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Middle East, North Africa
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Speculation on Egyptian Cross-Border Military Deployment OE Watch Commentary: Critics of the Egyptian military call it a paper tiger, a bloated bureaucracy spending extravagantly on modern weaponry for political rather than military gain. They point to the seemingly never-ending insurgency in the Sinai as a prime example of the military’s shortcomings. Supporters of the Egyptian government see things differently, and the start of 2020 witnessed a surge of nationalist pride and fervor in the Egyptian press, following large-scale military displays (“Qader 2020”) and the opening of “the largest military base on the Red Sea” in Berenice (Baranis), just over 150 miles from the Saudi port of Yanbu across the Red Sea. The area has served as a port since at least the Hellenistic period and includes a promontory jutting east toward the Saudi coast, called Ras Banas (Cape Banas); it also has an airport that has been used by the Egyptian Air Force since the presidency of Abdel Nasser in the 1960s. The first excerpted passage argues that the Berenice base signals a shift in Egypt’s strategic priorities, away from Israel and toward viewing Islamist movements and their backers, most notably Turkey, as the key strategic threat. The author argues that the new base will in part serve to make it more difficult to implement the agreement by which Sudan was to lease a Red Sea island to Turkey. An infamous Saudi Arabian insider, who tweets critically from inside the Saudi royal family under the handle @mujtahidd, claims that the Berenice base was in fact planned by UAE leader Mohammed bin Zayed and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Sisi years ago, primarily to base a rapid deployment force that can be mobilized a short distance across the Red Sea to secure Mecca and Medina, in case “there is a failure in Saudi Arabia.” Whatever the case may be, Saudi and Emirati involvement in the base was highlighted by the presence of high-level delegations at the inauguration ceremony. -
Five Years of Egypt's War on Terror
FIVE YEARS OF EGYPT’S WAR ON TERROR The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to influencing policy toward the Middle East and North Africa through rigorous research and targeted advocacy efforts that promote local voices. TIMEP is fully registered and acknowledged under Section501(c)(3) in the District of Columbia. For more information about TIMEP’s mission, programming, or upcoming events, please visit timep.org. This report is the product of the collaborative efforts of TIMEP's staff and fellows. Cover image: A security checkpoint in the Egyptian Western Desert and the Bahariya Oasis in Siwa, Egypt, May 15, 2015 (photo by Amr Abdallah Dalsh for Reuters) CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 TERRORISM 5 COUNTER-TERRORISM 10 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 14 FINDINGS 15 TERRORISM 17 ACROSS EGYPT: Intensification and evolution in terror attacks after 2013 17 NORTH SINAI: Violence has become an entrenched insurgency 19 MAINLAND: Low-scale violence gives way to sporadic, deadly attacks 26 COUNTER-TERRORISM 35 ACROSS EGYPT: Tens of thousands of citizens ensnared in the war on terror 35 NORTH SINAI: Continuous military occupation 36 MAINLAND: Sweeping and broad crackdown 39 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 43 LEGAL AND JUDICIAL CONTEXT: The war on terror trumps rule of law 43 DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONTEXT: The war on terror as pretext for political consolidation 46 GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT: Continued global support 49 FINDINGS 52 METHODOLOGY 54 Egypt Security Watch 3 Five Years of Egypt’s War on Terror INTRODUCTION On July 24, 2013, then-Defense Minister Abdel-Fattah El Sisi asked for a popular mandate to fight terrorism, marking the declaration of the “war on terror” that has lasted five years. -
EGYPT: RESURGENCE of the SECURITY STATE by Ann M
MARCH 2014 EGYPT: RESURGENCE OF THE SECURITY STATE By Ann M. Lesch Dr. Lesch is Emeritus Professor of Political Science at The American University in Egypt. The views expressed here are her own and do not represent the views of the university. Vast numbers of Egyptians took to the streets on June 30, determined to restore the goals of the January 25 revolution, undermined during the year of rule by Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi. Protesters expressed overwhelming enthusiasm for the military, which sided with them as it had against Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. At the time, I expressed concern that the military, as an inherently authoritarian structure focused on national security, was a problematic vehicle to promote democratization. I also expressed concern that the interim president, who headed the supreme constitution court (SCC), merged executive, legislative, and judicial power in one person. There was also the risk that those who ousted the Brotherhood would gloat over their victory, rather than craft polices that acknowledged the political weight of Islamist trends and sought reconciliation.1 Unfortunately, those concerns have been borne out: Police are ruthless in the arrest and torture of critics, security is deteriorating, the new constitution reinforces the executive branch, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has anointed its senior officer as the next president and deepened the military’s role within the civilian economy, the Brotherhood is demonized, and freedom of expression is circumscribed. Before July 3, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah El-Sisi had warned that the “army is a fire… Do not play against it and do not play with it”2 and expressed concern that, once the military would intervene, it would remain entrenched for decades. -
EGYPT: RESURGENCE of the SECURITY STATE by Ann M
MARCH 2014 EGYPT: RESURGENCE OF THE SECURITY STATE By Ann M. Lesch Dr. Lesch is Emeritus Professor of Political Science at The American University in Egypt. The views expressed here are her own and do not represent the views of the university. Vast numbers of Egyptians took to the streets on June 30, determined to restore the goals of the January 25 revolution, undermined during the year of rule by Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi. Protesters expressed overwhelming enthusiasm for the military, which sided with them as it had against Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. At the time, I expressed concern that the military, as an inherently authoritarian structure focused on national security, was a problematic vehicle to promote democratization. I also expressed concern that the interim president, who headed the supreme constitution court (SCC), merged executive, legislative, and judicial power in one person. There was also the risk that those who ousted the Brotherhood would gloat over their victory, rather than craft polices that acknowledged the political weight of Islamist trends and sought reconciliation.1 Unfortunately, those concerns have been borne out: Police are ruthless in the arrest and torture of critics, security is deteriorating, the new constitution reinforces the executive branch, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has anointed its senior officer as the next president and deepened the military’s role within the civilian economy, the Brotherhood is demonized, and freedom of expression is circumscribed. Before July 3, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah El-Sisi had warned that the “army is a fire… Do not play against it and do not play with it”2 and expressed concern that, once the military would intervene, it would remain entrenched for decades. -
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تقارير 0 نوفمبر 2017 June 14, 2021 An overview of Sisi’s reshuffle of top army officers (June 2021) Mahmoud Gamal Introduction There are usually two reshuffles of senior commanders and officers of the Egyptian army, that are carried out on a regular basis in June and December every year; where the first reshuffle takes place in June, and the second one takes place in December – after having the approval of the Supreme Commander of the Egyptian Armed Forces. 1- Reshuffle of top army commanders as follows: • First: the transfer of commanders from senior positions to other senior positions, or promotion of new commanders to senior positions within the Egyptian army, such as heading one of the main branches of the armed forces, an army authority, a military zone, or a field army. This level of command that constitutes the 26 members of the Supreme Council of the Egyptian Armed Forces (SCAF), is usually known as the ‘first-class leaders’1. • Second: the promotion of middle-level officers to senior positions in advanced ranks, such as the chief of staff of a major branch, a military authority, a military zone, or a field army; and thus they join the senior officers of the Egyptian army, or the so-called ‘second-class leaders’. • Third: the retirement of commanders or officers, due to military laws related to the pension age or for other reasons, such as a chronic disease that hinders the officer from carrying out tasks entrusted to him, or simply for security reasons based on military investigations periodically conducted for all officers. -
Egypt0519 Reportcover 8
HUMAN “If You Are Afraid for Your Lives, RIGHTS Leave Sinai!” WATCH Egyptian Security Forces and ISIS-Affiliate Abuses in North Sinai “If You Are Afraid for Your Lives, Leave Sinai!” Egyptian Security Forces and ISIS-Affiliate Abuses in North Sinai Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-37359 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amman, Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org MAY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-37359 “If You Are Afraid for Your Lives, Leave Sinai!” Egyptian Security Forces and ISIS-Affiliate Abuses in North Sinai Map of North Sinai, Egypt .................................................................................................... i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Government -
AVOIDING an EPIC MISTAKE the Case for Continuing the U.S
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n MAY 2020 n PN80 Assaf Orion and Denis Thompson AVOIDING AN EPIC MISTAKE The Case for Continuing the U.S. Mission in Sinai As part of its 2018 National Defense Strategy (NDS), the United States is seeking to focus on Great Power competition and withdraw from legacy missions it sees as irrelevant.1 Yet one of the missions under consideration is hardly irrelevant. U.S. Army participation in the Multinational Force & Observers (MFO) in the Sinai Peninsula constitutes a vital part of the 1979 Israel-Egypt peace treaty architecture. While the NDS approach to legacy missions makes sense in principle, U.S. withdrawal from the MFO would be a colossal mistake. Indeed, Israel- Egypt relations are at an all-time high, but rather than showing the diminished importance of peacekeepers, it demonstrates the opposite: their essential role in having reached this summit and in climbing onward. The MFO has been critical in helping the parties across volatile crises through its communication, trust building, and verification roles, and Israel-Egypt relations owe a great deal to these efforts. U.S. participation in the MFO appears to have generated an asymmetrical impact—a very small and increasingly efficient military © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. ORION AND THOMPSON investment, with burden-sharing partners, has Defense Department leadership, the Army began yielded lasting grand-strategic benefits. U.S. forces planning for serious cuts in 2020 and a total in Sinai are superbly positioned not only to advance withdrawal from the mission by the end of 2021. -
Human Rights Watch All Rights Reserved
HUMAN RIGHTS ALL ACCORDING TO PLAN The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt WATCH All According to Plan The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt Copyright © 2014 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-1661 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org AUGUST 2014 978-1-62313-1661 All According to Plan The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt Map .............................................................................................................................................. I Summary and Key Recommendations ........................................................................................... 1 Methodology ............................................................................................................................ -
The Rab'a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt
H U M A N R I G H T S ALL ACCORDING TO PLAN The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt WATCH All According to Plan The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt Copyright © 2014 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-1661 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org AUGUST 2014 978-1-62313-1661 All According to Plan The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protesters in Egypt Map .............................................................................................................................................. I Summary and Key Recommendations ........................................................................................... 1 Methodology ............................................................................................................................ -
A Critical Analysis on Media Coverage of the Egyptian Revolution
Örebro University School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences 2010‐2012 A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ON MEDIA COVERAGE OF THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION: THE CASE OF AL-AHRAM, AL-MASRY AL-YOUM, THE TELEGRAPH AND THE WASHINGTON POST MA Thesis Global Journalism Supervisor: Prof. Stig‐Arne Nohrstedt Author: Ahmed Magdy Youssef Word of Gratitude First of all, I would like to thank my university mentor, Stig-arne Nohrsted, as being the one who helped me in carrying out this thesis. Actually, I found succour in him during the thesis project. Not surbrisingly, he was replying back to my questions all the time, though, sometimes, he was very busy. Also, I would like to thank my loving wife Hend and my “naughty” son Hamza, whose boundless love keeps pushing me forward all the time. ii ABSTRACT The Egyptian protest movement which brought down the Egyptian regime headed by President Hosni Mubarak, not only gripped the minds and hearts of the Egyptians, but it captured the interest of the national and international media as well. The research aims at answering questions related to the kind of frames employed in four newspapers; namely, Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm, The Telegraph and The Washington Post, in light of the protest paradigm, in addition to the way the same four newspapers tried to explore and identify the characteristics of war and peace journalism, according to Galtung’s dichotomous model, not to mention to trace how the four newspapers in hand depicted the protesters. To achieve this, two methods were applied in this study; notably, frame analysis, and critical discourse analysis. -
Fo#371/23362
cms PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE ins I •) r 2 Please note that this copy is supplied subject to the Public Record Office's terms and conditions and that your use of it may be subject to copyright restrictions. Further information is given in the enclosed Terms and Conditions of supply of Public Records' leaflet ii/FT arid Registry \_ Number / 2876/478/16 Egyptian Personalities Report FROM Sir.M«LampBon. No 598 of Cairo* " May, 1938 No ®55 Transmits revised list of personalities in Egypt.' (263/2/39) Dated 10th July, 24th J:Sgypt and. Sudan. Last Paper References. ^ )'-j--, cms PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE ins **• Fo 3?/"7 Please note that this copy is supplied subject to the Public Record Office's terms and conditions and that your use of it may be subject to copyright restrictions. Further information is given in the enclosed Terms and Conditions of supply of Public Records' leaflet 4* THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY O¥ HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT EGYPT AND SUDAN. July 24, 1939. CONFIDENTIAL. ARCHIVli SECTION 1. [J 2876/478/16] Copy No. Sir M. Lampson to Viscount Halifax.—(Received July 24.) (No. 855.) My Lord, ' Alexandria, July 10, 1939. WITH reference to my despatch No. 598 of the 21st May, 1938, I have the honour to transmit herewith a revised list of personalities in Egypt, compiled, in accordance with the instructions contained in Sir J. Simon's circular despatch of the 28th May, 1935, on the basis of the previous list. I have, &c. MILES W. LAMPSON. Enclosure. INDEX. I.—Egyptian Personalities. -
Five Years of Egypt's War on Terror
FIVE YEARS OF EGYPT’S WAR ON TERROR The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to influencing policy toward the Middle East and North Africa through rigorous research and targeted advocacy efforts that promote local voices. TIMEP is fully registered and acknowledged under Section501(c)(3) in the District of Columbia. For more information about TIMEP’s mission, programming, or upcoming events, please visit timep.org. This report is the product of the collaborative efforts of TIMEP's staff and fellows. Cover image: A security checkpoint in the Egyptian Western Desert and the Bahariya Oasis in Siwa, Egypt, May 15, 2015 (pho- to by Amr Abdallah Dalsh for Reuters) CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 TERRORISM 5 COUNTER-TERRORISM 10 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 14 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 15 TERRORISM 17 ACROSS EGYPT: Intensification and evolution in terror attacks after 2013 17 NORTH SINAI: Violence has become an entrenched insurgency 19 MAINLAND: Low-scale violence gives way to sporadic, deadly attacks 26 COUNTER-TERRORISM 35 ACROSS EGYPT: Tens of thousands of citizens ensnared in the war on terror 35 NORTH SINAI: Continuous military occupation 36 MAINLAND: Sweeping and broad crackdown 39 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 43 LEGAL AND JUDICIAL CONTEXT: The war on terror trumps rule of law 43 DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONTEXT: The war on terror as pretext for political consolidation 46 GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT: Continued global support 49 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 52 SUMMARY FINDINGS 52 METHODOLOGY 54 Egypt Security Watch 3 Five Years of Egypt’s War on Terror INTRODUCTION On July 24, 2013, then-Defense Minister Abdel-Fattah El Sisi asked for a popular mandate to fight terrorism, marking the declaration of the “war on terror” that has lasted five years.