickewane, he failed entirely to rule with the same degree of wisdom and skill. Some, perhaps even mueh, business, was done apart from the knowledge and consent of his bre.theren and in defiance of the Rule. Moreover, by the seizure of Convent property for his ^rwn use and profit he provoked dis• cord and brought upon himself the Bishop*s displeasure.

(1) Wore. Epis. Reg. Bishop Wulstan Bransford, fol. 14, 34d, 38 174

Shis disgrace was made worse by the fact that Richard de Idbury had misused the trust and power with which the great qualities of Walter de Wiekwane had invested the office of Abbott towering as he had done above his- fel• lows in ability and zeal and yet retaining, their regard and affection.

When it came to bargaining with outside bodies, Richard de Idbury showed no great skill. His desire to obtain Rowell Manor and advowson was realized at far too high a price; that is, if he parted with and Bled- ington Manor, as seems most probable. For the comforts and wollv being of his monks he showed no concern, nor did he engage in building around the Abbey and Church. In falling thus far short of WaJr ter de Wickewane's accomplishments in these respects it is possible, perhaps not unjustly, to see sigiis, not only

of indifference concerning4 but even of displeasure or worse, with his m<«iks.

If Walter de Wickwane's rule marked the high water

limit; of monastic prosperityt Richard de Idbury's unmis• takably displayed the turning of the tide. 175

CHAPTE& FOUB$SEU.

The decline in the affairs of the Abbey noted in the last Chapter became more marked during the reign of the next Abbot. Per this the Prior and Convent wej?e, in part, responsible because, when they had the opportunity to elect a fit man to rule, they cho$e instead an unworthy Abbot, and in sueh an unfitting and irregular manner that the Bishop was compelled to quash their election*

The licence to elect was granted by the King, on. |2larch 27th, 1340; as soon as William of Gloucester and /William de Elmley, monks of Wincheombe, brought news to him of the eession of Abbot Richard de Idbufy. (1) 3?o their 6ho.lce of William de Sherborne the royal assent- was given on April 10th (2). However* there was trouble among the macks, cpnoerning the manses? of tfte election, foe Wal• ter of Tewk^shrai^ and Robert of Alderton-* 3JWO of the brethren, asad otfchers bore witness to William de Boys, -Sec• tor of Twining and Examiner of the Court of Canterbiar^ (3) that it» had been merely a preteaded election, etrfc s&or-t by a decree of the Prior and others.

A lengthy altercation onsoed when the Abb^t-elect, m—c. .p. H. i&^o't 44*. r~~ (2) ibid, 452. (3) William de Boys, probably was identical w^$h William de Bosco - clerk sent for benefice in the previous Abbot's reign. 176

Prior and Convent appeared before the Bishop's Commissary. The Bishop thereupon declared that he, with the counsel of legal assessors, found the election to be contrary to the form of compromise - uncanonical.

It was then declared to be null and void; and, with the consent of the Chapter, he suspended that body's power to elect. The Bishop announced from Alvechurch, on April 26th that he had provided the same William de Sherborne to the Abbacy, as "being worthy for his probity, ability and knowledge." (1)

Two days later, the King issued the mandate for the restitution of the temporalities to the Abbot, "who had been appointed by,the Bishop of Worcester after he had, for lawful cause, quashed the election previously made of the said William in the Conventual Church, to which elec• tion the royal assent had been given, and who had done fealty to the King." (2), $he Abbot, at last certain of his position, was installed by John de la Lowe, the; Arch• deacon, on the Bishop's authority^ given from Bredon on Hay 13th. (3)

In the midstv-of this internal turmoil a minor dis• pute was being waged between the Abbots of Winchcomb© and

CI) Wore. Epis. Registers, Bransford, fol. 35-• (2) C. P. R. 133^0» 477 (3) Register, Bransfbrd, fol. 35 177

Hayles over the lambs of the latter which had sought pas• ture in the Parish Cgiurch lands at Winchcombe. Under the seal of the Arch-deacon of Gloucester, the Abbot of Hayles agreed to pay 3/7)6 damages, 'for that once.' (1)

Perhaps because the Convent was still unsettled after the election, the Abbot failed to attend the Chapter of the Order held at Northampton on September 11th-13th, 1340. His excuse was not accepted and he was pronounced contuma• cious. (2) Nevertheless, he found that he had been ap• pointed to visit the Abbey of Chester; the Abbot of that house having been appointed Visitor for the monasteries in the dioceses of Coventry and Lichfield. (3) The Abbot, unlike some of the others appointed to similar functions, had performed this duty by the time thaft the heat Chapter ©as held at .Oxford on Sepfc. 9fch-l&th, i343. (4) Bat he does not appear to have attended that meeting; instead, he must have sent a proctor of sufficient standing. .(5) Another daity was thrust, on William of Sherborne for, on April 20th, =1340, while the election was still in dispute, he was appointed by the King to be one of the Collectors of the 9th Tax on lambs, flQ©e©s and sheaves. £6) Tfj . abandboe, II, 2^7 (2) Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. II. IS (3) ibid,' 16. (4) $£apterB of the English Black Monks, Vol. II. 21 (5) ibid, 1$ (63 CP. E. 1338-40^560 178

The business proceeded too slowly for the King, who was at war in France, and Edward III complained, on March 15th, 1341 that "by default of sending the proceeds of the same to him beyond the seas he had been compelled to make a truce with those of France." (1)

On September 29th, 1342 John Maltman of Wineheombe gave an acre of land to the Abbey Sacrist.(2) Such grants are rarely recorded at this time; due, in part, to a decided falling off in support given to the monks, and also through the efforts of the Convent to avoid payment of the fines for grants to receive property in mortmain. That some property had been received from time to time, and not always entered in the Landboc, is clear from the list of benefactions and grants made when the Abbot and Convent were granted pardon for having received houses from 14 different persons in linchcombe and on© each in Gretton, Cotes and Frampton; well oyer 40 acres of land and 9/- in rents in the above places on June 27th, 1344 at the request of the Archbishop of Canterbury.(3) U> 6. P. B. 1340-43. 1& "* ~~ (2) Landboc, II. 290-1 (3) C. F. 1343-5. 321 ff. (Several of the properties mentioned in the Pardon have already received notice above, but most have been omitted from the Landboc records.} 179

- ^\,The two jiext' years -were- marked by considerable lawless• ness in tfce locality. " Both Hayles' and .uinchcombe Abbeys suffered very considerably- from the armed bands that; were led by persons of some standing.

In 1345, Sir William Dastyh and others broke into tho close and houses of the Cistercians of Hayles at Uorming- ton, where they assaulted the servants and drove off horses, oxen,- sheep and swine to the Value of more than 'ICC ma^ks.(l)

"..'inchcoribe was • nore unfortunate in 1346* as an armed band of over twenty men, all named, and including four, Hu^h de Beycyn, Thor.as Gymcykyns, John de Tr'edington and John Telemoni described as 'chaplains,' came quite openly and broke into the • Abbey. ' There they assaulted monks as well asmonastic- servants and Carried atray a lar^e quanti• ty of the' goods #. Kore over* this attack was no mere • raid, as the criminals established a thorough blockade of the ' Abbey, - pre vent ins both- the-conveyance of f cod. to the monks ' and the performance of all acts of worship, and charity.:

The complaints of the Abbot resulted in a Commission of Oyer and Terminer being appointed on July 6th, 1346 (2), and, fourteen, days later, there was a warrant out for the

(1> 'Pax* ITo. 226. Spring^l943. p* .33.' Published by the 0, S. B. at Prinknash.Abbey, Stroud. (2) CP. R. 1345-8. 177 180

arrest of Hugh &e Beyeyn and his confederates who. were to he conveyed to the Tower of London. (1)

The Law, howevec, was not always on the side of the Abbey for, on Ha©ch Sth, 1347 the Abbotls servants, John Godale and the cook, William, were 'wanted* for the crime of breaking into the 3£axk at Hanley and into the Malvern Chase where they engaged in fishing and stealfcins deer.(2) The spirit of unlawful, adventure had; lingered on within the' Abbey wa^ls after the departure of the thieves and had: driven these, two men of the monastery some fourteen to eighteen miles in sear/ch of. forbidden food. There was lacking either a firm hand within the Abbey or sufficient sustenance for the servants•

Nor were the servants the only persons to be abroad without the consent of their superiors. Simon de Lega, monk of the Abbey, had discarded the cowl and the restraints

of reMgion abo,ut this time. Possibly the attentions of the four chaplains and their friends had alarmed him, or he too may have been short of food. However, the •world? did not prove up to his expectations and he desired to be reconciled* He sought and obtained pairdon from Pope

CiemeEt W, who, in 135©t requested the Bishop of Worees-

— .^:'P.'B. 134^, 162 1 '. <2) ibid, 307 tea? and $imom deSndblria, Papal chaplain and Ganon of

^IncQiliH *o carry out .tire ordinance- HoucMng apostates.1^!) If he was accepted att th® Abbey, he must either have left again within a short time, as he Is not among those named two years later, or he nay have died in the Black Death.

In 134B, a terrible outbreak of bubonic plague, call• ed the Black Death, spread from the ports of Bristol and Weymouth and raged throughout the country. For two years people died in great numbers, possibly one third of t&e population be£ng wiped out. Probably Winchcombe Abbey was more fortunate than many others in escaping r lightly, ao there are no references to deaths among the monks at this time. A& least three of*the community, , excluding the Abbot, whose name© are mentioned at the commencement of the reign were, alive when William de Sher• borne resigned in 1352* On the other hand, the Abbot and Convent appear to have numbered bute twentp in all, a rather smaller; number than •••flight have been expected, un• less they were not all present in Chapter/ ^Sept. 18th, 1352). > Hhe long continuance of the visitation, which as a If5 Qai. Papa£ Registers, Papal Letters, Vol. Ill, 392 rule took six or nine mouths to work out its virulence in any particular spot, seems to have demoralized .society. More robberies took place, a44 several monasteries suffer• ed loss. Wincheombe Abbey lost heavily when John de VaL of Broug^ton broke into the Abbot's close a$ Admlngtpn and carried away goods, assaulted the servants and took them off? as prisoners to Brougfc&on. Against him the

Abbot secured, at a^harge o&29A» a:-commission of Oyer and Terminer on 4pril 10th, 135©» (1) My

By this time the Abbot himself was in serious trouble. Reports of dilapidations and alienation of property at the Abbey were reaching-the Bishop of Worcester. He entrust- TTT.—e. a. i3%4o, —" :—"—:—~~~ (2) ibid, 13^9-56, 235 (3) P. 1. 1350-4. #4 183

ed the Arch-deacon of Uoreester, on June 4th, 1351, with the task of making an enquiry and visitation. (1)

Matters were carried a stage further when certain of the monks made their way to the Bishop in London and laid grave charges against the Abbot. (2) Thereupon the Bishop commissioned the Prior of Worcester to investigate the causes of the great dissension that? had arisen be• tween the Abbot and the Convent, (tTfcly 20th, 1352.) (3). The report must have been adverse, foip the Abbot re• ceived a letter, dated from London, August 26th, 1352, as follows:- "To his beloved Son, Abbot of Wlnchoombe, health, peace, and blessing. Certain, your confraters, are come to us in London, gravely complaining of you; ahd, ta our grief, relating that evil report is busy; against ycm» not only among the populace, but amongst nobles and prelates, who are most urgent. wi$h us, accord• ing to the duty of our office, not to withhold, a remedy. And for tha<£ we are anxious for the protection of your honour, and loth, by any steps (Sod knoweth) to put you tb.sJtame, it would greatly please us» se^Jjag hqw things stand, if you can come to us in person, to defend your-

IfJ Wore. Spis. Begs. Whoresby, fol. 2^d. * ~~ •KZ) Ibid, fol. 52 43) ioid, fol. 51 $ejf, if you can,/in private and out of court* in order to furnish us with matter jfer your defence I or, we pur• pose, in person, to come down to you to see whether the outcry hath any ground of truth; or to commission others with full powers of ending a business to which we can no logger shut our eyes or pass toy. If youi will aome *to fcendon-, be here before the J*east of the Nativity of the

Blessed Virgin1, for beyond this, arrangements in £his -mat^ ter we shaHl in no wise defer. And we enjoin you in no wise to molest your confracers, because of their coming to us as aforesaid* nor other opponents on account of the premisses."(1) Sfo tMs invitation the Abbot does not appear to.have responded; so the Bisfoop gave notice on Sept. 7th of Ms intention to visit the Abbey personally cm. the S^ursda^ after the Exaltation of the Cross., and summoned all to ap• pear and to give information upon the differonces and ex-< cesses. (2)

Gn September I8th, 1352 the Bishop came to the. Abbey, accompanied by Henry de Kewbo&d, Official of Worcester5

William de Hpnyfcon, Advocate of the Court of Canterbury

, : If} \ibt Q*; :5(pieJi'.E$gs* ifhoBe.sby, fol. 52, and Landbdc II> xxiv -XXV. (2>. ibid.. \ 185

John de Wakeham, of Lincoln Diocese, and others* In their presence the Abbot and nineteen of his brethren assembled, and all took the oath, touching the Holy Scriptures. The

Abbot read from a schedule concerning his case and offered his resignation. This way out of the erisis satisfied the Bishop, and the resignation was accepted, as the late dissensions thretaf^ened. to disperse the monks and ruin the monastery. (%)

There remained still, however, the problem of provid• ing suitably for the ex-Abbot and of* doing so in a manners thafc would leave the minimum chance of further difficul-, ties arising out of his presence. The, solution might have been to send him elsewhere for the rest of his days* but very few monasteries eaced to receive a man af,fcer he had been turned out of his own community, particularly one who had held office and .might prove too inconvenient• ly wise for £hs peace of Abbot and monks.

-Ihe $isiiop£e solution was at once wise and compassion• ate, - fully in keeping with the caution, kindness and ^iasm- ness shown in his letter to William de Sherborne. Having regard to the ex-Abbotts humility emd wisdom disp^laj?ed by-

Ms resignation, he ordained, on the next day5, that he

fol. 52-4. -y-'C^csj^Spls'.-Begfl,lThdr.e8by. (G?hr©e monks WOSP$ present whose names have been noted above, vi,2r*t iUilliam de Gloucester, William de Elmley, and^alter de Tewkesbury. £7illiam de Newynton was 3?rior. ) 186

should have a place of honour in Choir and Chapter next to the ruling Abbot whenever he visited the Abbey and stayed in his allotted chamber for two or three days at Convent charge. If he remained beyond that time, he was to provide for his own maintenance. His expenses were to be borne by the grant to him of the profits of Twining Manor, where he was to live without let or hindrance.

A commission of five, comprising John, Prior of Worcester;

Thomas, Abbot of Hayles; William, Prior of Llanthony; John de Somery, Rector of Twining; and Walter de Sherborne, Rector of Stanton was appointed to see tjhat he had his pension. In default of this the Abbey would be called upon to pay SAO to the fabric of Worcester; and, if the ex-Abbot was disturbed or hindered, the greater excommun- icatlon. The Abbot and Convent were empowered to porrect any laxity or excess on his part,, if reported, but they might not withdraw their procuration. (1)

Thus concluded the reign of Abbot William de Sherborne,- the most inglorious in the long history of the Abbey. Faulty in its inception, it closed in turbulence and with discredit. By twelve years of mis-rule the fortunes of the Abbey declined from bad to worse, and it was well ^ ' j TH Wore. Epis. Regs. Thoresby, fol. 54. 1 " "

\ for the Abbey that he was removed from control when he was; for, had he continued in his office for very much longer, the Community would have been compelled to dis• perse through poverty and discord. The sorry heritage that he left to his successor, the debts and difficulties that had accumulated, almost overwhelmed an abler man and would undoubtedly have quite vanquished William de Sher• borne, had he continued to bear rule.

With such an Abbot at its head, it was not to be ex• pected that the pious would be moved to contribute with that same generosity that an able man like Walter de Wicke- wane had evoked. In fact, very little had come in to off• set the losses occasioned by the Abbot's lack of ability and his unlawful depredations. On the other hand, apart from the current demands of Pope and State, which were met in the past and might well have been in this time, the specific calls upon the Abbey were not as heavy as in pre• vious reigns.

On April 8th, 134-7 the King demanded from the clergy

> a loan to assist the war with France. (1) Winchcombe was

promised, on December 4th in that same year the repayment

of its Contribution which amounted to £19• (2)

"CD Cal. C. R. 1346-9, 268 " =" " " (2) 0. P. R. 1345-8. 340. (Gloucester Abbey lent &38; Gfcreat Malvern, £12.13.4: Little Klalyern, £6) .188

Even this loan could not be met without borrowing, for the Abbot acknowledged that he owed £80 to Richard de Piri- to, on October 26th, 1348 (1) and he was in debt again by May 6th, 1352 for 13 marks, owing to the trior of Llan- thony. (2) There was a reduction, however, in the number of those sent by the King for maintenance in the Abbet and for grants from It • The usual demand for a pension until a benefice had been found was made at the time of the Abbot*s appointment. John de Wynwyck was sent on April 24th, 1340 (3) and he was granted five marks a year; (4> but there are no other such claimants noted.during the period* Cn July 15th, 1344 the King demanded hospitality for Robert Wychard, as soon as his wife should die. At the time, she was living at Winchcombe, supported by the monks, who were disinclined to take on her husband on his bereave• ment. However, all their excuses were waived aside by a determined King and the monks bowed to the inevitable.(5) The vacancy created by the death of Thomas de Holford was filled only after some uncertainty. John le Clerk, yeoman of the King's Poultry, was sent to the Abbey, on

: ^ Calt Cm H> x346-^, 593 " ~ " C2) ibid, 1349-54, 479 (3) ibid, 1339-41, 4?8 (4) Landboc, I. 344 (5> Cal. 0. R. 1343-6, 448 January 4th, 134-9 (1) but died before he reached there. Dhis did not, however, relieve the monks, because John 3)ymock,J yeoman, was sent on February 28th (2) but a change of plans resulted in his going to Gloucester instead* In the end Henry atte Kaise was the man selected for the Abbey, and he, presumably, reached his destination*(3) Apart from these demands, the Pope requested provision for two clerks. The Abbey was called upon to present William of Bisley, d.A* to a benefice in 134-3i but, beeause this collation was regarded as 'almost useless,' a similar re• quest was sent to Gloucester Abbey. (4) Two years later, anojbher clerk, Henry, called 'Benne of Wincheombe,' had the Pope;* a authority to receive a benefice of not less than 20 marks a year, if it had a cure of souls attached; but 15 marks would suffice, if without such a respoxisi- bility. (5) Two rather heavy burdens were laid upon the Convent by the Abbot. The.first» a grant of fraternity and $10 a year out of Eowe11 Manor, was made to John de Somery, Rector of Einewarton, on March 14th, 1341. For this he had paid 140 marks. The transaction was most favourable Hi Gal. G. E. 1346-9, 609 (2) ibid, 1349-54, 76 C3) ibid, 82 (4) Cal. Papal Regs. Petitions, 1342-1419. 61 (5) ibid, 96 & Cal. Papal Regs. Letters Vol. III. 206 190

>to. the Hector, v&o. thereby received interest of more than 1Q$> on Ijis outlay, - a most advantageous Life Annuity. (1) The other, in all probability an unpriced corrody, is ©nteced as a grant 'for past and future services and advice.1 It was mad© to Bobert of Alne, Hector of Alvo- chuaech, in 1350. His accommodation in the master* of housing, fuel and meat was most generous. Each Martin• mas, he had an ox, worth Q/-, and four pigs, or 10/-. To his chamber was attached a stable and chapel, and a plot of land, not yet built upon near to St. Peter's Churcfe, went with it. Against the winter, four wagons, each drawn by three horses, brought him fuel. (2) II. The election of Robert de Ipwell fallowed immediately upon tfee resignation of Abbot William? de Sherborne. Pre• sumably1 it took place in the presence of/; the B£s$Lo£. C3) The new Abbot; was a ctonk, of the E^ot^se and of .fairly mature age„| having/been ordained 'Priest! by Bishop Thomas de C$bham at Tewkesbury on March 24th, 1319- (4) It could appear that the Bishop had; gone to the. Ab• be^ well exp/eet£sng to depose one- Abbot and appoint anather CI) Icandbocr I. 3-5 ' ~ (21 ibid* 262-4 • C3> Uorc. Epis. Regs* fo^. 53 (4) Register of Thomas de Cobhan*. Wore. Histu Sooty. S, H. Pearce, p. 544. for steps had already been taken to secure the necessary licence for an ejection.

3?he Bishop issued his' mandate to tlhe Arch deacon of Gloucester to place the new A&bot in 'his stall to Chapel and Chapter-on September '2©Ka.(5) All this episcopal attention proved costly to the Abbot, for when he came to settle his dues on the day of installation he was unable to meet his liabilities by 20 marks. (6) Unfortunatethis debt to tfee Bishop was no mere temporary embarrassment, but was merely one instance of5 the extreme poverty and distress in which the Abbots a&d Convent found themselves after years - of misrule.. So grave —©.>:M;H. 1356-4.. —i~—r^-' : ~ (2) 1 'ibid. CM ibid. W\ Qa£* C.R. 1349-54, 507-5 v5/ lajidboe, IX, 3PSv£*'- .• C@l" paiv.cu R. 1349-54. 507. was the situat&on that the mon&s were quit© usable to ad* $uat .their affairs, and to. their extremity they had recourse to their Patron, the King. On July 24th, 1553 Edward III, with the consent of the Bishop, put the Abbey and all its possessions into the keeping of few Commissionerss- (Kay Bryan, Bastor John liQaeh, Uilllam de Cheltenham and lobert Palet. These, with the advice of some off the more discreet of the monks were "to maintain' the pious works of the house, find reason• able sustenance for the Abbot and Convent and the ministers thereof, and to apply the balance of the issues of the> house in discharge of the debts and reltef of the estate thereof." (1) It was as well for the Abbey that its affairs passed into the control of these business raen* for the ©omma&iityA was in grave danger od? dispersal. At least one monk had left *- This was Thomas of Malmesfenll. As his name is not among those whe were called before the Bishop when Abbot William de Sherborne was deposed it may be that he Was professed af^fcer that tine, but more likely that he had gone away before then. Whatever his reasons were for leaving, he repented and desired to return. To th£js end fie obtained Papa^ permission to be reconciled, on. Jmie 30£h, t-1*. C.;P. R. I350-4-, 481 • . 193

£553* (1) It would have been better? had that permission be^n withheld, as he brxsught disgrace both on himself and his community by breaking into the house of Philip de Ghebeseye at Wincheombe, damaging doors and windows and making off with some property. For this crime he was out• lawed s but on giving himself up at Gloucester, he obtained

pardon for his outlawry.on Eay l$th, 1354*. (2^?. In January 1360, the Abbot an& Convent received, «hat was at this time a rare benefaction, some land and a house, together with a rent of 1/*. This was granted by William de FrameIsworth and his wife, on condition that the monks found one of the is* number to celebrate a daily mass for the souls of the doners in the Abbey Church. (3) 3?ew people at tails tiae were inclined to support the great Abbey; on the contrary^ far more were disposed to•'aCJoU it» even with violence* » ''Gni^r a,-few weeks later (£une 16th, 2L360) a comtitissSon of Oyer "and Terminer was evoked by the Abbot because John, ^"icar of Winchcombe, and his Curate, John Panter with twenty-nine other tovsnsflien broke down t&e Aftbey gates, car- ried away the mojaks* goods and assaulted the senpants. T5T Cal. Papal letters. Vol. Ill, 1542-62. p. 515 ~~

(2) C. P. Rh. 1554-43, 44 <3) ibid, 135&-61, W?% and Landboc, II. llf-9 Despite the fact that the Abbey was still under the protec• tion of the King, 'for no small time* the monks were be- ' seiged by their attackers so that they and their men dared not go out to buy food and other necessities^!) To the troubles at tEteir gates was added discord with• in. Between the Abbot and Convent friction had come into existence. Poverty does not make for peace and tranquility and under straitened circumstances such as obtained at the time, it was difficult for any Abbot to rule to universal satisfaction, so Robert de Ipwe11.resigned, probably early in October 1360. His reign marked the lowest level of the Monastery's fortunes* For this, the Abbot cannot^ be held entirely re• sponsible as he entered into controls after the house had almost been"ruined by his predecessor, and immediately afterwards h© had the control of finance taken from him by the four Boyal Commissioners. Por sometime, then, his powers were almost entirely confined to the spiritual side of his office, but that was perhaps the mos$ trying sphere

of all, for some-at least of the mocks appear to .have beenr long out of control and very impatient of discipline being liable, like Thomas of Malmshull, to break out and get? into conflict with the law. /Moreover compulsory freedom from financial responsibility, did not bring escape from conflict with secular neighbours who paid little regard to the 11)1C." P. R. , 426.' ' • — authority of the rpyal trustees of the Abbey, but saw only weakness in the Abbey's misfortunes and a favourable opportunity to harass the distracted ©onvent. 196 '

i The state of tlka Abbey when Robert de Ipwell re• signed from office was so desperate that drastic measures in the appointment of his sucoessor and the relief of the Abbey, were necessary. Fortunately bo-t&L the E^ng and the B&shop proved themselves helpful to the Convent in Its distress.

As soon as Bishop Reynold Brian of Worcester (1352- 61) had certified that the Abbotship was vacant the King gave lioenee to the Prior and Convent to elect (1) and, at the same time, "out of: compassion for the poverty of the Abbey whose faculties in these da$s scarcely suffice for the sustenance of the monks," he did nott sequestrate the temporalities of the vaoant Abbacy bust allowed the Convent to receive the income. For the same reason he also waived his right to demand a pension for one of his clerks a$ the new creation. (2) avoid "the peril ©^..inconvenience of discord*' the Convent decided to leave the choice of the next Abbot in the hands of the Bishop who provided Walter de *E?ynforton, a monk of the Cathedral Church of .Worcester ^5

One of the first tasks confronting the Abbot was the exercise of the monastic patronage, when Bowe11 be• came vacant. A monk of the Abbey, William de Ludlowe was chosen and he was instituted to that cure on February 6th, 1361. (4) By this time it was clear that the Abbot was a strong man and that he intended to reform the monks, so that troublesome monk and late outlaw, Thomas de Malmeahull (5)» XT) CJ>.R. 1358-61, 493. The'V^C.H'. and fcandboc, E£. xxvii are in error in dating the appointment a year earlier. 2) ibid, 497 3) V.C.H. p. 70. and fcandboe, II. xxvii 4) Sede Vacante, 2Q9« Ordination to Priesthood, Sede Vacante, 314. , (5) See above, pp. 192, 193 ,197 A

again, took to the road, tiiis time in seculai} habit* His vagabond wanderings d$spleasejd the A^bbot who, by let- ters patent, informed the King» Thereupon, Robert de S^edgeberrow and Henrys de Walton were appointed to arrest i hlmt and tp br$hg him back to the Abbey Mto be chastened according to t£j& Rule of; the Order." (1) A more serious problem was the renewed pestilence in the district, for the Slack J^eath again broke out and many of the monks and conversl at Hayles died in 1361-2.(2) While there is no record of similar losses at Wincheombe at this time* it is most probable that the Abbey did not entirely escape the Bcourge and the acute difficulties that followed upon the loss of many of the monastic ser• vants and labourers. • ft& 4i>b^t <

Twining. The rectory there had a good income that might well come to the monks, save for a comparatively small out• going to a Vicar. The first step in the matter of appro• priation was secured "by the issue of the King's licence to appropriate on January 22nd, 1362-. (1) But little further headway was made, and it was not until 1379 that the Abbey really secured a good hold on the living. In the meantime further burdens were laid upon the, Abbey when, in 1363, Pope Urban V required the Abbey to provide, first Robert Pdeber with a benefice, (2) and then one for Henrv Walker,, of an annual value not less than £40. (3)

Into the midst of the worried community, the Prior of Worcester intruded when he visited the Abbey on May 19th, 1364, during an episcopal vacancy. (4) 'Soweves he had nothing unfavourable to record, so the Abbotf would appear to have been doing his best under the circumstances. About the same time the Abbey suffered damage from a severe whirlwind. To enable the monks to carry out the necessary repairs the Pope granted and Indulgence of a year and forty days, for the next ten years, to all penitents who on the chief feasts of the year visited and gave.alms to the Church of the Abbey. (5) This promising concession

_ e.p.H# 1361-4* 142. ' ' . • C2) 0al. Papal Regs. (Petitions) 1342*1419. 431- (3) ibid, 457 (4) Sede Vacante, 220 (5) Cal. Papal Regs. IV. •letters' 1362-1404, 41. 199

which was granted at Avignon on October 22nd, 1364, was probably made in response to the personal appeal of the Abbot; who was out of this country at about the time j since, on January 24th, in t£e next y£:$§4 the King ap• proved of Eichard de Ualneford and Richard B»ss©llaaa his attorneys for one year. (1). While he was aw;ay»'the Abbey obtained from the Vicar of W&neheombe, Philip, and If/iliam Sclattece, the Ghaplain, 4 messuages, 2& yardlands and two parts of a messuage in Dry Marston and Winchcombe and the reversion of one messu• age, one yardland and one third of a messuage and yardland in Dry Marston - the total rental value being 13/4 a yearj. In return the Abbey undertook to keep a lamp burning daily at; the Mass of the Blessed Virgin before Her Altar in the Abbey Church.(2) At Michaelmas 1366, the first of several lawsuits com• menced. It arose by reason of the refusal of John Fate, a weaver, to pay rent and give service for his holding. As the defendant did no* appear on.several occasions, the property was' taken into the Ring's hand* At a lafces? heap• ing, the Abbo£ proved totee withou t the deeds of the proper• ty. However-, in the end* the Abbots ee&afrlifihed his tc£ght m—srp;. ^.'s^a-v. 111 • ~ (2) ibid,, 176 and Landboc II. 1217-9. $lne 5 narks. 200

to the property and the 4/- rent and three days boon service due from Its tenants. (1) In nic&aolaas 1369, the Abbot, by his same attorney, EiQ&ard de Welncford, took Bichard and Agnes Webbeley to Gourt for tha rent of a &ouse. When the tenant' s brother claimed the property as his, the Abbot was put to the trouble of proving that it had belonged to Ms predecess• ors from time immemorial. The verdict was for the Abbot with'four nartes--costs. C2) A similar case opened in 1371 and was s>ot settled in the Abbot's favour until 1379« C3) Shese actions, and perhaps there were more beside but unrecorded, display the conservative character o£ ttte. Abbot, who, like hia fellow ecclesiastical lords, was less able to change with the times than were t&© lay- lords, but strove to maintain the rights,.and dues so long enjoyed by his corporation against the dissatisfied ten?- asts and workers who exgoctad to benefit from the eon&4r tions arising after the. Black Death. His frequent re• course to law arose hot out of harshness, but rather from a sense of responsibility to maintain that which had been given into his keeping, - the Itord*© heritage, the holy House, and its means of support. tl> fHXiandbce, II, 434-6. C2) - Laftdboc, II, 436-4^0

&%• ''4€idf. 446-4^0 201

The Abbot was equally alert and vigorous where ec• clesiastical rights were concerned, as Henry Benne, now Sector of Haselton, found when his sought to evade his responsibility to provide lanworth with a chaplain for all services and sacraments and to maintain the chaplain's house "next the churchyard there." The Hector found him• self called before the Bishop's Official and he hotly dis• puted the contention. The judgement, was given against him, and he found hinself bound to perform all that had been demanded. (1) .The times were indeed difficult for the ecclesiastical land and property owners; robberies and evasions becoming more frequent. In self defence the Abbots, of great houses were often banded together for joint action with the en- couragement of the Pope * On May 15>th, 1366 .the.Pope com^ missioaed the Abbots of YlJves^m, 01rences^e??» and Beyle s to aid the Abbot off IJinchcombe £ or five years against un• just detainers of property and t© act as Judges and Con• servators when required in cases calling for res^'feut^Gn^ and in wrongs demanding summary and full investigation* . :Jn other cases they might omploy ecclesiastical ce&sstr$ - calling in, if need be the. seculaa? arm. (2)

(1) liandboo, 346'-^ .1 Hie ©ector &ad "been provided with a "benefice the Abb'eay. See page 189^ (2) Ibid, 83-7 %• the time that t&e Commission had expired, the Abbot; still -'had* apparently, good grounds 3?or misgiving where his property was concerned, as he obtained, through^ the good offieos of Chaster John de Branketre, the . King's clerk, permission to fortify the Abbey and other buildings around it, on Elarch 5th 1773. CD On the more distal manors various trespasses were being committed. A$ Admington unlawful fishing waa go- lag., on, and against those responsible for it the Prior of Worcester ordered the Bural-deaR of Campden and ail rectors, vicars and parish priests to pronouhce sentence of the greater excommunication on March 23rd, 1$73» (2) The prevailing unpopularity of the landlords at this time,, and in particular the ecclesia^tic^al: corpora• tions, had, no doubt, somethiiig to do with the paucity in grants to the Abbe#* Untik... February 5 th, 137% when a licende was issued?fbr grant by Thomas Bishop, Chaplain of Weston-u&dexs-Edge, of a messuage, yardlahd and three acres of meadow, at Honeybourne, worth 2G/*r a year for a light to be provided by the monks during High Plass a§. the High Altar in t^e Abbey Church, there had;, be on no additions to the monastic property f os the last ten tl| Landboo, Iji 12^5 arid C. P. Hi l>Vo^, 260 (2) Bed© Vacant©, 320, 203 years.(1) ,Unrest was still prevalent, frequently finding ex• pression in damage to property and theft of goods* Com• missions of enquiry were ordered on November 10th, 26th . . and 27th, 1377» on complaints by the Abbot of "felonies, trespasses, oppressions, extortions and other wrongs done to men and tenants of the Abbey.".,(2) , •. The first and last of these commissions dealt with troubles around the Abbey itself, but the second took into account happenings at Cotes, Char ltron-Abbots, Admlngton-and,Gorndene,, as well. As an offset to these .losses the. Abbot and Convent at. last managed to secure, the appropriation of the, bene• fice of Coining, on .October 6th, 1379* from Henry Wake• field, Bishop of Worcester 11375-95). If the. reasons that satisfied him were genuine, and the history of the-last few.years certainly supports the monks1 laments, then the Convent's resources certainly stood in very desperate need of speedy augmentation. Compulsory ceaseless hospitality, costly lawsuits, barren lands, services* aid rents reduced to almost half by deaths of tenants and servants in the pestilence» the ruin that had befallen the Monastery and its Manors in the frightful gales and by dilapidation and •Cl> C. P. H. 1374-7, 70 and Landbcc, U, 224-5 (2> 0. P.-2. 1377-81, 90, 93, 91. 0 th® various eorrodles and debts had brought the Abbey to a dangerous degree of poverty. (1) £o avert the threatening disaster the income from Gwining Church was annexed to the monastery, save for a •*fit portion* reserved £or the Perpetual Vicar and an annual pension of 20/- to the Bishop to compensate him for the loss of revenue sustained, because the Abbot and Convent were deathless rectors who never lapsed in their tenure. (2) $he Prioj? of Worcester confirmed the appropriationO) and a renewal of the out-of-date Eoyal Licence was issued

on :#eb£uaxy §$h, 1?90. W The Pope gave his approval on Apm 26th, 1384^ (5) In accordance with the scheme whereby Benedictine

Ab^fesf carried out visitations of other (Hou63a of the Order, Abbot Walter de ^ynf orton received authority to visit John, the Prior of Worcester, on August 50th, 13SG* and he went there on September 17th. (6) JPor faJullng to pay the that he owed the Abbot, William Willeye was outlawed, but he obtained pardon on February 1st, 1384. (7) £*mdb©e, If, 97-® (2) ibid, 1€0. (3) ibid, 101 (4) C. P. H. 1377-81, 434. £•5) Landboc, II, ?B. (6) Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. IIJ, 236-7 (7) 6. P. R. 1331-5, 36S In the following year, two others received pardon for their outlawry; Adam of Upton on February 12th (1) and William Smyth© of Bibury on June 21ai. (2) Their crime was trespass, and they were probably not unconnect• ed with th© reoent disturbances on the Abbey property. About this time William Coutenay, Archbishop of Canterbury, visited the Abbey, and on November 7th, 1384, he confirmed the Convent1s titles to the Parish Churches of Winchcombe, Rowell, Sherborne, Twining and Enstone; and also the right of the Abbey to draw an annual pension of 20/- and tithes from the J3anor from Bledington, 10/- from the Churoh and tithes from the fjaaor of Miekleton, two parts of the great tithes of Stanton, tithes of Dry Harston Hanor and those of Hawling, Haselton, Charl&om- Abbots, Yanworth and Einewartonv (3)

About this tine, a heated dispute waged between the Abbot and Sonvent on the one hand, and ^©mas Power, 3Tlcar of Winch«ombe, on the other. Power protested against his liability to repair the chancel and windows of the Parish Church, despite the fact that judgement had boon U) C. P. E. 13^1-5, 521 * <2) ibid, 573 (3) Landboc, II, 12-14 206 given against a former vicar». John Brighampton, c* 1360, CI) on this same matter. Bishop Henry Wakefield ordered Power to carry Out his duties in this respect, hut the Vicar refused and was excommunicated. (2) Thereupon he appealed .vainly to the Archbishop of Can• terbury and next to the Pope, who ordered a discreet and quiet investigation . of the matter by the Abbot of Gloucester and the Archdeacons of Worcester and Glouces• ter. (3) When the Archdeacon of Gloucester retired from the case, the Abbey appealed to Rome, not being satisfied with the remaining auditors* > The Pope ap• pointed Andrew Baret, Papal Chaplain, to hear the, case; and he, being satisfied that there existed sufficient grounds for the appeal, cited Power to appear before him. (4) However, the hearing was delayed by the ab• sence of the necessary deeds, which were demanded, either in the original -or certified transcripts,(5) and by the failure of Power to present himself, towards the close of 1386. (6> Meanwhile, Baret had quitted the Roman Court on other business, so the Pope appoint• ed John de Chamberis as his deputy. (7) The Proctor for TT5 See above,pp„ 193-4.. . ~" "~~ ~~ ' • • -.- (2) Landboc, II. 67-68 C3) Landboc, II. 68 (4) ibid, 69 ' (5) ibid, 50 (6) ibid, 51 (7) ibid, 48 & 70 207 the Abbey, Richard Drayton, appeared before this Auditor and charged Power with contumacy for non-appearance • Power then appointed as his Proctor, first Bernard de Pisis and afterwards John de Scrivain; but in the mean• time Thomas de Walkington was deputising for the Auditor* At last, both, parties appeared and each denied the ethers content ions, backed up by such evidence as they could furnish. Another delay then occurred, and, when the caste was resumed before John de Chamberis, only Dray• ton, the Convent's Proctor, was there. When both sides did meet in the Court, it was to hear that the case had been decided against the Vicar, and the former judgement against his predecessor pronounced binding on Power.(1) The appeal to Rome cost Power 90 floriits in gold, but this'sum Drayton swore was far short of the expense to which hie clients had been put. (2) So far from being daunted by this reverse, Thomas Power embarked on another appeal to the Pope. He and. the Abbey again employed the same men as their Proctors; but the Auditor, this time, was John Trefnant, Canon of St. Asaph (3)who became Bishop of Hereford in 1389• After several delays, due to the absence of one or other of the TT5 Landboc, II. 53-4 and 70-72 ~ : ' • • ' ' (2) ibid, 54 (3) ibid, 56-7 and 72 209

tion,(l) and the public document was drawn up at the Proctor's request by William Bray, Notary. (2) Thus ended a costly and protracted lawsuit that benefited no• body. One may ask whence did the Vicar secure the funds for these several actions and the encouragement to per• sist in his opposition,to the Convent? The frequency with which the townsfolk are found associating themselves with their clergy in attacking the Abbey and annoying the monks may point to, at least, a deep and practical sympa• thy that may very likely express itself in helping their Vicar in the prosecution of his cause at Rome. While the above case was being dragged out in Rome, a similar issue was at stake between the Vicar of Sher• borne , Roger, and the Abbot and Convent. The suit was heard in the King's Courts, and afterwards referred to two judges acceptable to both the parties. The Vicar had to bear the cost of the repairs and rebuilding of the chancel of his church, as his predecessor Reginald had been commanded to do by Bishop William, on an order of the Bishop's Official based on the findings of the two Judges, dated July 15th, 1367. (3) Although it was illegal for the monks to farm or let TT5 iandboc, II, 75-6 (2) ibid. (3) ibid, 281-4 210 their tithes out to laymen because of exactions, the Ab- •bot and Convent procured a Papal Indult from Pope Urban VI on November 21st, 1387 which enabled them to do so with• out the licence of the Bishop. (1) ^ghe scope of the Indult extended also to the fruits of their appropriated chapels and other benefices and their pensions and other possessions. Unfortunately the monks met with such re• solute and successful resistance from the Bishops that they were not able to put the Indult to practical advan• tage, and it was not until June 1430, that Pope Martin.V. emphasised the terms of the concession in a decree that was issued by his successor Eugenius IV ,r in March 1431.(2) On January 11th, 1388 the Pope issued a warning to all who unjustly detained the possessions of the Convent, and he commanded the restoration of the goods which ranged from tithes, lands, mills and rents to books, domestic utensils and ecclesiastical ornaments and sacred ves• sels. (3) It would appear that these robberies were at their height about the time of the last appeal of the Vicar to Rome when, no doubt, feelings ran high in the town providing a ready pretext and opportunity for those TT5 Landboc, II. 38-40. See also G. G. Coulton, Five Centuries of Religion, Vol. Ill, p. 187 (2) Cal. Papal Regs. Letters, Vol. VIII, 1427-4-7, 383 <3) Landboc, II. 138 211 who wished to enrldh themselves at the expense of the monks* The Abbey received a-visit from John, the Prior of Worcester, on April 19th, 1390* He came on to Winchcombe frdla a similar visit to Tewkesbury on the previous day. These visitations were not in connection with b^sresponsi- bilities as guardian of the vacant See, but by reason of his appointment by the General Chapter of the Benedictine Order on a citation dated 14 days previously.(1) Weleome news to the Abbey was the King's promise, on March 27th, 1391» to restore the Hundreds to the Abbey and Convent, immediately on the death of Sir John Atte Wood to whom the Hundreds had been granted for life by King Edward III. The grant included the fanning of fairs and marJfcets in Winchcombe and the holding by the Abbey Steward of the usual Courts and View of Frankpledge. (2) The grant was again issued on June 11th, 1391 with the addition of benefit from "waifs and strays, chattels of felons and fugitives." (3) The final order for restitution of the above, at the original rent of ££30, was granted on February 6th, in the next year. (4) TTJ Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. Ill, 23^7. (2) Cal. Charter E. 1341 ^1407,520^1. > (3) ibid, 323, and Landboc II, 16-18 (4) ©al. e. P. R* 1389-92. 446 • " ' " '" :":'::V ' ' • 212

For ten marks paid to the King by the Convent* licence was granted them on May 20th. 1392 to receive in mortmain from Robert Busshe1 of Broadftarston five messuages, three virgates and 1231 acres of meadow and pasture land in Dry- Car st on, Cotes and Winchcombe for the provision by the monks of two tapers weighing twelve pounds to burft daily before the High Altar at Mass in the Abbey Church for the good estate of the donor's and his ancestors* souls.(I) The right of granting Sanctuary to those fleeing from their punishment was upheld by the King on May 28th, 1392 when he ordered the Sheriff "not to trouble or grieve" the Abbot f or having harboured some men guilty of beating Wil• liam Smythe to death. (2) In May, 1393, one of the Winchcombe monks, Thomas Euston, had the dignity of Papal Chaplain conferred upon him by Pope Boniface IX. (3) During the vacancy in the See that followed the death of Bishop Henry Wakefield, the Prior of Worcester carried out a visitation of Winchcombe Abbey, deputing his Precen• tor, John Hatfield, to act for him on May 20th, 1395 • Once again the Prior found that all was in good order and had XTT C P. R. 1391-6, 71 ~" " '• (2) Cal. C. R. 1389 -92. 464. (3) Cal. Papal Regs. Letters, Vol.' IV. 1362-1404 , 286 no comments to make. (1) Shortly afterwards, the Prior heard that the Abbot of Winehcombe had died there on June 22nd. (2) Thus ended a rule of thirty-five difficult and troubled years. Extreme poverty had dogged Walter de Wynforton for many of them. The long delay in the appropriation of Twining deprived him of extra income when most urgently needed. Costly lawsuits involved him in no little trouble because the sympathy of the Winchcom.be people lay with their Vicar and expressed itself in violence and robberies. Pestilence upset the social and economic situation, de-? priving the Abbey of servants and safe tenants and, per<- haps, reducing the number of monks. All these problems were faced and endured until, in the end, the Abbey was set on the path to security, if not prosperity. Abbot Walter de Wynforton had achieved more for the house of his adoption than had several of his immediate predecessors who had been professed monks of the Abbey. His was a wise and profitable infusion of new blood into the Convent.

(1) Sede Vacante, 359 (2) ibid, 3^6. CHAPTER SIXTEEN.

John Honybourne, Prior of Winehcomhe, wrote on June 22nd, 1395 to inform the Prior of Worcester that Abbot William de Wynforton had died. A week later, after the burial of the late Abbot, the monks obtained the congo d'elire from the King. (1) At a meeting in the Chapter-house on July 3rd, the monks decided to elect their next Abbot on the following Tuesday. The election was preceded by the Mass of the Holy Spirit at the High Altar from which service the monks proceeded to the Chapter House where, having sung the Veni Creator Spiritus and read the royal letters of conge d'elire and the Constitutions of the General Chapter, they warned all excommunicated and interdicted persons to retire before conducting further business. The actual choice of Abbot was by compromise; the Prior i and six other monks being instructed to elect by sunset that day either from among themselves or others of the House. For this purpose the electors retired to the Re• fectory and, after protracted deliberation, made choice of their Cellarer, William Bradley. CI) The process of election is recorded in Sede Vacante, 365-8. Licence to elect granted on June 29th,1395* C. P. R. 1391-6, 591 215

The decision was made known to the rest of the commu• nity assembled in the Chapter house by one of the electors, together with a formal declaration that "the said William was a man wise and discreet, to be commended for his science of letters, in his life and habits, professed in the Order of St. Benedict in the said monastery, in Priest's Orders and of lawful age - inasmuch as he exceeded the age of thirty-six years, of free birth and begotten in holy ma• trimony, very prudent in spiritual and temporal matters and having no impediment that ought to prevent his elec• tion.** Thereupon, while singing the Te Deum, the Prior and the eighteen monks conducted the Abbot-elect to the choir of the Abbey Church where the result of the .election was made known to the assembled clergy and people. When the new Abbot was formally called upohV to assent to his eleva• tion he asked for more time to consider his reply; but, after Vespers that day, he "bowed to the Divine Will and assented." To the Prior of Worcester, who was guardian of the spiritualities of the diocese, pending the appointment of the next Bishop, the news of William Bradley's election was conveyed by two of the community, (1) and to that C1) Sede Vacante, 366-567 ~~ same Bpior the King sent the royal assent on July 9th,(1) On July 18th, Thomas Power, Perpetual Vicar of Winch- combe, read the mandate in the Abbey Church by which he had been commissioned to cite all opposers of the election to appear before him or his deputy in the Parish Church of Twining. As there were no opposers the Abbot took the oath and all was in order. (2) The King restored the temporalities to the Abbot on July 24th,(3) and sent along one of his clerks for the pension payable on the new creation* This clerk, John Bathe, however made over his interest to John Bradley, with the King's approval, on February 23rd, 1396•(4) The new Abbot was not left long in peaceful possession, for the northern property suffered trespass and the Vicar of Alveston, John Jonkyn, was called to answer for his mis• deeds. He did not appear at first, but on October 20th, 1396, he obtained pardon for his contempt. (5)

Two grants of property were made to the Abbey about C. P. B. 1391-6, 59i ~ Sede Vacante, 368. William Bradley had been professed before Abbot Wal• ter de Wynforton on the feast of St. Benedict 1366 and later promoted to Holy Orders, ibid* C. P. E. 1391^6, 60? Cal. C. R. 1396-9, 290 C.P.R. 1396-9, l|®

r 217

this time: on October 13th, 1395 Richard Busshel, for the sum of six marks paid into the hanaper by the Abbot and Convent, was granted licence to give one messuage, two tofts and three acres of meadow and pasture for eight oxen in Wineheombe and Sherborne towards the maintenance of the Abbey.(1) Two years later, on May 26th, a similar licence was granted, on payment of 60/-, for the conveyance of another messuage, two tofts and half an aere in Cotes by the same donor for the provision of two tapers to bum daily before the High Altar at High Mass in the Abbey Church. (2) A few months later, on September 15th, 1397 the King gave his receipt for a loan which he compelled the Abbot and Convent to make. It was for 100 marks, a similar sum to that which the Abbey of Tewkesbury had contributed at the same time.(3) On March 8th, 1398 King Richard II visited Winchcombe, having left Worcester the previous day. Six days later he was at Gloucester, and from thence he progressed to Bristol.(4) It was from this latter city that on March 24th the King granted licence to the Abbot and Convent, for £10 paid into the hanaper, to appropriate TJ C. P. R. 1391-6, 631 ~~ 2} G. P. R. 1396-9, 139 3) C. P. R« 1396-9, 180 (4) ibid, 317 216 in mortmain the Vicarage of S. Peter's Winchcombe, on con• dition that an appropriate sum was distributed yearly among the poor parishoners. (1) The consent of the Bishop of Worcester, Tideman de Winchcombe, (June 1395-June 1401) was obtained at his Manor of Hillingdon on May 6th, 1398 on the petition of the Convent showing that, although the Church had long been annexed to the monastery, on its finding a vicar, and that the first Vicars were content with their posi• tion^, succeeding Vicars with abettors had tried to shake off their responsibilities and even stirred up the parish- oners and that costly lawsuits in the Roman Court and elsewhere had ensued* No doubt, these complaints re• ferred in particular to that turbulent Vicar, Thomas Power* Moreover the burdens of entertaining great Princes (the recent visit of the King was apparently still troubling the House,) and the unfruitful seasons and mur• rain among the cattle, together with many debts, had re• duced the house to insolvency unless help was forthcoming.(g)

CI I C. P. R, 1396-9, 329 ' ^ : (2) Landboe, II* 139-142 and Cal'. Papal Regs. Letters, 1396-1404, Vol. V., 197-8 Tideman de Winchcombe was a monk o£ the Cistercian. Order, in charge of Beaulieu Abbey; Jan. 6th,1391i Bishop of Llandaff 1393 (C. P. R. 1391-6, 121 & 319.) • .219 * •

At this time the annual income of the Abbey was assessed at 800 marks and it is difficult to see how the situation was to be greatly relieved by the appropriation of WinGh- combe which was valued at only 50 marks when a secular priest had to be paid put of it. Of course the fact that the next priest and his successors were removable at the will of the Abbot and Convent went far to ensuring the good behaviour of those clerics and promised to relieve the monks from any more expensive lawsuits* By the terms of the appropriation the Bishop of Worcester received an annu• al pension of 2/-, in lieu of first fruits.(1) The Prior and Convent of Worcester confirmed the transfer on June 9th, 1938,(2) and the Pope granted his Confirmation on the 28th June in the following year. (3) The appropriation of the Vicarage, as is to be expect• ed, did not meet with the approval of the Vicar and towns• folk and, under the direction of that man of action, Thomas Power, they vented the|r feelings against the monks by vigorously ringing the bells of the Parish Church during the hours when the community were engaged in worship. As the Abbey Church and the Parish Church were very close, the noise greatly disturbed the Convent. The Abbot and TO Cal. Papal Regs. Letters, Vol. V. 1396-1404,197-8 and Landboc II, 139-W (2) Landboc, II. 144 (3) Cal. Papal Regs, as above. Convent appealed to the Pope* who, on July 14th i 1399 commissioned the Abbots of Evesham and Pershore and Richard of Winehcombe, Archdeacon of Gloucester, to en• quire into the matter, and "if they find the above to be the ease to ordain that at night, namely after the ringing of the monastery bell for the Curfew (pro Ignitegio), until in the morning the bell is in the monastery for prime, the bells shall not, without evident necessity, be rung in the said Church, and that even at other times, and especially during such divine offices, they shall be rung moderately; and to inhibit the Vicar and Parishoners from acting other• wise. (1) The Archdeacon held his own enquiry on March 22nd, 1401 and, apparently finding that the ^nuisance had been committed, put the Vicar, Priests, Clerks and Parishoners under pain of excommunication* for failing to observe the Papal ordinance . Absolution was re served to the Arch• deacon. (2) In the midst of these negotiations and subsequent disturbances the Abbot received on July 1st, 1398 grant from Pope Boniface the IX of an indult to wear the Mitre, Ring, Pastoral Staff and other Pontifical Insignia

TTJ Landboc, II. 51-4-0 and Gal. Papal Begs. Vol. V. 1396- 1404, 439- (2) ibid, 34-6. .221

in the Monastery and other Churches, even when the said churches are not.fully subject to the Abbey, to give Solemn Benediction after Mass, Vespers and Matins, save in the presence of a Prelate or Legate of the Holy See and to bless and reconcile cemeteries, Chalices, Robes and other ornaments in monasteries and priories subject to him. (1) On July 1st, 1401 lieence was obtained ifor 5 marks, for the gift in mortmain by Bichard Busshell of a messuage and toft in EJincheombe to keep the obits of Kathleen, his late wife, and of Richard himself and to support other charges and works of piety. (2) The Priors of Worcester were quick to exploit this temporary jurisdiction in the diocese which became th&irs on a vacancy in the bishopric. When Tideman to Winehcombe died on June 13th, 1401 the Prior commenced to visit the religious houses and, within a month, he came to Winchcombe. (July 12th, 14ol) (3) As * he recorded no complaints it may be presumed that he found everything within the monastery in.good order. During the above vacancy in the See, the Abbot of Til Landboc, II. 41 and Cal. Papal Regs. Vol. V. 1396-1404, 161-2. The Landboc, in the marginal notes, wrongly ascribes the Indult to Boniface VIII and gives the date 1303, tempo, Abbot Williamde Wick- This error has mislead several local historians. (2) $W&#$. 1399-1401, 538 (3) Sede Vacante, 384 222

Per shore, Nicholas* titular Bishop of Dunkeld, Scotland, was oMaihing; and he raised two monks of Winchcombe to the Priesthood and two more to the Diaconate at Worcester, on September 24th, 1401. (1) By the year 1402 the annual revenue of the Abbey had risen to one thousand marks; but, even so, the monks looked for more money, and in that year petitioned Boniface IX for the appropriation of Bledington. This was valued in the same year at 25 marks. On December 1st, 1402 the Pope gave his consent and ordained that the Abbey, after the departure of the present Hector, might ap• point or dismiss at will the Vicars of Bledington, and that either seculars or religious persons could hold that office.( (2) The Royal licence, costing the Abbey 25 marks, was 1 issued for the appropriation on February 8th, 1405, condi• tional upon a competent sum being assigned to the Vicar and the poor* (3) However, Richard Clifford, Bishop of Wor• cester (1401-7)» interposed in favour of the insecure Vicars, in 1406, and ordered that they should have the status of Perpetual Vicars with an income of 10 marks,per annum.(4) The Bishop had already secured an annual pen-

TT5 Sede Vacante, 369 " ~~ ~" (2) Landboc, II, 42-3* and Cal. Papal Regs. Vol. V., 1396- 1404, 497. (3) C, P. R. 1401-5, 491. The Abbey appears later to have *leased* or 'demised* the parsonage to laymen. As late as 1537 it was leased to Thomas Freeman of Campden. On the seizure of the English property of foreign houses Bledington Manor passed to Evesham. Note sup• plied by Dr. Stephen Liberty, Rector of Bledington. (4) Wore, Epis. Reg. Clifford, fol. 76. 223 sion of 10/- from the benefice for himself, and a similar sum from Mickleton in the parish of Quinton, as he stated in his confirmation, when he visited the Abbey about November 16th, 1404. (1) Sometimes the Vicars themselves sought to get away from their cures, as did John Bradley of Sherborne. He was a B.C.L. and also a B. Canon Law already; but he de• sired to study at an University. His application to the Pope was successful, for in March, 1405, he obtained an Indult to leave Sherborne for five years and meanwhile, farm or rent the fruits of his benefice to clerks or lay• men. (2) As he had already obtained the pension allocated to the King's clerk at the beginning of the new reign and was of a similar name to the Abbot, it may well be that he was a close relative to William Bradley, and so not? likely to meet with any serious opposition to his appM6&i$iDn for absence.

The year 1405 was a busy one for the Abbot. On April 11th, he was cited to visit the houses of his order in the diocese of Worcester, (3) and later, he was called in to arbitrate in a dispute concerning heriots that had led to rioting"at Shipston-on-Stour. William Bradley^found*for "CD Landboc, II. 14-16 (2) Cal. Papal Hegs. Vol. VI. 1404-15. 7. (3) Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. Ill, 238-9 224

the Prior of Worcester in the matter of the best animal at the tenant's death. (1) The royal abuse of forced purveyance had weighed heavily on the resources of the Church under King Richard and his successor Henry IV, until Parliament compelled the latter monarch to behave in a more constitutional manner. Relief from the constant peril of these exactions came to the Abbey of Winchcombe on May 12th, 1405 in a general char• ter sent to the Guardians of the Peace for Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire wherein the Abbey was specially mentioned and its goods declared safe from compulsory sale to the King and others. (2) The Abbey was fortunate in that the son of the late Richard Busshell was as kindly inclined to the monks as his father had been. On April 28th, 1407, the young Richard made over to the Convent:- 9 acres of land, 6 acres of meadow and 6 acres of wood in Cotes and Throp-by-Winch- combe, "to find a lamp burning daily at the time of the celebration of masses•of Saint Mary" at the Chapel Altar of the Blessed Virgin in the Abbey. (3) A grant on simi• lar lines came to the Convent in the next year when, on ClJf Landboc, II. xxviil, citing Noake's, 'Monastery of Worcester,r 90. (2) Landboc, II. 134-6 (3) C. P. R. 1405-8, 319. i 225

November 27th, 1408 for the sum of 5 marks paid into the hanapar, Robert Vileyn was permitted to give the Abbey in mortmain a messuage, 28 acres of land, 2 acres of meadow and 8/- rent in Windrush to provide a lamp burning daily in honour of the Holy Trinity before the Altar of the Holy Trinity in the Abbey Church and for masses for the good estate of the donor's soul and ancestors'.(1) By the year 1410» the Abbot and Convent had grown weary of continually producing their title deeds and docu• ments to the Bishops who questioned their right to various churches and property. The conveyance of such documents was attended, they maintained, by considerable danger of damage and molestation,and they desired that' the Pope would confirm the patents of the Bishop of Lincoln, 1375; the Archbishop of Canterbury, 13841 and the Bishop of Wor• cester j 1404. Pope John XXEII accordingly issued a Bull, as requested, on May 6th, 1410 and ordained that the pro• duction by the Convent of the Bull at the Archbishops' and Bishops' Visitations shall suffice and be equivalent to the original deeds. (2) Except for the' coming and going of pensioners sent by 111 C. P. R. 1408-13, 40 ~~ (2) Landboc, II. 8-10 and Gal* Papal Regs. Letters VI. 1404-15, 219. 226

the King the affairs of the Abbey during the rest of the reign were singularly peaceful. John Croyser arrived for life maintenance on Dec. 26th, 1415. (1) He filled the place of the late Walter Yonge who had. obtained maintenance on November 23rd, 1403 when John West gave up his pension to him(2)This John West had been with the monks for many years, haying been sent to the Abbey in 1368.(3) The Abbot, on the other hand, was particularly busy in his later years. In 1413 he was trying to recover £5 owing to him by Simon Bradeford, "that was the parysshprest" of Yanworth. That defaulting cleric would not appear be• fore the Justices of the King's Bench and was outlawed, but on October 17th he obtained pardon. (4) In the previous year, Abbot William Bradley, together with the Abbot of Winchester, presided at the General Chapter of the Benedict• ine Order held at Northampton on July 9th. (1414) (5) The Presidents appointed proctors to.represent their Order in ijJngland at the Council'of Constance, which met in the same year. (6) At this Chapter Abbot William Bradley was made one of the collectors of the contributions paid by the monasteries, his area being the dioceses of Bath

XT) Cal. C. E. 1413-9, 298. ~* : '. •'. (2) ibid, 1402-5, 284. (3) ibid, 1364-8, 482. (4> C. P. R. 1413-6, 83 (5) Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. Ill, 260-1 (6) ibid, III. 94 & 97. 1 and Wells, Exeter, Worcester and Lichfield with Coventry. In his accounts rendered to the next Chapter, he showed that he had paid 32/11 himself, in this triennial tax of a farthing in the mark (1). His expenses for this ser• vice were computed at 15/-. (2)

Together with the Abbot of Westminster, the Abbot of Winchcombe presided at the next General Chapter at North• ampton, on July 5th, 1417* and, although chosen again to fill the same office in 1420 and 1421, he was absent from those meetings; his functions being performed by the Prior of Worcester.(3) This Chapter of 1421 was convened by the orders of King Henry V. who informed the Presidents on March 25th that certain reforms were desirable. (4) The two Presi• dents then wrote round to their brother prelates on April 1st, summoning them to meet:^he King at Westminster.(5) Abbot William Bradley, who, judging by his absence from the General Chapters, had been in failing health for

some time, died on December 28th, 1422. (6r) The reign was marked by an absence of trouble and ex• pensive disputes, except for the demonstrative bell ringing TTJ Chapters of the English Black Monks, Vol. III. 173 (2) ibid, III. 177 (3) ibid, III, 260-1 (4) ibid, II. 1©5 (5) ibid, II* 168 . 06) Landboc, ir, xxviii 228

at the time of the appropriation of the Vicarage of Winchcombe, and this outbreak appears to have been speedi• ly smothered beneath the weight of a Papal Bull. Property acquired, though not extensive, was by gift, and cost the Abbot and Convent nothing beyond the licence charges. The most valuable additions to the monastic revenue were derived from the two appropriations. That the finances of the Abbey were well administered is evident by the in• creased income shown between the years 1398 and 1402, when it rose from 800 marks in the former year to 1,000 in'the latter; an increase that cannot be entirely due to the profits derived from the Vicarage of Winchcombe which was worth only 50 marks a year, and available to the monks only after the present Vicar had ceased to hold office. It is very probable that the real monastic in• come was far in excess of that revealed at the time of the applications for appropriation, as the monks were not likely to plead poverty on one hand and boast wealth on the other. The revelation of assets then, as now, was to invite increased taxation at no time an incentive to advertisement.

The same upward trend to prosperity is evidently car• ried a stage further in this reign so that the succeeding Abbot was able to take up his cares with a lighter heart than had been the experience of several of his immediate predecessors. The licence for the Prior and Convent to elect another Abbot was issued by the King on January 2nd, 1423. CD The Chapter met on January 13th, and fixed the. elec• tion two days hence. On the appointed morning, immediate- ly after the EJase of tlae Holy Ghost had been sung at the High Altar, ail the monks went to the Chapter House. Here the Gospels were brought forth, the Holy Ghost in• voked and the Constitutions of the General Council "Quia Propter" .v/e^e read and explained. The Prior then admonished all excommunicate, suspended, irderdicted and disqualified persons to withdraw.

The actual election was very brief, for immediately, "without wine," all votes, except nis own, were given to John Cheltenham. , The Te Deura was chanted.and, to the raging Abbey bells, the Abbot-elect was borne to the Church, despite ropeated resistance on his part.

After prayer the Prior requested a monk, James Cam- brugge, solemnly to publish the election in English to

(1> C. P. R. 1422-9. IS! and Landboc, II.3 : " " . • the assembled clergy and people. Sometime afterwards on the same day John Cheltenham was found in the Infirmary Chapel from whence, after repeated request and vehement excuses, he was persuaded to go with his brethren to the Chapter House and make his consent in writing. (1) The Decree of Election was then drawn up by John Turry of Malmeshull, Notary Public, who attested that he himself had been present throughout the proceedings from the Mass to the written signification of assent by the elect, and it was sealed with the Convent seal that same day in the presence of William Ayze, Vicar of Winehcombe, and John Tewkesbury, Chaplain.

<- ' Notice of the result of the election was sent by the Convent to the Bishop without delay, together with a prayer for his Confirmation by Benediction and the be• stowal of the Pastoral Staff , etc. iZ) On the 19th of the same month the Prior and Con• vent gave their sealed testimonial that the Abbot-elect was a monk of the house who had been professed by Abbot William Bradley, in 1409; that he had received all (1) The details of the Process of Election are set out in the Register of Bishop Philip Morgan of Worces• ter and summarized in Landboc, II,xxviii -. (2) Landboc, II, xxx Orders, including the Priesthood and that he was sound in life and learning, having studied at Oxford. (1) The usual citation of opponents to the election was made in Wincheombe and neighbouring Churches; but none came forward, and the certificate to this effect was sealed by the Bishop's Official, John Buryman, on February 3rd, and it reached the Bishop in London on the 6th. (2) The Bishop then appointed David Pryce, Advocate of Canterbury, to sit in the Cloister of St. Paul's by the Chapter House(with the leave of the Bishop of London) on February 8th, presumably to hear of any objections. On that same day the Bishop of Worcester confirmed the elec• tion (J) and four days later the King restored the tempor• alities. (4) The Abbot received Benediction at Worcester on March 8th (5) and, on the 16th, the Archdeacon of Glouces• ter installed the Abbot in Choir and Chapter House and enjoined the brethren and 'conversi' to render him obedi• ence. (6) Abbot John Cheltenham was called to rule a community of only twenty; the number of monks showing an increase 1) Landboc, II, 7-8 : 2) ibid, 1 and xxx 3) Laadboc, II, 3-4 4) ibid, 6 and C. P. R* 1422-9, 47 and 81 5) Dugdale, 298 and Landboe, II, xxxi. 6) Landboc, II. 4-6. 232 of one on those listed at the time of his predecessor's election in 1395• Their names are given in Bishop Mor• gan's Register and are as follows:- John Bryan,Prior; Thomas Overbury, Richard Wiche, Thomas Raggeleye, Richard Stanley, Thomas Cirencester, James Camb'rugge, Thomas Norton, John Cleve, Thomas Brightwelton, John London, Henry Chalburn, John Tredyngton, William Winchcombe, William Navent, Thomas Tewkesbury, Thomas Gloucester, Thomas Elkington and Walter Herefo£d<«W These all took part in the election, but there was one other, Brother Chaddesley, who was away at Rome on Convent business and thus unable to respond to the repeated formal requests at the doors of the Choir, Cloister and Chapter House for his presence before the new Abbot was chosen. (1)

On February 18th the King awarded the usual pension on a new creation to WilliamrAlberton, clerk of the Privy Seal Office, tenable until the Convent found a benefice for him. (2) He held the pension until June 3rd in the next year when he made it over to his cousin Richard Hendre. (3) The Abbot was apparently unwell soon after his election CI) Landboc, II. xxix. (2) Cal. C. R* 1422-9,56 (3) Gal. C. R. 1422-9, 152 233

fi. as he was absent from the General Chapter of the Benedict• ines held at Northampton on July 5th, 1423 and so unable to preside at its deliberations "tanta infirmitate tunc temporis detento" (1), but his proxy was accepted. (2) His absence did not mean that he escaped other offices, for he was made Collector of the Tax, (3) but he managed, later in the session, to secure his release and the bur• den was laid on the Prior of Worcester. (4-) The same Chapter appointed him Visitor in the Worcester diocese, and instructed the Abbot of Evesham to visit 7/inchcombe.(5) His favourable report was rendered by his proxy, (John Cheltenham was again absent)(6), to the next Chapter, held at Northampton, on July 1st, 1426. (7>

The Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry Chichele, visit• ed the diocese of Lincoln and inspected the Abbey's claim to the appropriation of iinstone in that diocese, giving his ,DiInmissio, on October 6th, 1424 at Olney.^8)

Only one case of heresy (Lollardy) in a country parish during the 15th century is entered in the Bishops* Registers, and that concerns one, John VValcote, Curate of

IT) Chapters of the English Black Monks, II, 159 (2> ibid, 137 (3) ibid, 139 (4> ibid, 155 (5) ibid, 148 (fc) ibid, 160 (7) ibid, 166 (8; Landboc, II, 103-4 Hazelton. In 1425 he was arrested by the orders of the Abbot of Winchcombe and sent to Bishop Morgan for trial. After admitting his errors he was reconciled to the Church. (1) ' In response to John Cheltenham's request. Pope Martin V granted him the privilege of a Portable Altar on December 20th, 1426. (2)

Within the Abbey all was well, for the monastic finances were at last in Bound order and its monks con• tent. The Abbot of Evesham had reported very favourably to the General Chapter in 1426, but higher praise still was forthcoming from Thomas Polton, Bishop of Worcester, when he visited the Abbey on Oct. 16th, 1428. In his report., which John Cheltenham was proud to preserve in that record that he compiled and which now constitutes the second volume of the LANDBOC, the Bishop declared that he had found the Abbey ^to be out. of debt, prosper• ous, peaceful and an example to other monasteries and a great comfort and relief to himself." Because he was perhaps disturbed by the influence of the Lollard re• formers, he concluded by exhorting all to abide by the

11 Wore. Epis. Regs. Morgan, fol. 46d ~ 2) Landboe, II, 547 •" 335

Rule and "to turn their eyes from novelties." (1) Such a testimonial was a tribute, not only to the work of the last two Abbots, Walter de Wynforton and William Bradley, but to John Cheltenham as well. These three men had ably served their brethren and so com• pletely redeemed the misfortunes that the times and Richard de Idbury and his predecessors had brought to the house that the monastery was enabled to complete the remaining century of its existence in a manner far more creditable than many houses of equal or greater importance.

The same Bishop confirmed the Convent in its tithes, etc. on the exhibition by the monks of the Papal Bull discharging them from the necessity of producing their original documents. As this Confirmation is dated October 20th, 1428 at Winchcombe, it would appear that the Abbot and Convent entertained their Diocesan for longer than usual. (2)

In 1430 a bond of association was settled between the Abbot of Winchcombe and Prior William of Coventry by which a monk sent by either house was to reeeive the TD Landboe, II, f$$^0© 1 "r~ ~~ (2) ibid, 497-8 236 same treatment and privileges during his stay as he would hane had in his own monastery, and if he should die he was to he accorded the same honours as a monk of that community.

Vfoen tidings of the death of a brother in one house reached the other, a Solemn Mass with Placebo and Pirige was to he said and the name of the departed monk, entered in the Martyrology. If the head of the Monastery de• parted then his,soul was remembered at Mass for a month and his anniversary kept* Every year the Mass of the Holy Ghost was to be celebrated for the quick and dead of both houses. On the first visit after his creation the Abbot or the Prior was to be received with a Procession. Bach Superior was empowered to absolve a brother in the other house during the absence of the Abbot or Prior of the Monastery, and precedence in Chapter might be surrender• ed to the visiting Prelate. (1) During the interregnum that occurred after the death of Bishop Thomas Polton in August 1433» the Prior of Wor• cester was guardian of the Spiritualities of the diocese and he soon began his Visitations.- He came to Winchcombe

IT) Landboc, II, $46- 550 " About 10?7 Bishop V/ulfstan had formed an associa-^ tion between the heads of Worcester, Evesham, Gloucester, Pershore, Bath Ohertsey and Winchcombe for mutual loyalties and benefits. Vita Wuifstani, (C.S.) xl. 237

on October 19th and stayed there for one night. The absence of any comments would seem to indicate that* like his late Bishop, he found everything entirely satisfac• tory, (1) Two years later the Abbey and many other houses had the doubtful privilege of contributing to a loan demanded by the King, who, on July 9th (1435) undertook to repay the £26* 13.4 that Winchcombe had provided. (2)

For several years the Abbot and Convent had been spared the.expense and trouble of litigation; but in 1440 a controversy arose between the Abbot and Benedicta Pryde, Abbess of Polesworth, concerning the tithes of Admington in the Parish of Quinton. The Abbess contended that they were hers at Common Law and that she had enjoyed peaceful possession for over thirty years• The Abbot' emphatically denied this contention, maintaining that he had possessed them since the gift of King Kenulf and that he had been confirmed by Bishops and Popes in his owner• ship. The contending parties agreed to abide by arbitra• tors and their cases were argued by William Vance,(or Vauce i.e.Vaux) LL.B. for the Abbot, and Gregory Newport TD Sede Vacante , 430 • (2) C. P. R. 1429-36, 467. Gloucester lent £40 and Cirencester £30 for the Abbess. The decision was given in the Abbot's favour, but he had to husband, his demesne. If he let to laymen, then half of the tithes were payable to the Abbess. The adherence of the Abbess was guaranteed by the bond of two laymen for £40.(1) The old association of the monastic tenants at Cow- Honeybourne with Evesham had been broken f or several years by reason of the discord and disturbances that arose when they sought to assume their proper precedence in the procession formed on Whit-Tuesdays to go to Eve• sham Abbey. The people of the adjoining parishes proved to be so hostile that the Cow-Honeybourne people, one representative from each house, deemed it expedient to forego their rights and refrain from taking cross and ban• ners. Though they no longer processed, they continued to pay the customary offering of a farthing to the monks of Evesham. .

On January 2nd, 1442 Pope Eugenius ordained that, as the Cow-Honeybourne men had not processed to Evesham for the last 26 years, they should not now resume this prac• tice yet they ought to continue their ancient payment.(2) (.1) Landboc, IX, 543-5 for the ancient"settlement see~~~ above, p. 7» (2) ibid, 537-9 and Cal. Papal Begs. Letters, Vol.I£, 1431-47,279 239

The complaint of William Elmley, Cistercian monk of Hayles, that after living laudably within his Abbey for several years he had been unlawfully and unjustifia• bly imprisoned for about a year as an evil doer, only obtaining liberty through the help of friends, brought a mandate from Pope Nicholas V. which empowered the Abbot of Winchcombe and the Official of the Bishop of Worces• ter to compel the Abbot and Convent of Hayles to restore him fully to his rights and privileges under the pain of ecclesiastical censure. (1)

Illegitimacy and servitude had always been regarded as a bar to promotion to Holy Orders; but, unlike many, other similar obstacles, it was avoidable by a Papal dispensation. Some time prior to 1452, the Abbot had received two men into the Abbey; one, Nicholas Upton* who was the son of a married man and an unmarried woman, and the other, Henry Staunton, who was himself a serf and the son of a serf. For both of these dispensation was ob• tained from Pope Nicholas V. on June 27th,1452 by which they were permitted to receive all Holy Orders and to hold any benefice, with or without cure, wont to be Q) ... .Cal. Papal Regs. Letters, Vol. X. 1447-55»307-8 governed by monks, and even to be raised to a priory or the abbatial dignity.(1) It is possible that the stand• ard for the admission of monks to the Abbey was being lowered in view of the fact that between the commencement of this reign and the previous one the community had re• mained at almost precisely the same strength, and might even have shown some signs of decrease about this time*

The reign of/Abbot John Cheltenham was brought to a close by his death in November 1454, after a rule of over thirty-one years. During his time the efforts of his two predecessors came to fruition, for his-conserva• tion of the monastic estates and peaceful guidance de- livered the Abbey from the heavy indebtedness that had burdened the rule of many Abbots. To his able wisdom, rather than to the benevolence of laymen the credit must be freely given for this; as, with the exception of the Manor of Eycote and rights in Bendcombe, North Cerney and Woodmancbte which came by some undisclosed means into the Abbot*s possession at Martinmas 1429*(2) the' grants of property were very few during this long reign.

TT5 Cal. Papal Regs. Letters, Vol. X. 1447-55. 592, and seo also O.G.Coulton, Five Centuries of Religion, Vol. 111,336. • ' C2) Landboc ^r,509-10. The Earl of Warwick quit-claimed the Abbot concerning Eycote etc. Sept. 10th, 1429.' ibid, 511. 241

For several houses and sundry small parcels of land in Alne, leased for 70 years to John Attewood and his wife and son in February 1435* the Abbot .secured but a poor rental, 24/3 a year and heriots and suit of court from each tenement. He did however retain the right to refuse permission to them to sublet. (1)

(1) LandbOc #562-4 242

CHAFTEH EIGHTEEN.

when Abbot John Cheltenham died, the Community chose their Prior, v/illiam de Winchcombe, to succeed him. To this election the royal assent was forthcoming on December « 11th, 1454 (1) and on New Year*s Day the temporalities were restored to the Abbot. (2) It was a reign of twen• ty years of internal peace, save for one dispute over tithes; in contrast with the disturbed state of the King• dom, so soon to be riven by the Wars of the Hoses. The Abbot was called upon to assist his monarch in the early days, but his interest was merely financial. On Novem• ber 2nd, 1457 William de Winchcombe was among those mag• nates deputed to examine ways and means of raising the money needed to put the King's finances in order and to meet the royal creditors. (3) It was the only personal service rendered and for the rest of his time the Abbot attended to the affairs of his House and those were by no means burdensome; in fact, the efficient rule of his pre• decessors had straightened out most of the problems and all that was required was a superior capable of keeping things together - a role that was well within William de Winchcom.be* a capacity. On October 3rd, 1457 the Abbot (1) C. P. B« 1452-61, 208. (The licence to elect was is- sued on November 22nd. ibid, 199 •) (2) ibid, 230. The Abbot received his Benediction at Alve church. (3) ibid, 390 . 243 " '

and Convent exchanged 103 acres of their poorer land In Yanworth for 63$ acres of pasture in the possession of John Clifford and his daughter and son-in-law, and the monks took care to stipulate that if they were at any time evicted from the new lands they might re-enter upon their original territory and also secure £200 in damages.(1) If such precautions were deemed necessary where some lay people were concerned, there yet remained a few still well disposed towards the Convent and prepared to augment its income. On March 24th, 1460 the Abbot and Convent ob• tained the King's licence to acquire in frankalmoigne possessions to the value of £20. (2) It was, however, the only grant of the kind during the reign of William de Winchcombe.

As a matter of fact the Abbey was anything but badly

off fort sometime between 1454 and 1468, Abbot William decided to.provide the people of Winchcombe with a church of their own. During the previous King's reign (Henry V.) the townsfolk had worshipped in the nave of the Abbey Church, using it as their Parish Churqh. Presumably their own, St. Peter's, being too ruinous for worship, though' the dilapidated chancel appears to have been used as a chantry chapel. It was this Chancel that the Ab- (1) Landboc, II. 550-2 ~~ ~~ ~ (2) CP. R. 1452-61, 600 244 t>ot restored; no doubt expecting the layfolk to follow his lead and rebuild the rest. They certainly commenced the task, but the £200 at their disposal was insufficient for its completion, so Ralph Boteler, Lord Sudeley, came to their rescue and finished the work. (1) Probably the Abbot was anxious to have the towmsfoik worship elsewhere than within the great Abbey; and, at the time, his action appeared both wise and generous, but it proved to be the undoing of the great monastic Church. When the Disso• lution came the people of Winchcombe preferred to retain their splendid Church rather than to buy the vast Abbey Church unlike the townsfolk of Tewkesbury and Great Mal• vern, when faced with a similar choice.

By Canon Law monks were forbidden to accept the cure of souls in a Parish but this regulation was often circum• vented by a Papal dispensation. William Upton, one -of the monks, secured permission from Pope Pius II, on November 19th, 1460Mto receive and retain for life any benefice with or without cure of souls wont to be govern• ed by secular clerks, even if a parish church or its per• petual vicarage or a hospital and to resign it simply or for exchange as often as he pleases. " (2) Such dispen• sations were seldom, if ever, issued before the fifteenth

TT> Leland, ITINERARY, VOL. V. 54-55 ~ ~~ (2) Cal. Papal Regs. Letters, Vol. XI, 1455-64, 586 245 century, and even then were not common. In the next year the young King Edward IV visited the Abbey on August 26th, (1461), and soon pressed on to Oxford. (1) His troubles were his own and he left the monks undisturbed except that, out of the £38 a year that they paid to farm the three Hundreds and the Town, ten marks went di• rectly to John Cliffe, King's minstrel, for life from November 5th, 1462. (2) In the next year, 20 marks were payable to Edmund Molyneux, an esquire; (3) and, four years later, another minstrel, was drawing ten more marks. (4)

The Hector of Hawling, Hugh Ward, disputed the shar• ing of his tithes with the Abbot and Convent and the mat• ter was1 placed before the Bishop of Worcester, John Carpenter (1444-1476). By his award, dated April 13th, 1464, pronounced in the presence of the Rector and Thomas TwyningV Abbey Cellarer, the Monastery was declared to be free from tithe payments on wheat, hay, pasture, in• crease of grazing animals, wool, lambs» geese, porkers, flax, hemp, pigeons, milk, calves, eggs, apples, herbage, wood and brushwood on the demesnes in Rowell, Spoonley, Hawling and Cutsdene. On these demesnes the tenants were to pay their tithes and death dues to the monks, who al-

TTJ CP. R. 1461-7, 70. ~~ (2) ibid, 221. (3) ibid, 268 (4) ibid, 1467-77. 44 246

so obtained their right to the tithes, emoluments and death-dues of Howell Church. The Rector received the tithes and death-dues of Hawling Parish and all the in• habitants in'the area were to go to. the Parish Church f or the Sacraments. He was also allowed an annual pension of 30/- for his services and exemption from the ancient yearly payment of a similar sum to the Convent* Because he agreed to accept £3 then and there, the Abbey was em• powered to withhold their 30/- pension from the Rector for two years. Thus concluded the last conflict between the Abbots and Convent and the clergy and people of their demesnes* (1)

For the rest of the reign of Abbot William de Winch• combe all was tranquil* The Winchcombe people had their Church under the Convent's nominees who were too insecure in their tenure to risk it by disturbing the peace; the monastic finances were sound; the government of the monks beyond reproach, and work and worship were performed without interruption, in marked contrast to the disturbed affairs of State. In short, the Abbey was fulfilling its true purpose. Under.the next two Abbots, Thomas and John Twyning, the Abbey continued to enjoy fourteen more years of quiet prosperity. TTJ Landboc, II, 540-3 ' 247

Thomas Twyning was elected soon after the licence had been obtained from the King, on April 14th, 1474. (1) He had previously been Cellarer of the Abb^y Csee above, 1464). As soon as conf irmation of the election had been received from Bishop John Carpenter of Worcester the order for the restoration of the temporalities was Issued on May 22nd, (2) and the Abbot received his Benediction on August 22nd, 1474. (3) His reign was entirely unevent• ful and short, lasting but less than three years. The next Abbot, John Twyning, had been the Prior of the House. The licence for his election was Issued on March 10th, 1477; (4) and the royal assent given on the 27th of the seme month; <5) the temporalities being restored, to him on the @th of'April. (6) He was one of the three Ab• bots chosen to receive the fealty of Thomas Compton, the ifew Abbot of Cirencester, on behalf of the King in Decem• ber 1478. (7)

During 1480 the King was interested in building the Chapel of St. Seorge at Windsor Castle. For that pur• pose he obtained quarried stone from the Abbot and Con• vent of Wincheombe, to the value of £100. This was taken TT5 C.P.E. 1467-77, 440 ' ~" {20 ibid, 442 (3) Dugdale, XX, 298 (4) C.P.R. 1476-85, 38. 13} ibid, 33. (6) ibid, 34. (?) ibid, 131. The Landboc II, confuses the two Abbots in one reign, Abbot John Twyning (1474-88) because of an error in Dugdale (continued at foot of next page) 248

in payment for a licence granted to the monks on October 30th, 1480 to enable them to receive in frahkalmoigne lands, rents, services and other possessions to the value of £20 yearly. (1) Abbot John Twyning died in 1488, in the House of the Carmelites at Oxford, and the licence to elect his success• or was issued on May 30th.(2) II. ... The Prior and Convent chose as the hew Abbot a young monk of the house, Richard Kidderminster. He had been admitted into the Abbey at the age of fifteen, and four years later, November 6th 1479» he was sent by the Chap- ,*> ter to the Benedictine Gloucester Hall, Oxford. (3) He

was thus about twenty-eight years of age when: elected to preside over the fortunes of the Abbey in which he had dwelt for about five years after his return from the Uni• versity. The Confirmation of his election by the Bishop of Worcester was issued on July 10th, 1488 (4) and, five days later, the .King restored the temporalities to him after he had done fealty. (5) It was an excellent appointment, for Abbot Richard Kidderminster proved to be the most illustrious of all II., 298 (see3BB"Ovel) where John Twining receives" BenedictTon. (11 0. F, R. 1476-65, 220 (2> ibid, 1485-94,228 and Dugdale II, 298 (3) Landboc, II, xxxii-xxxiii (4) ibid, xxxiii (5) CP. R. 1485-94, 237 ' 249 V

the Abbots. .He was essentially a man of affairs of State and Abbey, a great seholar, an eloquent preacher and an active controversialist Without failing in those religious qualities that befit a true Abbot. His friendship'extend• ed to men of widely divergent interests and sympathies, all of whom recognized the greatness and wisdom of the Abbot. The first outside task laid upon the Abbot was that of collecting the tax of a penny in the mark from all the Benedictine houses. This was levied by the General Chapter held at Northampton in 1466 to aid the King. Ey the time that he was required to hand in his returns for audit (1492) he had procured £517. 17s. 7d of which his own Abbey had rendered 65/6 and Evesham 112/10* (1) King Henry VII granted, on March 30th, 1509 to the Abbot and Convent in mortmain the "manor and lordship of Sudeley with the advowson of the Church or Chapel of Sudeley and 20 messuages, 400 acres of land, 80 acres of meadow, 200 acres of pasture, 100 acres of wood and £20 in rents in Sudeley, Toddington, Stanley, Greet, Gretton, (Catesthorpe) Throp and Naunton, sometime of Ralph Boteler and Alice.his wife." (This former owner,' who had assisted the townsfolk of Uinchcombe to build their Church, had (1> Chapters of . the English Black Ilonks, III, 192-194 250 espoused the Lancastrian eause in the recent Wars of the Roses and so forfeited his estates to King Edward IV in c. 1469.) Also all the lands of the King within-the said Manors and Towns, the Castle excepted, to hold for ever at fee farm by the yearly rent of £60 with courts and all other privileges and exoneration from repairs and support of the Castle." (1) Three weeks later the royal donor died at Richmond, from whence the funeral started for London on May 9th, with great pomp. Qhen the funeral train reached Charing Cross the body was eensed by tho Abbots of St. Albans, Reading and WlE.ch- comibe^2) In the next year Richard Kidderminster preached before the next King, Henry Vlli, at §a?eenwich, for which service he received 2Q/*r. C3) This introduction; to C/OUT% and the Elng's notice brought the Abbo-fe into the royaE service. In February 1512, he was givem 80© marks to de• fray his expenses as ambassador to the Pope on the King*a behalf. With him, went the Bishop of Rochester and the Lord of St. John's, i.e. the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem in England. These received £800. each, for the 160 days spent; in the errand. (4) While at Rome, the Abbot appears Tl3 @.P.R, 1494-1509, 59T- (2) nPre-Reformation England," Maynard Smith, 193&. p.5- (3) VHCH. p.71 (4) L. & P. By. VICE, Vol. II. pj?. II, 1449 251

to have preached at least once before the Pope.(l) On his return, Richard Kidderminster was appointed to visit "various monasteries," including Durham and its Prior, Thomas Castell (1494-1519) in March 1513. The next year saw the Abbot very much before the pub• lic eye. On Sunday, February 4th, (1514) the day before the opening of Parliament, the Bishop of London, Fitz;}ames, appointed Richard Kidderminster to preach at St. Paul's cross. The Abbot delivered an impassioned harangue on the immunity of clerks from secular tribunals; declaring that the"Act 4 Henry VIII, by which murderers, robbers of Churches and housebreakers were deprived of their clergy (status), unless they were in Holy Orders, was against the law of God and the liberties of the Church; that all the Lords who were parties to that Act had incurred the cen• sures of the Church, and that all elerks who had received any manner of Ordres were exempt from temporal punish^ ment. (3) The Abbot was fortified by a Bull of Pope Leo X. that he had brought back with him from his recent visit to Rome which declared that, both by human and di• vine law, laymen had no power over ecclesiastics. At the time, feeling was running very high in the City against the Bishop who had recently imprisoned Richard Stane:"far

TT) L. & P* Hy. VIII, 7,.:v*.aSSoiSS 154. King to Benet July 10th, 1531. "..who has preached sundry times be- for the Pope':" (2) Chapters of the English Black Monks, III, 234-5 (3) L. $ P. Hy. VIII. Vol. II. pt.I, 351. 252

heresy and this man had been found later hung under sus• picious circumstances. An uproar was provoked "by the ser• mon, and when Parliament met, the Abbot was severely cen• sured. The King agreed to a debate on the matter at.Black- friars on March 10th. There the Crown case was argued by Dr. Henry Standish, a friar-observant of Greenwich, who declared that the clerics had been tried in the King's Courts for 300 years. Abbot Kidderminster replied that "there was a decree of the Church expressly to the con• trary, to which all ought to pay obedience under pain of mortal sin; and that therefore the trying of clerks in the civil courts was a sin in itself." The counter argu• ment was that no decree of the Church had any force in England until it was received there. To this there was no reply that was not very dangerous; but a supporter of the Abbot, with more zeal than learning, quoted the text of the recent sermon "Nolite tangere meos christos" at• tributing the words to our Lord, suffering thereby the correction that they were not Christ's but David's! (1) This debate merely increased the uproar, and Convocation's summons to Standish to answer for his opinions did no• thing to ease the situation. He sought the King's pro• tection from the wrath of his brethren. Henry VIII, af-

TD L. & P. Hy. VIII. Vol. II. pt.I, 351» et vide Pre- Reformation England, 86-87 255

ter another fruitless debate at Blackfriars, summoned an assembly which included Judges as well as Bishops and other divines. The opinion of this gathering was that the action of Convocation in citing Standish, rendered the clergy guilty of praemunire.1 In dismay Wolsey knelt before the King and disclaimed on behalf of the clergy any intent to derogate from the royal prerogative, at the same time imploring him to be mindful of his Corona• tion Oath and to defend the rights of the Church* Convo• cation ultimately tendered the King an apology and with• drew its attack on Standieh. (1)

If Hichard Kidderminster was on the losing side, he had, at least, emerged with a not inconsiderable reputa• tion and undiminished favour with exalted personages. In the next year (151l?)?/olsey received his Cardinal's Hat. Hichard Kidderminster was present at the formal reception of that mark of honour. With him were several bishops and the Abbots of Westminster, St. Alban*s, Bury, Glaston• bury, Beading, Tewkesbury and the Prior of Worcester.(2) About this time, other great and rising men noticed him. Longland, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln (1521-47), the most eloquent preacher of his time, dedicated five of his Court TO Pre-Beformation England. 87-90. (2) L. & P. Hy. VIII, II. pt.I. 503 Sermons to the Abbot in 151?» praising his "singularis eruditio" and other qualities. (1) At the end of 1519 and the beginning of 1520, Cardinal Wolsey made an at• tempt to reform the English Benedictine monks. For this purpose he convened a meeting of prelates at his Westmin• ster house on November 12th, 1519 where the proposed re• forms were discussed. As Richard Kidderminster was, with the Abbot of Westminster, presiding over the Chapter of the Black Monks* he is certain to have been one of those who were present. Wolsey, followed this meeting up by in• structing the Presidents to summon a Chapter at Westmin• ster on February 26th, 1520 (2) and the Abbots sent the citations out on Hovember 24th, 1519. (3) The Prior of Worcester received his in December, and paid the bearer 3A for his services, W It is uncertain what exactly Wolsey proposed by way of.reformation,.but the monks cer• tainly thought the terms too strict and nothing came of the plan.

While the reform business was in hand, the Abbot was * also engaged in the production of a counter-blast to Martin Luther's teaching and reforms. This he published (1) Dugdale, II, footnote 299 (2) Chapters of the English Black Monks, III, 117 (3) ibid, 119-20 (4) Journal of Prior Moore, (1516-36) 96 in 15211 under the title "Tractatus contra Doctrine® M. Lutheri." (1) In the late Autumn of 1525* Abbot Hichard Kidderminster resigned his office, but he appears to have remained for most of his time at the Abbey. (2) Perhaps it was during this less busy period that he found time to compile the history of the Abbey and its Abbots from the neglected and tattered documents in the Library. (3)° (See Introduction.)

Retirement did not mean that Hichard Kidderminster lost touch with events, or indeed that he was permitted to do so. On October 21st, 1529 he wrote to Cromwell as follows:- "I beg you to write two or three lines of the prosperity and welfare of my Lord (Wolsey) and ye should do more for my comfort than I can express. You know my true hearty mihd and service towards him and my prayers for his continuance. Our Unkind neighbour, Mr. Huddleston, still continues his old malice against our : poor monastery, regardless of my Lord's injunctions* I hope he will not forget his poor house of Winchcombe and I beg you to remind him of it secretly." (4) Richard Kidderminster, like Thomas Cromwell, remained loyal and friendly towards the tottering Cardinal in the hour of his

(1) Dugdale II, 290. ~ ~ : (2) L. & P. Henry VIII, Vol. IV. p. 779 (5) Dugdale II. 299 (4> L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IV. p. 2677 : : " . ' \J- [;'''y' ' ' ' '•''•>• ' '"2567

great peril; but men like Huddleston, perceiving that the Abbey's great Patron's power was waning, took advan• tage of the situation to annoy the monks. The question of the King's divorce brought the Abbot into the affairs of the Court once more. His signature was attached to a petition asking Pope Clement to hasten Henry's release from Katherine of Aragon, dated July 15th, 1550 (1.) and he was marked down in the next year among "such persons as be well learned...and not abiding in the University of Oxford. (2) In a letter from the King to Benet, dated July 10th, 1531 proposing that the Divorce be committed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, it is sug• gested that the Abbots of Westminster and Hyde and tho "late Abbot of Winchcombe, a man of remarkable learning and experience, who has been at Rome and preached sundry times before the Pope" should also take part in the proceed• ings. (3) The King was clearly not unmindful of Richard Kidderminster's favourable attitude to the question of the divorce nor of the fact that the late Abbot was respected at the Holy See.

By this time, however, the Abbot was in failing JJ} L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IV. p. 2929. (2) ibid, Vol. V. p. 6 (3) ibid, p. 154 1 health; after all he was at least seventy-one, and his active life must have taken toll of his strength* To Cromwell he wrote from Winehcombe on November 3rd, 1531 asking him "not to impute his neglect of writing to obli• viousness or negligence, but to his great- age and sickness.'- He intends to supply by hearty prayer for his welfare the omission of his duty in writing. The increase of Crom• well's honour and authority, of which he daily hears is more to his comfort than he can express...Cromwell's la• bours and kindness will be considered by the Abbot and Con• vent /,4(1) By this time Cromwell had taken over the Patron• age of the Abbey, but it is very doubtful if Eichard Kidder• minster would have been so pleasant towards the Minister • if he could have foreseen his,later attitude towards the House and its monks« He was spared that revelation; for before the year was out, - "he gave way to fate to -.the great reluctance of all who Miew the virtue and piety of" the g^a(,§i) i man," (2) and he was buried in the Abbey which he had, so ably ruled and distinguished In his life. (3)

The sympathies of Richard Kidderminster were divided. He possessed friends among the restrained supporters of° . •• TIT L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. V. p. 238 ~** (2) Antony xS, Wood, quoted Landboc, II. xxxv. <•» (3) Ihigdale, II. 299 256

the New Learning as well as among the conservative church• men. Colet and Erasmus were both on close terms with him, and between the former scholar and the fiery die-hard conservative Fitzjames, Bishop of London, (1506-22) he formed the only link, as those two were often at enmity but fortunate in that they shared a common friend. (1) Hie wise rule and wide reputation as a scholar in• creased the numbers of his monks to 27 before the close of the century. (2) It has been said that "by his en• couragement of virtue ,and good letters he made the monas-' tery to flourish so much that it was equal to a little university." (5) If this was the case, most of the teach• ing must have been conducted within the Abbey as there were very1 few graduates among the monks at the Dissolution of the Abbey. "Without further evidence it would be diffi• cult to say whether there was any such revival of learning at Winchcombe as 'at Canterbury. " (4) At the Abbey itself some building was undertaken, particularly a "maine stone wall, ex quadrat0 saxo," (5*) and in the Town several buildings bear his initials 'R.K.1 to this day, as well as a door now preserved in the Vestry Fre-Ref ormation~England, p. 455. ":"~~T"~" Cant, iipis. Regs. Morton, fol. 171d. V. C. H. 71, quoting Brown-Willis, Mitred Abbeys. Gasqu'et, The Eve of the Reformation, 22-6. Leland, Itinerary, pt. V. p. 54 of the Parish Church. The succeeding Abbot was fortunate to have the friendship and influence of Richard Kidder• minster to support him for the first few years of his reigzi; and matters might have proceeded less stormily later, had the late-Abbot been there with his wisdom and valuable contacts* 260

CHAPTER KIKEEEEKT.

The Conge d'elire for the election of the last Ab• bot of Winchcombe was issued on November 9th» 1525 on the resignation of Hichard Kidderminster* (1) On the same day Thomas iSkynton, the Infirmarius, and William Gmersley, the Precentor sought the King's assent to the Community's choice of Hichard Anselm as the next Abbot. (2) This was granted on December 2nd (3) and, on the 16th of the • same month the temporalities were restored. (4) What was perhaps the last bequest of any fair value came to the monks on June 30th, 1526 by a Will made about six years before by oir William Compton. He left to the Abbey "his wedding gown of 'tynsen satin,' to make a vest• ment, that they may pray for the souls of his ancestors," and £20 to be put into the "box of the Abbey of Winch- combe to make defence for all such actions as may wrong• fully be taken against his wife or his executors." ne also desired that two chantries be founded at Compton "to do daily service for the souls of the King, i^ueen, my lady Ann Hastings, himself, wife and ancestors." The Chantry priests were to be appointed by the Abbot of A'inchcombe, or, failing him, the Abbot of 'Evesham. (5) Til L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IV, 779 (2) ibid; 'Anselm* was his name in roligion. (3; ibid, 805 (4) ibid, 813* C'5) ibid, 942. ('tynsen,* i.e. tinselled or gold em• broidered) : ^ [•''-• •' •' 261 1

The correspondence- of the late Abbot Richard Kidder• minster w;ith the powerful Minister, Thomas Cromwell has already been noted. Very soon after Richard Kidderminster was dead, the new Abbot commenced to write to Cromwell, supplicating for the exercise of his influence on behalf 'of the Abbey. In his letter of January 12th, 1452 the Abbot desired Cromwell "to be favourable to me and my poor monastery in the^ matter between us and Mr. Hastings." The Abbey property was dearly at stake, but the law was not enough; influence was necessary as well, and even when that was exercised by one who was supposed to be favourable to the monastery it had to be gained at a price. The time "was passing when the monks were a power of them• selves; now, to an increasing degree, they depended upon the favours of influential outsiders to whom they blindly committed their cause, hoping for the best. So the Abbot goes on to/Awrite, "What direction you take in it we shall be glad to obey* If you think it a matter in conscience, let us pay for it, so that we may also have the land, as we have had it so long and the law is with us."

Cromwell could do much for those in his patronage. Of this the monks" were well aware, hence the almost- cringing note with which the appeal concludes. "We thought to have seen you at Christmas last - you have 262 obliged us so much." His absence clearly perturbed the Abbot who hastened to add a postscript "I have nothing to send you now, but by Midsummer next, I will provide you with a good horse." (1) An after-thought perhaps* but not the least bit irrelevant where Thomas Cromwell was concerned! When King Henry Till cabled on the monks of Winch- combe to abjure ,the authority of the Pope in this realm he found them as willing to do so as were the majority of their monastic brethren elsewhere. There was not one among the Abbot and twenty-four monks who sought a martyr's crown on an issue between the Supremacy of Pope or King* when put to the test on August 23rd, 1534. (2) Not that the Abbot was a craven prelate; far from it. When the matter of the King's divorce was before Convocation on March 26th, 1533 few dared to take the side of the unhappy KatherineJ the vast majority were for the royal despot* but"the Bishops of Rochester and Llandaff (a Spaniard), the Abbot of Winchcombe, and a couple of doctors' of divinity (all except perhaps the Abbot, bound to Katherine by ties of service) seem to have been alone in openly opposing the divorce."(3> 11} L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. V. No. 716 "™ " (2) ibid, Vol. VII, No. 1121, (42) (3) English Monks and the Suppression of the Monasteries, p. 112. L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. VI, 311. (3) 263

The King's assumption of the Supreme Headship of the Church and delegation of the widest powers to Thomas Gromr well as *Vicar General* bore hardly upon the' Abbey. Crom• well was intent on harrying the monks everywhere, and one of the devices employed by him was to appoint as local clergy men who held views very different from those long cherished by the monks. To Winchcombe, Cromwell sent an industrious and violent cleric, Anthony Saunders, with instructions to lecture the community. Naturally the monks were unwilling to assist him in the dissemination of his doctrines; so, on February 3rd, 1535 this 'Curate of Winchcombe' wrote as follows to his powerful patrons "As you have appointed me to be a pastor at Winchcombe to preach the Word of God and read it to the monks, I desire you to help me of the manifold lets and burdens which hin• der me in the performance of my duty." He goes on to com• plain of the size of his parish, with its population of 2,000 and the hindrances of the Abbot who allows, "any communication in his company and monastery, as long as not the Gospel." It would appear that my Lord Abbot only bore with his visitor while he confined hie conversation to pleasant 'small talk'; but when the 'Curate' became

e axnes*t for the ' enlightenment' of his monastic parishohers, then the Abbot changed the subject or moved auay. 264

Another of Anthony Saunders* difficulties was that the Abbot would not allow the schoolmaster-chantry priest(v/ho also held somewhat advanced views akin to these of Saun• ders) to act as his assistant and so set him free to rove around the greater houses in the district where his viewa were most likely to be "welcomed. Plaintively he concludes "if I am sent for by gentlemen to preach I cannot go be• cause I have none to help me. Please appoint me a coadju• tor that I may set forth the King*s title (as Supreme Head of the Church) and pluck down that great "dur" (?) of Rome." (1)

In September 1535* Cromwell announced that he was about to hold a general visitation of the Universities and religious houses. But he had already practised for this at Winchcombe. The Vicar General was himself at the Ab• bey on July 26th, 1535* (2> He was by no means taking a rest from matters of State, but was accompanied by others who were gaining experience that was to prove of service when the general visitation commenced. It would seem that these gentlemen interviewed the monks separately and tried to find out all that they could about the Abbot and the rest of the brethren in a manner similar to the procedure

IT) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. VIII, 171. ("durr,"Ti.e. »doDrJ in the sense of barrier.) (2) ibid, Vol. IX, No. 4 265

of an episcopal visitation. Winchcombe Abbey was not with• out some who were eager to air their grievances; in par• ticular one, John Horwood, who generally used the name "Placet" or "Placidus" by which he was known 'in religion.' He was full of complaints and suggestions, and just the type of man whom Cromwell wanted^ in fact, an ideal man to leave behind after he himself was gone - one who would report to him everything that went on in the Abbey. It was not long after, that thiB "Placet" sent in i his first of many such reports. On August 20th, 1535 he wrote referring to the recent visit of the King's Gomtfiise sioners and that he had then disclosed some matters that "my conscience compelled me to speak of." He was anxidus to know how far he could go in the matter the "ceremonies for exalting the Bishop of EomeV that'troubled him* He followed this up by seeking authority to seize any books about Purgatory, and mentioned particularly one 'freshly limned and fair written,' of which the matter is but "dry dreams," also one that he considered to magnify the Pope to the level of the Holy Trinity. He then proceeded to make a few suggestions; that his brother Overbury should be commanded to preach the Royal Supremacy every Sunday before the Convent and have his chamber, books and fire; 266 and that he himself should have authority to Compel every monk to preach it and teach it to others. (1) There can be no doubt that Cromwell found a very useful agent in this unctuous prig; but what a dull diet of sermons would the monks have had, if authority had been indeed taken out of the hands of the lawful Abbot and vested in Placet!/: The Supremacy of the King was hardly edifying to those who were already beneath the heel of his agent, Thomas Crom• well. However Placet stuck to his contention» even though he became decidedly unpopular with some of his brethren. 0 • On September 9th, 1535 he was again writing to Crom• well. . "For the love you have for the increase of faith and the destruction of Papistical creatures, set forth the word. The King is Supreme Head of the Church of Eng• land » next to God, to whom we owe love and obedience and his dearly beloved -wife, Queen Anne, and all their posteri• ty. The truth is. not proclaimed so fully as it ought to be. I am counted a wretch because I have made a little treatise against the usurped power of the Bishop of Home which I shall shortly send-you. Some of my brethren are as glad as I am to do this." Cromwell, when he was at Winchcombe* appears to have (l) In 6 P. Hy. VIII* Vol. IK, 134-5^^WiTv/as pretty well for a subordinate. One asks in amazement if his request was granted, what amount of authority W&JJ left to the Abbot? Clearly none at all." Lollardy and the Reformation in England, Vol. II, p. 64. James Gairdner , 1908.) 267

made some criticisms of the importance with which the monks invested their three-fold vows, for Placet goes on to write, "At your being here you disqreetly declared the eff ieacyr; of: our three vows, in which we trust too muoh." There was a purpose, however, behind this flattery; he wanted concessions from Cromwell beyond the relaxations that his own influential position had wrung from his har• assed Abbot, so he writes on; "Whereas it pleased you, considering my infirmity to excuse my rising at midnight (for Matins). I am informed by my master, the father Abbot, that this has caused some grudging in the Convent. He knows that I cannot endure the straightness of the religion; the customary abstinence, the frater and other obediences. Will you gnant me,then, a capacity to take a benefice without changing .my habit, if my master or any man can see in my wretchedness an aptitude to take a curei? My lord of Chester knows where I might have had a living if I would take it, but my trust is in you and my master, the father Abbot, who is Very good to me. I have a cure, under him, of a little village, 40 souls. Such a thing were most quiet for me, which I may serve and keep my bed and board and go to my book in the monastery. Never the- ' • • . 2.6S

less the value of this cure .is not £4 a year." (1) ' Oromwell was now exploiting the dispensing powers formerly exercised "by. the Pope, and his agents were not slow to take the fullest advantages of this. Placet; want• ed both "to have his cake and eat it," for he desired the emoluments of a beneficed clerk as well as the advantages of his monastery where he lived,* thanks to Cromwell, very comfortably, undisturbed by nightly offices. Clearly the little living already in his possession was not suf• ficient for him, and, he had been casting his net far and wide for more money, preferably where he could still , stay on in the Abbey.

He wandered about to his own advantage! or on Crom• well? s work, and soon afterwards he visited the Vicar . General when the Court was at V/altham, where he received some instructions and probably met the notorious Com• missioner, Pr Layton* who was responsible for many of tiie most unpleasant and unsavoury reports on the monasteries and nunneries. IThen Placet came to make his next report, he refers to his recent visit and the deep impression then made upon him.

"You cannot love-your servant Dr. Layton too well. "CD L. & P. By. VlTi™vVi^~Ixr"32T"and .522. " ™~ ~~ 269

I have diligently remembered everything you spoke to me when the King was at Waltham." He then goes on to tell

of the success of his 1 salvage campaign' among the shelves of the monks• library, where he had "sought out many wolde

(old) bookys and ragyde pamphylions 'de Purgatorio'."

Presumably these he consigned to the f lames, well knowing

that his "father Abbot, who is very good to him," was powerless to prevent this gratuitous destruction.

At the time of writing Placet was short of money and

his device for means of obtaining some from Cromwell is both ingenious and amusing* Let his own words speak for

themselves. "The Abbot of Winchcombe owes me E10. 13.4d which 1 give you with all my heart, begging you to lend me

40/- to save my honesty and pay my debts and place me where

I may have meat and drink, or I shall be compelled to beg." (1)

Advent was drawing hear and Placet, not anxious to.

undergo the austerities of the frater during that time of

fasting, was determined to supplement the meagre monastic

fare from elsewhere if he could coax the Wherewithal from his Patron.

He was not beyond resorting to sly practice in his

efforts to undermine the Abbot's position. About this

TO Ir.Vp.~HyY VIII,""VoT7 *ix; 7Zf. He^igns himself "John Horwode, aliter Placett, secundum Papisticos." I 270

time he wrote a letter in the name of- John Parsons, or on his behalf (at any rate, the handwriting is similar to Placet's) complaining that the Abbot will not allow the man to go into the town to earn his living. This pro• hibition is assumed to be due to the fact that Parsons "had waited on one of his monks in London, who by your command (Cromwell*s) brought you certain books." (1) Ho doubt the Abbot, was far from kindly inclined to one who had assisted Placet (for probably he was the monk in question) in removing parts of the library of the House. Parsons could be touched, but Placet, with his powerful backing from Cromwell, was beyond the reach of his master' discipline.

His discontent was growing apace, as the last letter that he wrote to Cromwell indicates. By the end of the year 1535» he was openly disowning canonical obedience to the Abbot, and was*;prepared, with Cromwell's assistance, to interpret the regulations in a manner entirely to his own convenience. At finding excuses to rove abroad, he was expert. "I beg you (Cromwell) to dispense me to in• struct the poor people there (St. James called Gretton).

|]Probably thi s was his poor benefice of 40 souls_|or in

CD L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IX, 1137 in any other place belonging to this monastery, to live for and obey their Prince as Supreme Bead. 1 was never

sworn to the Abbot at his ' installationv • nor ever intend«- ed to be, though I will never be disobedient as far as God commandeth me*" Of course this last sentence was sheer humbug* as Cromwell must have known well that Placet had sworn obedience to the Abbot "and his successors."!

He then produces another excuses "I beg also that I may succour my poor father and mother and visit them in their sickness, although the Rule be contrary. 5Dhe peo• ple think more of unlawful ceremonies or breaking the Ab• bot's commandment, for which they require absolution of me, the ghostly father, than of true faith in the blood of Christ." in conclusion, he turns to complain of the many Psalms said in the Offices, fifteen before Matins. But how did that trouble him, if he was dispensed from at• tendance? Moreover he desires, "that no man be compelled to Bay Mass, or take any hire as trentals." (1)

If Placet had had his way, he would have done nothing at all in the monastery beyond eat and sleep there and go out and round the countryside feeding the people on the stale Supremacy of. the Kingly tyrant. At last, he seems to have found his cure of souls and to have left the Abbey. CD L. & P. By. VIII, Vol. IX. 1145 H

o 272

He had signed the acknowledgement of the King's Supremacy in August 153^» hut his name was not included among those who receivod pensions in 1539* Placet probably obtained his 'capacity* to discard the monastic habit and become a secular priest, as did so many of the inmates of the smaller monasteries that were being suppressed about this time* By so doing he was a trifle too hasty, for if he had remained with the brethren until the end, he Would have had both a pension and a capacity* .Possibly Crom• well was becoming tired of his agent's constant demands for dispensations and thought it better to place him where he would be less frequent in his correspondence • If this was so he was entirely successful, as Placet wrote no more*

The departure of this tiresome, disgruntled and whining monk must have been a profpund relief to Abbot Eichard Anselm; but there were others bent on similar lines* as Placet had already informed Cromwell* SJhile these were probably but a minority among the monks, they were troublesome to a degree out of.all proportion to their numbers. They were' oust as arrogant as Placed, not hesitating openly to rebuke the Abbot and to carry their.complaints to higher authority. 273

On the same day that Placet wrote his second letter to Cromwell, September 9th, 1535 the Abbot wrote about one of his monks, Dan Peter, who was already on his way to Cromwell to denounce the unfortunate Superior for a techni• cal offence. "On Tuesday last, " Abbot Richard writes, "I declared to my brethren the Injunctions sent to us; among others that the Abbot should read and declare,to his brethren every day one part of the Rule which he had pro• fessed and refer it to Christ's doctrine. I showed them that this article pertained to me, and that, though I-was not prepared to read it immediately, I should be ready to do so on Monday or Friday following. Upon this, the Wed• nesday (viz. Nativity of the Blessed Virgin,} because I did not read, my brother, Dan Peter, came to me requiring me to license him to 'cum on' (to you). I, demanding

Why, he said, because I have broken the Injunctions in that I have not read this day and because I had invited one to dinner this day, the Prior and also the Chaunter. a'his he showed me before all my brethren as the reason why he wish• es to come to you. I submit myself entirely to your de• cision and so to order my brother if it may stand with your pleasure, that I may live the more quietly in time to come." (1) TD L.

Probably little correction was administered to brother Peter; certainly not sufficient to deter others from open rebellion. So the unfortunate Abbot had more to complain to Cromwell about, when he wrote again on December 7th,1535* "On Thursday in the first week of Advent, two of my breth• ren, D.an Walter Aldelme and Dan Hugh Egwyhe, ate flesh, contrary to custom. I called them before me and my breth• ren in the Chapterhouse and imposed pemance, which they re• fused to obey, saying that they would eat flesh next Friday if they might have it. I told them that imprisonment was the punishment for disobedience, which they little regard** ed; and I have committed them in custody till I hear fur• ther from you." (1)

Did Cromwell support the Abbot? On the contrary, both these law-breakers were still in the Abbey four years later as his trusted agents, watching to see that the Abbot did not make wway with any of the property prior to its confiscation! No doubt they continued to raid the larder or purchase flesh in the town during the periods of religious fasting. The friends of Cromwell, like Placet and other rebellious elements, could get out of their monastery,with the Vicar General's permission; but that was more than the rest of the Community could do. After the visit of Cromwell and his friends to the Abbey

(!) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol, Txr^T^. ~~ :••; :::i;:^i;::^•••i•••'•'Tf;••'•^!'•'•r• "" 275

in mid-Sumner, the restrictions imposed by him; were very vexatious. The monks were virtually prisoners within the Abbey precincts. Accordingly, towards the end of 1535» they asked that the Abbot might have licence to take one or two of his brethren with him as chaplains when he went out pf. tlie monastery and that he might send any of his brethren to preach the tford of God abroad. They de• sired that the Abbot might receive women of nobility and others of sad and good conversation, being friends, mothers, or kinswomen to him or his brethren, to his hall at dinner or supper, and that women might come into the Church for divine service.

As the monks were limited (by the Injunctions) to the use of one gate, they reminded Cromwell that, of the two gates of the monastery, one opened on to the town where there was always a porter, and the other into the fields. If this were shut, corn and hay would have to be carried half a mile about. They also prayed that the Church doors might stand open at Mass and Evensong. (1)

Clearly Cromwell was intent on reducing the monks* influence over the people to nothing; for what could they do as prisoners, unable to go out to preach or defend them• selves against the criticism of men like Placet, who TO L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IX. No. 1170 - 276

seized every opportunity that freedom of movement gave to disparage the Abbot and his Rule? Even relations were forbidden to come to the House, and the Monastic ser• vices were denied to those who formerly came. The field was entirely free to that creature of Cromwell's, Anthony Saunders, 'Curate of Winchcombe,' who, not content with wandering around among the laity, intruded his person and doctrines into the monasteries of yinchcombe and Hayles. He was far from welcome to the heads of these houses, and they obstructed him with every device at their command. Of this he wrote to Cromwell on November 2nd, 1535» "liThereas you have appointed me to read the pure and sin• cere word of God to the monks of Winchcombe, to preach in the Parish, which is the Abbot's impropried benefice, to "scrape the sur of Rome out of the hearts of men" .and to set forth the title of our Sovreign and Master, our supreme civil head in earth of this his politic body of England, I have small favour and assistance amongst the Pharisaical papists. The Abbot of Hayles, a valiant knight and sol- dier under Anti-Christ's banner, resists much, fighting with all his powers to keep Christ in his sepulchre. He has hired a great 'Golyas, a sotle Dunys man, yee a greate clerke' as he sayeth, a B. D. of Oxford, to catch me in 297~

my sermons*" (1) It was a brilliant move on the Abbot's part. Anthony Saunders could scarcely object to uphold his own words after his discourse was ended. A few de• feats where his new doctrines were concerned, especially in the presence of derisive opponents, and well he might retire discomfited to pour out his woes to Cromwell.

Where the Winchcombe monks v/ere concerned he was in no better case* They found excuses to stay away from his diatribes; after all, who can blame them? They were quite as well able to read the Scriptures, and presumably they had been doing so before Saunders arrived on the scene. It was not so very long before this that that great scholar Hichard Kidderminster had ruled, the monks, and he Would have been unlikely to allow them to ignore such a duty. "Ghat Saunders desired was that they should meekly imbibe and digest his own interpretation of Holy Urit. So ho went on to ask Cromwell to compel them to attend on his discourses and to appoint a convenient hour in the forenoon for hie to read to the monks. "They do not cotoe in due time, they set so much by their Popish service."(2)

Anthony Saunders was a biggoted Protestant innovator of the worst kind, whose novelties and harsh views: brought

U> It. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IX, 74-7* ' : 1 (2) ibid. '" *' " - 278

him into disrepute and even danger of his life. (1) Even the Sheriff of Gloucester, Thomas Bell, had nothing good to say of him and his friends James Ashe, Parson of Staun• ton, the Warden of the Grey Friars of Worcester, and the Bishop's (Latimer) two chaplains Benet and Garret. In a letter to the Bishop of London, dated June 9th, 1536 he protests against those 'Preachers' of the Bishop of Worces• ter, describing them as "disorderly and colorable." So they were, if Sir Garret's tone was any indication of the rest. In a sermon preached at Gloucester on the Sunday next before May Day he said* "if the Purgatory priests do pray with their tongues till they be worn to the stumps their prayece shall not help souls departed. (2) He al• so said that "the Mass was no help to departed souls." It was cold cbmfort for those who* believing otherwise, had made provision for such welfare for their own and ances• tors' souls.

However, there was one among the Abbey monks who ap- pears to have delighted in Saunders' sermons* He was Hugh Egwyn Cooper, one of the flesh-eating pair, and he praised him to Cromwell, when he wrote on November 2nd, 1535* But first he had to begin with a violent and lengthy tirade against the Anti-Christ Pope, passing on next to denounce

TT5 L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. IX, W ~' , (2) ibid, Vol, X. No. 1099* p.463 a preacher at the Abbey who held contrary views. "This ill opinion our 'balyd bachelor' is not ashamed to preach openly in the pulpit, with many other ill opinions, as of Confession, which he advocated in a sermon on the 17th Sunday....By these means they try to prevent the. Sincere and pure preachers of the Word of God, as our parish priest Master Anthony, who takes great pains with us for being heard."

All this listening had unsettled brother Hugh Egwyn. He wanted to leave. Obviously, he was in the minority in his views, and the rest were not too sociable; so he begs Cromwell to deliver him 'de isto careere,' for he was "enticed here by fair promises when not fully fourteen years old." It is quite likely that he was admitted to the Abbey at that age; so had Eichard Kidderminster been, but in all probability he was merely one of the pupils at the Abbey school who later declared or showed an aptitude for the monastic life, then held to be a not unusual voca• tion.

The letter concludes with a sweeping denunciation of his brethren. "There is nothing in their living sounding to virtue. Never saw less charity, more envy, less piety of living and more impurity; less quietness and more un- quietness." He has* known men not to speak to each other for half a year, "yet they boast of their goodness* (1) More attention might be given to his views if he had been a man with greater experience of similar monasteries, but as he had been nowhere, except to Oxford, where he obtained his B.A., since the age of fourteen his slanders can be easily discounted; though the mud-gathering Commissioners must have found him a ready help. Incidentally he did not

have the courage of his convictions and leave that 4 V£l prison J as he was still there when everyone had to depart*

In the next year the Abbot and Convent were greatly

embarrassed by the high handed demands of the King, whoD had granted a lease of the monastic pastures at Frampton to Edmund Coningsby, of the royal chamber, "to have the same to him and his assigns for 50 years." If that grant went through, the sheep farming, so profitable always to the Convent, would suffer; so the Abbot wrote to Cromwell . on March 27th, 1536 "Please remember the bargain that is be• twixt us and Sir John Allen, knight and Mayor of London, for our 'ooles' (wools) for years to come, at a certain pice, upon pain of forfeiture of our lordship of Sherborne. If we sell our leas and pastures where we breed our lambs we cannot perform our contract.' Please inform the King of this and suffer us to hold our pastures or dissolve TT) LV & P. Hy. VIII, Vol.mi; Ho. 1^7. : the bargain. (1) Only the intervention of a highly placed friend could ward off the demands of the absolute monarch, and for that assistance the Abbey was soon paying, as will be seen below.

When the rebellion known as the 'Pilgrimage of Grace* broke out* the King was glad to summon what forces he could to meet him at Ampthill; but as the peril subsided 4 these orders were countermanded by letters under the privy signet on Oc$rober 12th, 1536* Thus the Abbot no longer found himself under the obligation of turning out his men• folk, but "meanwhile they were to keep a look out for se• ditious persons and strong vagabonds who may be scattered abroad by the defeat of the rebels." (2) With those same rebels the monks must have had the deepest sympathy, for they were contending for much that was to^the advantage of every monastery still in existence after the recent sup• pression of the smaller houses.

The continual interference of Cromwell with the. af- . fairs of the Abbey has been noted. Hitherto this has been exercised in virtue of his .capacity as Vicar General, but on March 13th, 1538 Cromwell formally accepted the

& P- Hy# VIII, Vol. X. Ho. 564* p.221 (2) ibid, Vol/xi. No. 670 282

position of High Steward of the Monastery, On the fol- lowing day the Abbot wrote his thanks for this signal honour and pointed out that the fee was "but £5*' (worth, however, about £150 p.a, in our money)* In addition to this, Cromwell could count on a "pratty manredde," so he would be able to have some "200 -300 uien at his command• ment to serve the King." (1) The post was really a sine• cure, as it involved the holder in no other real duties beyond the exercise of his. influence on behalf of the House. Cromwell was not, as a matter of fact* any bet• ter off, as he had received various gifts for his inter• ventions before this; without which, as the monks knew well, little would be done for them. He drew 50/- for the half year on December 31st, 1536 (2) and apparently was still in receipt of a similar sum in 1539•(3)

The failure of the Pilgrimage of Grace quickened the activities of the Visitors -to the larger monaster• ies; many of the houses being compelled to make 'Volunt• ary surrenders' of their possessions to the King; the monks either going out into the world with pensions and capacities or, in rare cases, gaining temporary shelter

(1) L. & P* Hy. VIII, Vol. XIII, pt*rfr505. "IcVomwell was High Steward of several other Convents,as well; e.g. Godstow, the Abbess of which informed him that, "the office, is only worth 40/-, but it will place 25-30 men at your command*" vide 'Eng• lish Ixmks etc. p.58-9. (2) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XI, Appendix 16. (5) ibid, Vol. XVI, pt. 2. 2$3 in surviving houses.. Among those that still stood there was a growing fear that their period of survival was very limited. Under these circumstances much business was con• ducted with a view to turning convertible property into ready cash against the day when the bretheren were turned adrift. This traffic in monastic property was notunattend• ed with considerable risk, both to the vendors and the pur• chasers. The former were under suspicion and, anyhow, usually watched to prevent such sales and leases; and the latter were cautious where parting with their money was concerned unless they had an indisputable title to their purchases.

Winchcombe had made a grant of its London property to William Mounslow, mercer of London and probably a cousin or nearer relative of the Abbot, and Richard Rowndall, lawyer of the Temple, on June 23rd, 15j5 8; but it was not concluded until the consent of Cromwell could be obtained. He sent his permission to his two agents among the monks, Dan Walter AideIme and Dan Hugh Egwyn on December 31st, 1538 conditional upon the grant having been made without any "manner of craft or colour." When these two received this letter they were rather concerned about executing its instructions, holding up their reply for six days while they considered the situation. Even after that interval 284

they dared not proceed for several reasons, as they pointed out to Cromwell in their letter on January 13th, 1539- These objections were: (a) "because it might inter• fere with a bargain of wools made between 8ir John Allen and the Convent} (b) because they do not know what Cromwell means by the words 1 colour or craft;* (c) because one of thom was bound in £3,000 and the other in £2,000, to procure no such letters before any surrender or suppression; (d) and because they perceive crafty conveyance between the Abbot and them." They suggest that Cromwell's servant, kr« Draycote, should be directed to examine the whole matter. (1)

The reasons advanced by these timorous agents were not very sound. The sale of property to another wool merchant when, they were having business dealings with a leading figure in that trade was perhaps tactless but hardly of great moment. The enormous sums of their bonds would certainly make for caution, but it was a little late in the day to commence seeing 'crafty conveyance.1 Obviously, they were only too anxious to shelve the whole matter on to the shoulders-of Mr. Draycote. Very soon afterwards the Abbot was writing to Cromwell in great distress on receipt of his letter of January 21st, 1539 probably concerning the above transaction. (1> Xi. b F. Hy. VIII, Vol. XIV. pt. I, No.. 63 285

The Abbot sent his reply that same day by brother William Jerome, late Cellarer. He was clearly much concerned about something and his short note is decidedly cringing in tone. "If he be found an offender,11 he writes, "he prays God send him condign punishment," and then he pro• ceeds to beg favour for the monastery. (1)

The Abbot may just as well have left the last sen• tence unwritten. The fate of the Abbey was sealed and the vultures were gathering to tear the carcase, apart, as soon as the death blow had fallen. Bishop Latimer knew well what was in the air and he was anxious for his friends to do well when the time came; and even before, if it were possible. He wrote from Hartlebury to Cromwell on January 18th, 1539 to put in a good word for his friend Squire Tracy.,. "He wishes "that there were many like Mr. Tracy, as he is given to hospitality, and always reaady to serve the King on commissions and other ways." He wanted Cromwell to write to the" Abbot and Convent of Winch- combe Vthat he (Tracy) may have his lease of the demesnes renewed, as others have, without condition." (2) On August 24th, 1539 Mr. Richard Tracy had his lease and wrote to tell Cromwell that he had secured all the de• mesnes, with barns and implements of husbandry for SA-0

TD L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XIV, pt. I. No. 1Q8~. (2) ibid, No. 84. 286

yearly, according to the extent in the King's records of the valuation of monasteries." He had done very well indeed for himself, but what a poor outlook It would have been for the monks had they had a real opportunity of continuing in their Abbey?

However, (Dracy, and many of the monks believed that the end was near and he was only too anxious to secure what else he could for himself; so he went on to request that, "if the Convent surrender, which some think they are minded to do, he wishes to have the mansion place, with

houses of office and garden, either for rentoor purchase as he has no dwelling with tillage." (1)

On receipt of Cromwell's letter, brought to the Ab• bot by Mr. Draycote, Hichard Anselm made a last desperate appeal for the existence of his Abbey. He wrote on August 17th, 1539» saying that "he trusts he has not done any• thing against the law of God and the King to merit the suppression of the monastery."(2)

He had not been guilty of any such misdemeanour, but that did not help him or the brethren. The King wanted the monks' possessions, and that was all that mattered - they (1> L. & P. Hy. VIII, VoT.~l4, pt. 2, p. 7

had to, surrender and accept what they oould obtain. Bn December 23rd, 1539 two days before Christmas, the monks left their Abbey; and the religious life that had endured on that spot almost continuously for nearly seven hundred years came to a close. (1) A pious King established the monastery and a grasping tyrannous mon• arch swept it away and the bulk of its wealth into his own treasury.

(1) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. 14, pt.2, Kfo. 728 288

;'VVJ i ' • When the King took the possessions of the monks of Wincheombe into his own hands he made provision for the dispossessed religious by assigning to them, pensions of varying amounts and by granting to them permission to » accept any positions in the Church normally occupied by the secular clergy. The Abbot, Eichard Anselm, surnamed Munslpw, left his Hall, assured that he would draw £1&0 a year and 40 loads of firewood out of Depewood. John Hancocks, Prior, sexton and master of the Chapel was awarded £8 a year. This was considerably less than that.awarded to his Abbot; but, whereas the Abbot was a great lord and had lived in his own splendid apartments with his many retainers in much state the Prior was merely an ordinary monk living the common life of the brethren, thus the provision for subsequent life was scaled accordingly. This same consideration determined the pensions awarded to the rest. William Craker, senior Chanter: William Blossom, Almoner and Pittancer; William Bradley, Hostiler; Richard Freeman, B.D.; John Whalley, sub-Prior and In- firmarer; Walter Cooler, sub-Chanter; Hugh Cooper, B.A. (these last two monks were those who ate flesh in Advent); M chard Boidoh, Kitchener'and subV"ollorer and George Foo (or Roo> all had pensions of 13.4d. The rest: Richard Parker, William Trentham, William Horwood, third Prior, Richard Williams, 'waiter Turbot, chaplain, Richard Bannis- ter, keeper of the library, and Christopher Chawnfat all had pensions of £6 a year by the award of the King's Commissioners: Robert Southwell, Edward Came, Richard Gwent, John ..London, John ap Rice, William Bemers, Richard Foulet, John Arnold and Richard Rich5 dated,December 23rd, 1539, the day on which the Abbey was surrendered.(1)

Hayles Abbey received a visit from the same gentle• men the next day. The Abbot, Segar, twenty-two monks and seventy servants being evicted that very day. They too had thoir pensions; ranging from the Abbot's £100, to £1. .6. a. (2) * After these labours the Comraisoioners wei-e ready to move on elsewhere. On January 4th, 154-C they informed Cromwell that they "had despatched Hayles and Winehcombe and are at Gloucester, where they have taken the surrender and are travelling for a new order to be set thero...will now go to Tewkesbury and conclude with the shire." (3)

What happened to the Abbot and his brethren when thet tl) L. P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XIV, pt. 2. No. 726 (2) Transacts. Bristol & Glos. Arch. Soty. Vol. X£IX, (1927> p. 65 (3) I:. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XV. No. 19 . great Gate door slammed "behind them and they were adrift in the world which was already overflowing with home&ese monks from all the great houses that the King had sup• pressed? They had their pensions and, presumably, some ready cash in their pockets with which to hire lodging; but some at least would want something to do and to. live more fully than as idle pensioners. Fortunately we are able to trace the subsequent careers of a number of the ex-monks.

The Abbot, at least, had little to worry him; cer• tainly far less than had burdened his life in the Abbey. The blow had fallen and no longer would he feel the sus• pense that had preceded it, nor be called upon to rule as best he could, turbulent and disobedient monks aided and abetted as they were by powers greater than his own* His feelings must have been akin to those of Ms brother Abbot of Beaulieu, who declared, "Thank God I am rid of my lewd monks."1 (1) Now his money was his own, not so much perhaps as it had been; but enough to manage on. Things were a great deal more certain now. For a time he was without a living, but in 1541, the Crown gave him the Rectory of Notgrove. (2) To this was added a prebendal stall at Gloucester on November 14th, 154-6; but, by

"CD English Monks, etc. p. 252 ' (2) Trans. Vol. XLIX, 86-7 taking this last office, he lost £20 of his pension.(1) On September 27th, 1554 he was instituted to the Bectory of Badwinter, Essex, at the presentation of Lord Cobham. These benefices he retained until his death in October 1558. (2) The Prior, John Hancocks, appears to have stayed near the Abbey, for Leland mentions that he talked with him; (3) but he too appears to have accepted a living in 1554, the Bectory of Shipton Oliffe, not far away, and to have held it until his death in 1562. (4)

William Jerome (alias Blossom) went further afield for his living to augment his pension. He was probably vicar of All Saints, Canterbury in 1550, and died eight years later as Vicar of St. Paul's in the same city.

William Kenelm, (alias Bradley?) went to Quinton. His name is found as one of the witnesses to a Will, dated. 1547. He does not appear to have taken a benefice anywhere Richard Michael (alias Freeman, S.T.B.) became Curate of Gretton in 1548, and then moved to the Vicarage of Ebring- ton which h© held until his death in 1574. (5) Ui English-Blonks etc. p. 251, n. (2) Trans Vol. XLH, 86-87; cf. Newcourt, Repertorium,

Ii;t 479. (3) Leland 'Itinerary,1 p.54 (4) Trans. Vol. XLIX, 86-87 There is some uncertainty in identifying monks' names in 'religion' with their appropriate surnames. The Landboc, Vol. II. xxxv iii, differs from the above list:- (5) alias, Williams. ' r..:- 292

Richard Angel (Ahgelus) (alias Parker?) became Per• petual Curate of Charlton Abbots in 1551.(1)

William Gawre, (alias Trentham) who became Rector of Ireston-Bagot in 1555* and died in 1561; or (Horwood) later Rector of Madresfield in 1541-8, and Rector of Wormehill, Kent in 1548, until his death in 1568. (2)

Walter Aldhelm, (alias Cooper) became a Chantry-Priest at Hereford Cathedral from 1545 to 1546.

Hugh Egwin, (Cooper) B.A., stayed near hie old haqnts and became, in 1540» Stipendiary of Winchcombe*

Richard Bernard, (alias Williams?) accepted the Cura• cy of Yate in 1540, and took a wife. (?) Walter Bede (Turbot) the Chaplain, went to.Easelton as Rector in 1546, and took the Rectory of Stowell in 1559* holding it until his death in 1573.

Richard Ambrose,, (alias Boiden) went as Curate to Cound, Salop, and became Rector of Woolstanton until 1572. (4) Another monk who did not go far away from the district for his benefice was Richard-Martin (alias Bani• ster) who, in 1541, became Stipendiary of Aehelworth. (5)

George Leonard (alias Rowe, Roo, or Poo) did not leave

(1) alias Freeman, B*D. ~ " (2) alias Blossom* (;>) alias Boidon (4) 'alias Banister' in Landboc IX, xxxviii. (5) 'alias Parker,* ibid. 2m

the town of 47inchcombe at all , but became Vicar c. 1541-

59.(1)

Christopher Benedict, (alias Chaxxnftit or Chalfoht) went to' High Wycombe as Master of the Hospital there* His name would indicate that he was a native of those parts. He later became Hector of Upton, Bucks, (1546-53) when Queen Mary again enforced celibacy on the clergy, and de• prived the married ex-monks of their livings and wives. This former monk of the Abbey was unfortunate as he had married.- However, his pension would continue to be paid to him. (2)

Wherever the former monks had taken livings in the patronage of others than those by whom the pensions were paid, they were able to draw both the emoluments of the benefice and the pension. Thus ex-monks were decidedly- better off on these terms than the clergy who had never been professed in'a monastery.

Beside the Abbot and the seventeen monks to whom &250 a year was paid in pensions, there were others whose inter- ets had to be met. In and around.the Abbey ninety laymen (1) The dates given are those listed in *A Handbook-to Winchcombe Parish Church' Meurig-Davies. The au• thority quoted in the above text gives 1544-51. (2) The list quoted above is taken from "The Dispossessed Eeligious of Gloucestershire," G. Baskerville. Trans. Vol. XLIX. pp. 86-7. I prefer his association of names and persons to that in the Landboc as foot• noted 294

were employed. These were 1 rewarded* by the grant of a year's /cages. (1) Some, particularly those engaged oh the land in various ways would readily find fresh work when the new owners were settled in, but the domestic• servants would not be needed to the same extent as in the days of the monks who were notorious for their swollen households*

In addition to those mentioned above several other people had received salaries or pensions from the monks. Their vested interests were compensated or honoured. Edward Draycott, Es^. the servant of the Abbey and Cromwell as well had a pension of £2 a year. ftine others also received sums varying from &4 to 13/4.

The monks and the above were still receiving their money in September* 1552, when a Commission enquired close• ly into tli© payments and the continuing existence of the pensioners, as relatives were not unknown to continue in receipt of the pensions after those to whom they had been awarded were dead.

By 1552, at least one monk had found hie pension in• creased; this was Richard Bolden who became a Chantry Priest at St. John Baptist, Gloucester. When the chantries

(1) imglish Monks" ctcT p." 2HS" ff;. " " ' ~" * There ;vere 70 laymen to 22 nonkc at Hayles, and 144 laymen to 59 monks at Tewkesbury. c*f. Gavine, "I^nglish. monasteries On the Eve of the Reformation," Vol. I. p. 221 were suppressed, he was out of office once more and there• fore eligoble for further compensation. It was not a large pension, £4; hut with his first award of £6. 13.4, he was receiving the equivalent of about £320 of our money. When he became Rector and had the living, plus the two pensions, he was very well blessed.

The Abbot's reduced pension was also noted by these Commissioners. One other pensioner listed with the Abbey servants ought to be noted. He was Humphrey Dicks, the School• master, who continued to draw his salary of £10 a year.(l) He taught in the Grammar School attached to 'the Abbey where six singing, boys were maintained out of a grant mad© by Joan, wife of Sir John Huddleston. (2) II These various pensions and rewards made an impressive * • total; but the monastic income was equal to the charge. Mien the Abbey fell into the hands of the King the clear annual valuers assessed at £766. 10 7K*C3) Out of that sum, he could show a handsome profit. In fact, when the property was put. under the Crown Bailiff and worked as a profit mafeing concern, with no monks to support and un- (1) The^details of the above pensions are taken from Trans. Vol. XXiIX. pp. 98-110 (2) Savine, English Monasteries etc. Vol.I. p.231. e..f. V*B. II, 411. (3) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XV, 139,(iv) Hov.?th,1540 necessary servants to maintain, the income increased, so that, by 1540,it had risen to £945. 5. 11)4. (1)

What was the extent of the properties of the Abbey? In Gloucestershire the monks held the manors of Winchcombe, (Twining, Sherborne, Stanton, Snowshill, Honeybourne. Dry- Mars ton, Admington, Yahworth, HazeIton, Howell, Hawling, Charlton Abbots, Naunton, Framptom and Cotes-in- Winch- combe, and Sudeley; the Hundreds of Kiftesgate, Holford and Gretestand; rents in Winchcombe and Gloucester; the Rectories of Winchcombe, Twining, Stanton and Bledington. In Oxfordshire they owned the manor of Emstone, and in Warwickshire that of Alne. (2) Most of these possessions, including the1 Rectories, were farmed out,,so the monks had drawn a fixed income from those to whom they were let.

When the King's Commissioners went carefully into the monastic property, in 1535 they scheduled many of the sources of income enjoyed by the Winchcombe monks.

The quarry at Barrington brought in a rent of 6/8 a year* (3) Fulling mills are rarely mentioned in the Valor Ecclesiasticus, only 15 in all; but Winchcombe possessed two at Cotes, worth £2. 10. 0 a year. The revenue derived from the Abbey corn mills amounted to TT5—y. C. H. p. ^2 ~" (2) ibid. (3) V. E. II, 459, c.f. Savine, p. 124 £6 19. 4d. (1)

• The market at Winchcombe brought in- only 3/- a year from rents of stalls, tolls etci but it was probably farmed out. (2) The Fisheries in the possession of the Convent were a sound source of revenue, being valued at £4 a year. (3)

As'the Abbey was responsible for the Courts of the Hundreds and Manors, the monks derived a small profit for their work. It amounted to about £4. 4. Od. (4)

The demesne revenue of the Abbey, excluding woodlands, was assessed at £142. 1. 8d (5) and a larger additional sum must have been forthcoming from tenants* rents.

Fj?om the Alms of the faithful, the monks derived £11. 8. 4d, which, unlike the rest of their income, was tax free* (6) At this time the shrine of St. Eenelm was no longer so popular or profitable. The income from this treasure was not worth entering up, unlike that of the Precious Blood of Hayles which brought in £10 a year to its custodians. The former shrine was quite eclipsed by the latter.(7)

TO V. E. II , 460, Savine 126. '^ornmills liFl^kTsbury paid £18. 10s. (2) ibid. Cirencester paid the Abbey there £7 for the markets. • (3) , Savine, p. 130 (4) ibid. Curial Income Of Tewkesbury amounted to £28. 18. 3&d (5) Savine, p. 146 (6) ibid, p. 235t Tewkesbury, £36. 0. lOd (7) ibid, 103. Thomas a Becket, £36. 2. 7», Walsingham £260. 12. 4d 29&

Beside the upkeep oi' the Abbey, its monks and their

many servants* there were others to be paid for duties per•

formed* At, Winchcombe the stewards, bailiffs, receivers

and auditors numbered fifteen, (1) and their salaries* less

keep, expenses and liveries, - amounted to £21. 11. 2d. Some

of these were, no doubt* but part-time agents who performed

similar duties for other monasteries. (2)

The final totals for 1535 are as follows, tabled with

other monastic returns for comparison:-* (3)

ABBEY General Income Temporal Income

Gross Net Net Winchcombe £ 812. 3 215 £ 759 11 1134 £ 710 5 2Ji £6t35 19.r3i4 Hayles . £ 407 10 7 £ 360 5 9 Tewkesbury £1478 7 11# £1319 6 5& £1057 15 3% £990 4 2 Gt. Ealvern £ 453 4 OK £ 306 4 1J4 301 6 6)4 £239 10 6j4

The income of the Abbey has been reviewed at the time ' of the Commission and at the Dissolution, but no considera•

tion has yet been given to-the question of debts. The monka were, as a matter of fact in debt, but to no great de• gree. This is not surprising, for very few people would advance credit to a corporation whose existence from day to day was decidedly uncertain.

When the Abbey was dissolved there were four credi-

TT) fcSavine, 250; Hayles, 7; Tewkesbury,. 47 (2) ibid, 245-8. Tewkesbury, £55. 19. 3d; Gt. Ealvern, £29. 4. 8d. (5) V.E. II. 456-61. torss- Bowl llbrton who was owed £13. 6. 6d.; Anthony Ayleworth #20j The President of Corpus Christ!, Oxford, £2© and Sir John Allen, &|3'6. The current debt was very small, £15* 3* 4d. When the end was in sight it is scarcely to be expected that the monks would concern them^ selves very greatly where their creditors Were concerned; so the King's Commissioners had to settle the accounts out of the proceeds of their legalized robbery.

On the other hand, the monks were owed £20. 13* 4d, by the executors of the late Lord of Berkley for the ward• ship that he had bought from the monks. (1) Again in this case, the impending dissolution would be no incentive to prompt settlement; but the Commissioners, knowing all about the debt, were in an even better position to extort payment than the monks had been.

Ill As soon as the monks had left their home the King converted their entire property to his own use and advantage. Portable property presented no great problems. If the re• port spread around the County by William Wbdlow, who was- seized by the Sheriff at Tewkesbury about February 8th, 1540 had any truth in it, "the King had a horseload of plate out of Winchcombe Abbey and portion of every rich (1) Exch* Augm. 0. M. b.vt 494. vide, Savine, p. 214 man of the town of Winchcombe," and "two malt 'syffes* full of plate were brought to the tallbooth at Tewkesbury, taken for the King from the rieh men of the Town." (1) Certainly the Commissioners scheduled a "Myghter" (mitre) Garnyshed with silver gilte, Ragged peerles (pearls) and Countersette Stoones," among the "Juelles Reserved to Thuse of the Kinge's Majesty." (2) Except, perhaps^ for some books from the Abbey Library and small trifles, it is unlikely that the monks managed to reserve to themselves any of the treasures of the House, as the King possessed a good inventory drawn up by the Commission of 1535* and he well knew what was of value in the monastery.

Until the property was sold or given away, certain portions of the actual buildings were left in the eustody of Sir John Bridges (Lord Ghandos) and were assigned by the Commissioners to remain undefaced. These portions in• cluded "the HsiraAbates lodging leading from the ETorthgate to the Southgate of the Frayter with Kitchyne, Buttre, Pantre and lodgings within the same bounds. All the Lodginge on the West side of the Courte from the Northgate to the Southgate with Bakinge and Bruynge houses* The late Abbot*s stable, Barnes, Oxhousi and Shepehous."

The remaining property was "deemed to be superfluous"

(1) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XV, 183 : : ~~ (2) Landboc, II. xli. SCI

and thus was soon destroyed including the "Ghurpl^e with - the Ileq, Ohapelles, Steple, Cloister, Chapt©rfeo#a» Do^r- t©ry>'3Brater, Fermery, Library with Chappells ''e^.$ci&&l*&B to them ad;}oyninge an alle oder above not reserved."

The main buildings were roofed with lead, a metal much priaed. That remaining upon the roofs of the "Church ^uere, (Choir) I$les, Chapelles, Steple, Library, Halle> Cloister, and Galery with Gutters in oder places" was estimated to amount to some 121 'Foders.' (1)

Ultimately the property passed to Lord Seymour, the first proprietor; and the demolition of all the buildings went on apace notwithstanding the assignment to maintain certain sections. When the roof was gone, the elements soon began to ruin the interior. To natural destruction was soon added the activities of the local human agents, and several testimonies to their work are still to be discerned incorporated in various buildings still standing in and around the town.

rahen Browne Uillis visited the site in 1714 it was so

levelled and ploughed that he found it impossible tofcon• jecture the precise lay-out. (2)

To Sir Thomas Pope, of London, a grant in fee #or

S12C4-. 3.4-d was made in June 1540, whereby he obtained the

CI) Landboc, II. xli. A f oder - about 2,400 lb™ (2) ibid. ECatior or LordsMp of Bnston, Gxony except the. HecSory.(l) Sir John Bridges, the "King's Fermdr," obtainod a twenty-one years' lease of the "mansion called (ETorijeden^'.;. alias Oornedon, in Winchcombe Parish, and pasture upoid Csrnedene Hill, a messuage called 'le Araery' and pasture upon the downs of Charlton Abbots, and the commonofv Snoweshyll, Gloucestershire, and certain parcels of the demesne lands of Sudeley Manor," on July 2nd, 15^0. (2)

Sherborne was leased to Sir John Allen and, in 1$51, it was sold to Thomas Dutton, ancestor of the present Lord Sherborne. (3)

1) L. & P. Hy. VIII, Vol. XV, 831. (14) 2.) ibid, Vol. XVI, p. 721. 3) Landboc, II, xlii-xliii. 303

Conolxision.

After reading the foregoing chapters of this history an impression might have formed that the monies of Winch- s combe Abbey were, on the whole, a tight-fisted land and property grasping community of men far more concerned with the increase and retention of their worldly possess• ions and the defence of their rights and privileges than with the diligent and worthy discharge of those obligations and functions by which alone their manner of life could be justified. In support of this contention their great possessions, the appropriation of benefices in their patronage and their treatment of tenants and others within their de- mesues is cited as evidence. But all these features were characteristic of and common to all monastic bodies of similar or greater size whose history has been investigated. That all other com• munities acted in the same manner is, of course, no de• fence against the charge of werldliness; but fljfc is, in part at least, an explanation. The conduct of monastic business, the lives of Abbots and monks and the discharge of religious duties must be judged by the standards and conditions obtaining at the time and not by present day 304

ideas o£ how and what the monks ought or ought not to have done. The prevailing fashion^of those times in such mat• ters exercised a much more profound influence over the minds of the monks and everyone else than did the stricter ideals of simplicity and poverty that once attracted and inspired their remote brethren. To the strictures and * lamentations of critics the monks were deaf, for these were voiced, as a rule, long after the offenders had been rolled in their robes and laid to rest.

In considering the liVes and activities of the monks., it is always necessary to remember that they were not members of an exotic .and alien clique foisted on to a populace with whom they were absolutely out of touch and sympathy. Bather the contrary, for centuries the monks we^te a legitimate and, integral part of everyday society. , Their presence and work excited none of the wonder and comment then that is associated with and aroused by monks in modern England. The black-robed Benedictines passed to and fro in Winchcombe without the least attention being paid to them, for they were part and parcel of the life of the community. Everyone knew of their manner of life, its alma and ideals were fully understood, and, for the most part, deeply respected.

ftot a few men from the town and district embraced the monastic state, as the names of Abbots and monks so amply testify. This form of life was, and remained for centuries, worthy of the most careful consideration by any young man who was starting out in life. If he possessed the qualifications requisite at the time, life in Winch- combe Abbey usually offered many attractions and to the acceptance of the tonsure he would often be urged by par• ents and relatives who were not indifferent to the real value of the religious life and the degree of respect and veneration which it commanded in the popular estimation and, perhaps in some cases, not least to those advantages and benefits that might accrue to themselves by reason of the association thereby established with the greatest land-owning body in the district.

Such a corporation, composed not of strangers and foreigners but of the sons of the townsmen and such as dwelt on the Abbey demesnes, possessed an intimate knowV ledge of the district and the people in It. Shis close association with the people was at once a great asset and liability; for while the Abbot and Convent tjould sum tap any given situation accurately and act accordingly*,-the^ / way lay open tothe abuse of favouritism towards such as stood in close relationship to the more influential^ members of the Convent. Most of the lesser dealings and acquisi• tions must be interpreted in the light of this intimacy between monks and people. Contacts so close brought much of the smaller property into the possession of the Abbey*

$Shen the time came for local laymen to mafcas their Wills and provide for the pious benefactions that custom demand• ed, few were likely to be unmindful of the great Abbey that dominated the town and in which their sons and friends served.

loreover, the monks were well informed where oppor• tunities for a quick business deal were present. How otherwise, could Bcior Thomas have been so prompt in taking up the land on which he could engage in speculative build• ing, e. 1206; or be aware of just the right moment in which to offer relief to 'hard up* neighbours in exchange for their remaining assei&s? This knowledge of local af• fairs worked both ways. The people knew their monks*

When a hard-pressed countryman had to raise money on his landst %t was to the monks that he turned for a fair deal, even from the out-lying places like Cutsdean and Todding- ton.

When consideration is turned to the larger possessions from which the monks received most of their income, it will be seen that many of these were received by them at the foundation of the house. EJhy should they not be so en• dowed? After all, the monks did not ask to come to Winch• combe in the first instance. It was because King Kenulf wanted a splendid Abbey and,-perhaps a community as large as three hundred, that he established them tnere. They were designed to add lustre to his Mercian capital* why should he do this cheaply? If he founded an Abbey, then it was his bounden duty to see that the mon&s d$d not starve. Provision had to be on an adequate scale, accord^- ing to the standards of life prevailing at the time. Cer• tainly some 105$ hides dotted around a large area were not an over-lavish endowment, aa Abbot Hiehard Kidderminster afterwards pointed out* Later, acquisitions were made, but every one of them was by honest purchase at prices that were rarely, if ever, bargains. Hawling, Haselton and Tanworth manors cost the monks £208 and a rent of £9 a year in 1221; Dry Matston manor was no gift at £755. 6. 8d, in 1250? ajld Rowell manor cost £20 a year and, in all probability, the manor of Bledington was thrown in as well, in 1319 • To these manors the monks were fully entitled, as rightfully as any possessed by the lay lords, so that the complaints of jealous laymen and future critics have little sound sub• stance. By these purchases the monks were enabled to meet some of the many charges made upon them and at no time does income appear to have greatly exceeded expendi• ture. In the Domesday Survey the Abbey income was about £72; in 1194 it stood at about £§$. 15• Hd for the half year leaving a credit balance of only £3 10. 6d, but that was probably the result of a £oo

rose, in 1398, to $533.. 6. Cd; by 1402 it t was still higher, at about £666. 13* 4d When the Commissioners 'took stock' in 1$35» they assessed tLc.net general income at £759. 11. lllid, and by the end of 1539, the income stood at £766. 10 • 7#& These fIgures would probably represent as much as thirty times their value in our present day money.

That the above,incomes were derived through harsh pressure exerted by cold-blooded business men on poor ten• ants, is most unlikely, for when a real business man, the Grown Bailiff took over,; after the departure of the monks* he soon wrung a higher income from the estates, despite the leasing on easy terms of many of the lands by the monks. His figures in 1540 showed a profit of £945. 3*111*.

The monks had many charges upon the income, not least for their own maintenance in a world in which the standards and cost of living were steadily increasing. The community, after the first dispersal must have been few in mumber; and also about the early twelfth century, if the state of the other monasteries is any indication of that obtaining 5C9

at that time in Winchcombe. Whenv after the fire of •1151, the monks were homeless the numbers are unlikely to have shown an increase. From 1252, when there were twenty in the Abbey, the numbers remained fairly constant:- twenty in 1595i one more in 1425; twenty-six, when the Commissioners came round in 1555; and eighteen, when the monks were sent away. In addition to the monks there were many officials of high rank responsible for stewardship and accounts. Eiese had to be paid and losses met when these same offi• cials failed to carry out their duties in a proper manner* In and around the Abbey was an enormous retinue of ser• vants, all drawing wages and many living on the premises. Corrodians, pensioners and the old soldiers, clerks and others sent by lope, King and Bishop had to be provided with money and/or board and lodging. JWany pilgrims came to the Abbey and received hospitality, and the poor had much regular and intermittent assistance. All these claims had to be met out of the income. Moreover, the upkeep of the Abbey and Church was a very great expense. After every disaster repairs were necessary. ..'hen the Church was struck by lightning in 1091, the tower and interior needed restoration. The fire in 1151 meant that an entirely new Abbey and Church had to be built and the work was still in hand in as late as 1206. 310

when the ecclesiastical f ashions demanded a -Lady Chapel, the monks built one in the Churchyard, in about 1275» and twenty-five years later it was thought well to vault the Church ceiling and add side chapels. After the great whirlwind in 1364, the monks had to turn to; extensive restoration work again. while all these current and other-irregular expenses were being borne, Popes and Kings demanded money in by nomeans inconsiderable amounts. Did not Abbot Walter de Wickewane lament the presentation of several demands ( > in one single year, amounting sometimes to as much as £1, 500? In such times of financial stress, to what other source of additional income could the monks turn than to the benefices in their patronage? These were .'fair game.• Sherborne was appropriated in 12224; Enstone in 1307; Twining,in 1379* after a period of Abbatial • misrule ; Winchcombe. in 139$ and Bledington in 1402. Usually a competent sum was reserved for the poor parish- oners and a stated amount for the Perpetual-Vicars who followed the last of the Rectors, and the Convent-had the rest. If this method of raising money is regarded today as mere exploitation It was not looked upon as such in those times. Every other Abbey did the same and, in some cases, appropriated every one of their benefices. Winchcombe, however, left some-Rectories, e.g. Hawling. Precedents in plenty existed for profit making out of churches. The lay lords had been doing it for years, just because their ancestors had built the churches on their manors and regarded them as revenue producing concerns* Without doubt the parishoners of a parish Church that had been appropriated by an Abbey were as well, if not better off than their fellows where a lay lord secured a clerk

to frun' the church in his interests and at the lowest possible cost to himself.

The monks appear to have treated the clergy fairly well. What lay lord could have been persuaded to receive into his .house and make provision for a clerk whom he had presented to a benefice when that clerk could no longer hold office because his affairs had become hopelessly in- t

solvent? Yet the monks of Winchcombe thus provided for the Rector of Twining and Bledington in 1276. If the Ab• bots and Convent had already proved themselves unduly harsh towards the clergy would so many of them have bought corrp- dies in the Abbey? Elen do not pay for their retirement in old age in an uncongenial atmosphere.

Monastic money raising was not, as a rule, a soulless affair. Often the monks would reduce rents and soften their terms in cases of evident necessity; but where the monks

do appear to have been after their 'pound of flesh,1 and 312

sometimes they were, the attitude arose from thB$r corpor• ate consciousness. As a oommunity they had long held their possessions and they fully expeeted to continue in thafe ten- ure indefinitely. They were very conscious of their re• sponsibilities to the past and the future and proud of it, particularly w&ere &ard-won«rights and privileges were con• cerned. Thus, on occasions, they proved very tenacious, and tended to lag behind the lay lords in making concessions that the changing times demanded* Everywhere, monastic bodies were extremely conservative so that, when the tempo of pro• gress increased, conflicts ensued between the people who demanded liberties and rights and the monks who desired to remain firmly on the old terms. These divergent views and the struggles to make them realities furnish the main causes of the outbreaks of lawlessness that have been noted from time to time; particularly when plagues and economic dis• tress had weakened restraint among the unfortunate tenants and others in the monastic demesnes.

For the raising of the monastic income and its prudent expenditure the Abbots were ultimately responsible, as su- • periors of the monastery. Prior to c. 1180, when the separa• tion of the Abbatial and Conventual revenues took place to avoid the sequestration of the entire monastic income during an interregnum, the connection of the Abbots with all the • 21? .

finances was more intimate, but always their counsel and example set the pace for the rest of the. monastic business men. Although these Abbots were the spiritual heads and earried out their religious duties, on -Hie whole, very well, they were usually sound financiers as well5 contrary to the;general impression that spiritual minds are often incapable of conducting worldly affairs. Abbot Crispin for instance possessed a first hand knowledge of the Abbey's estates. But even the best of the Abbots were not without their faults. Walter de ffiickewane who, possibly, did more for the Abbey than any other Abbot Was probably guilty of nepotism. Did he not present his very juvenile kinsman to Hawling Rectory and place other relatives into monastic property on very easy terms? Richard Kidderminster, whose tremendous learning shed much lustre on the monastery, spent far too much of his time in the royal service* But when Abbots were weak or frankly wicked, the state of the Abbey soon reflected the effects of their misrule. A se• quence of such reigns, as those of Richard de Idbury and William de Sherborne, almost ruined the Abbey morally and materially. Two at least of the monks were thoroughly out of hand and house 1 and the finances had to be taken over by four laymen because they had been so neglected and mis• used by the Abbots and their accomplices among the obddient- aries. When Robert de Ipwell, a monk of the house, could 314

not restore order as Abbot, stronger measures were necess• ary and the Bishop appointed as Abbot a monk from outside, Walter de Uynforton, who was able to restore everything and put the Abbey on the firm foundation that endured to the end. 4 In times like the above, the Bishops were often compelled to intervene, and it was well for the Abbey that they were entitled to do so. Had the Abbey gained exemption from episcopal visitations there would have been little possibility of sufficiently speedy interfer• ence from elsewhere to avert disaster. As it was, Bi• shops were able to frame ordinances and remove at least two of the less worthy Abbots. Inefficient and weak as some of them were, only one Abbot, William de Sherborne, was charged with seridus offences. Compared with many other Abbeys of similar age, Winchcombe was fortunate in its chief officers. Of the next grade in the monastic system, the Priors, little is known. Priors Thomas and Gervase were busy in the conduct of affairs during the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries; but, for the most part, it was not until some of the Priors became Abbots that the names, characters and great qualities of these men were recognized Of the monks practically nothing is known. One can count their numbers at infrequent intervals; but, except 315

for the occasional admission of a lad into the Convent with his dowry, or where one' breaks out or conflicts with the law, they remain at most, just names of men swallowed Up in the silence of the cloister, "

That silence is as it should be. Men do not enter on the religious life seeking publicity. Their service and life is hidden with God and all activity dedicated to that i end, The Very nature of the religious life makes for si• lence* Against that silence, stands out every business dealing and legal dispute. These latter affairs receive notioe and have chief place in any history; the real life and work of the monks went on • continuously without comment. Khile Abbots ascended to and descended from their stalls, and Kings came and went, the monks filed seven times at least in a day into the great Church for Masses and Offices. That life of silence and devotion was not one that made an appeal to many minds at any one time and, as time went on, it appealed lessin the face of increasing opportunities and counter attractions; but always it demands recognition and respect, and of this nost of the monks at winclicombc were well worthy. When .they were not, then the Bishop stepped in and restored the true level of devotion again* when the early age at"wsich many were received, probably for education, into the Abbey and taken straight on into the \ 3is

Convent without aueh ohpioe Is taken into account, it is remarkable that so few became a disgrace to their Order. It was when ordinary monks broke their habitual re• serve and began to write individual letters to men like Cromwell that the end of monasticism was in sight. Under his encouragement of subversive behaviour, discipline was undermined, so that the monastic system might possibly have collapsed from within, without waiting for the death stroke delivered by the Kifcg.

The cause of the removal of the monks from Winchcombe lay far from the monastery; but the weakness thalj made the end possible was shared by V/inchcombe as well as by every other monastery. The possessions were too ©teat for those few men whose once great influer.ce had declined*

They were unable to protect;what they lield and people, shaken by the influx of now ideas and bewildered by the bold strokes of the royal tyrant, were unable of unwilling to assist the monks, as the broad acres, fine churches, and buildings with their costly contents were swept into the yawning treasury of a spendthrift King while the leaders of the Church bowed themselves before their •Supreme Head1, impotently or obsequiously beholding the destruction by him of their choicest and noblest citadels.. 31?

APPENDIX. Excavations. During the Spring of 1693 Mr. D. P. Loftus Brocfc F.S.A., carried out some excavations on what he conjectured to be the site of the Abbey. Preliminary trenching revealed the presence of considerable foundation work. Ehis was exposed as far as practicable and furnished the general outline of the nave* parts of the transepts and a fragment . of the chancel. All traces of the precise position of the other buildings were obliterated, chiefly under great masses of plaster and other waste. (1)

PLAN I. The Foundations as excavated. (1)

Site oatf CKChattero

t

l r«at Hsrlh t *.» »• M Transept

ChaivteV i TOV/feR NftVE

Nom6n net joutti7T

(1) Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc., W3XLJX, 163-72, plan 363. $18

PLAFLAN IIII. \ \ \ \ \

Chunk

v.

r

Gtoucccter St»w*

p ie 10

The above plan shows both the Abbey and Parish Churches on the same scale. The width of the Nave of the Abbey Church, 28 feet, was only three more than that of the"Parish Church. The Naves of the Abbeys of Great Malvern and Pershore are almost equal in width to Winchcombe. * The Cloister must have been on the North side of the Church as there was not sufficient room to the South. 319

ELAfl III

-SUe tlOw

J

•Slwit Grots

CWK

St-

V>0

Plan oi part of the town shor/ing some monestic feat urea WINCHCOIIBE DTSCTTP.T.

EVESHAM _|_ Hone vbourne Mckleton

•Hidcote

, Stanton

+ i'oadiitngt on -T TEWKESBURY '

WIJTQHCQMBB 4- postup,+ + sudeley ±Howell Charlton Abbots* +-'Hav;ling

•+Sherborne

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p » » < y T Scale five miles to one inch. BIBLIOGRAPHY of the principal sources AK^IiQrBAXGK OBEGKICIiB, The. ed. J. A. Giles.Bonn, 1892. ANNATES MONASTIC!; ed. H* R» Luard, (R.S.36) 5 vols. 1864-9. A+jkynsi GlCOCBSTEHiSHIHE \ 1?68 Basfcerville, G. ENGLISH MONKS; and the SUPPRESSION OF THE MOKASTBRPS. Jonathan Cape , 193?. Bennet, H. S. LIPS ON THE, ENGLISH MANOR. Cambridge 1937. Bishop, Edmund. LITURGICA HISTORICA. Oxford, 1918. CAMBRIDGE MEDIEVAL HISTORY; The. CHAPTERS OF THE ENGLISH BLACK MONKS, W. A. Pantin. (C.S.XLV) 1931 CHASTER ROLLS'* CALENDAR OF* OLQSR ROLLS, and CALENDAR OP, Coulton, Q.» G* FIVE CENTJDRLES OF RELIGION, Cambridge,. 1923-7 " MEDIEVAL PARORAEA, " 1938 DOMESDAY StJRVEY OF GLOUCESTERSHIRE, S. Taylor. Bristol, 1889 EVESHAM, CHRONICON ABBATIAE DE, ed. W; Dunn I/tacray. (R.S.29) 1863. - FLORENCE OF WORCESTER, CHRONICLE,OF. ed. T. Forester. Bonn, •;. 1854. •• Gairdner, James. LOLLARDY AND THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND, 1908 . Gasquet,- Cardinal. THE EVE OP THE REFORMATION. Bell, 1927 HTSTORIA ET CARTt&ARItJM KONASTERII SANCTI PETRI/GLOUCESTER- >C ^Y-'IENSIS. ed. W. H. Hart. (H.S.31) 1863-7- JOCELIN OF BRAKELONPV (HROl^CLE OF. , Chatto & Hindus, 1931- Knowles, Dom David. THE MONASTIC ORDER IN ENGLANDV Cambridge 1941. 322

Khowles, Dom £avid. THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES OP 'EKGLAITDj London, 1939- LAKDBOO SXVE RISQSSTRUM MONASTERII SB WINCHELCUMBA. -*d. D. Royce, Exetep, 1892. Leland W. ITIFrjRARY. ed. L. T. Smith* London 1908. LETTERS AND PAPERS OP HENRY VIII. 1867-1910. LIBER ALBUS OF WORCESTER ERIQRY. ed. J* M* Wilson. Worcestershire Historical Society 1SL9 Malmesbury, William of. GESTA REGUM AEGLCRUM. ed. T. Duff Hardy. English Historical Society, 1840. Meurig-Davies, T> E. A HANDBOOK TO WINCHCOMBB PARISH CHURCH. 1939. MONASTICGN ANGLIOAMM. W. Dugdale. ed. Caley, Ellis and Bandinel. London. 1817-30. MOORS', JOURNAL OF PRIOR WILLIAM of Worcester (1518-36) >: ed. E. Fagan. Worcestershire Historical Society 19W. PAPAL, REGISTERS. (Letters and Petitions) CALENDAR OF, PARIS., MATTHEW, ed. F. Madden. (R.S.44) 1876. PATEKT ROLLS, .CALEKD4R 0F> Pearce, Bishop E. H. THOMAS DE COBHAM.: B.p.O.K. . REGISTER OF BISHOP GODFRY GIFFARD. ed. J. Willis Bund- 1902 " • " THOMAS DE COBHAM. ed. E. H. Pearce. 1930 Worcestershire Historical Society. " " , M WALTER REYNOLDS* ed. R. A. Wilson* 1927 . » » " WILLIAM GINSBOROUGH. ed. J. Willis Bund.

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Smith. H. Maynard, PR3-REF0itf,:ATI0N -JNGLAND. Macmillan. 1938 SYMEON OF DURHM. ed. T. Afhold.. (R. S. 75) 1882-5 • TRANSACTIONS' OF THE BRISTOL AND GLOUCESTliRSHIH^ .ARCHASOL^ OGICAL SOCIETY. TRANSACTIONS OF- THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY. VICTORIA COTOY HISTORY, ^HE. GLOOC^TBRSHIRE. VOL. II. ITld^A' OSWALDI» Historians of the Church of York. (R.S.71) . 1879. VITA WOLFSTANI. William of Malmeshury. ed. R. R. Darlington, (C.S. -Vol. XL.) 1928. ^ WORCESTER EPISCOPAL REGISTERS. The.