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Introduction the Rule of Exceptional Salvations 1 NOTES Introduction The Rule of Exceptional Salvations 1. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, trans.William Granger Ryan, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), I.178–79. For the Latin text, see the edition of Theodor Graesse, Legenda Aurea Vulgo Historia Lombardica Dicta, 2nd edn. (Leipzig: Librariae Arnoldianae, 1850), pp. 196–97. 2. At B.11.160–61: “This matere is merk for many, ac men of holy chirche, / The legenda sanctorum yow lereQ more largere Qan I yow telle.”All quotations from Piers Plowman B derive from the Athlone edition, ed.George Kane and E.Talbot Donaldson (London:Athlone Press, 1975). On the popularity of the Legenda, see the introduction to Ryan’s edition, pp. xiii-xiv. 3. Gordon Whatley,“The Uses of Hagiography:The Legend of Pope Gregory and the Emperor Trajan in the Middle Ages,” Viator 15 (1984): 25. 4. As in the case of Gregory himself, for example: “The name Gregory (Gregorius) is formed from grex, flock, and gore, which means to preach or to say,and Saint Gregory was preacher to his flock. Or the name resembles egre- garius, from egregius, outstanding, and gore; and Gregory was an outstanding preacher and doctor. Or Gregorius, in our language, suggests vigilance, watchfulness; and the saint watched over himself, over God, and over his flock. .”de Voragine, Golden Legend, p. 171. 5. de Voragine, Golden Legend, p. 179. 6. This conclusion to the story is ruled as well by a logic of substitution: not only is Gregory’s original emotional anguish (“bitter tears”) replaced by physical pain, but Trajan’s now-remediated suffering (however imagined) is also transferred to Gregory, albeit in earthly form. Of course, Jacobus’s attempt to domesticate the Trajan story is at the same time embarrassed by this substitution; Gregory’s suffering leads us away from Trajan’s on the level of narrative, but it also points back to it, and to the question of justice sub con- ditione. Gregory’s own salvation is of course implied by the mention of time spent in purgatory,but how are we to measure that against time spent in hell? Quoting from Gregory’s letters may have been Jacobus’s own idea; while the link between the intervention and Gregory’s well-known infirmities is established very early in the tradition, none of the earlier accounts that I have seen use the letters to reinforce the connection. See Whatley, “Uses,” p.36n.39. The letters survive in almost a hundred manuscripts; they have 134 NOTES recently been newly translated by John R.C. Martyn (The Letters of Gregory the Great, 3 vols., Mediaeval Sources in Translation 40 [Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2004]). The letters quoted in the Golden Legend are 9.232 and 10.14 in Martyn’s edition. 7. Quoted in Theresa Coletti, Naming the Rose: Eco, Medieval Signs, and Modern Theory (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), p. 8, from Walter E. Stephens,“Ec[h]o in Fabula,” Diacritics 13 (1983): 51–64. 8. For the earliest version of the story,see Whatley,“Uses,”pp. 27–29. 9. On Uhtred de Boldon, see Mildred Elizabeth Marcett, Uhtred de Boldon, Friar William Jordan, and Piers Plowman (New York:privately printed, 1938); M.D. Knowles, “The Censured Opinions of Uthred of Boldon,” PBA 37 (1951): 305–42; and G.H. Russell, “The Salvation of the Heathen: The Exploration of a Theme in Piers Plowman,” JWCI 29 (1966): 101–116. Nicholas Watson discusses the idea of universal salvation in Middle English texts in “Visions of Inclusion: Universal Salvation and Vernacular Theology in Pre-Reformation England,” JMEMS 27 (1997): 145–87. 10. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica III, suppl., q. 71 a. 5, obj. 5 and resp. ob. 5, in Opera Omnia, 25 vols. (Parma: Petri Fiaccadori, 1852–73; repr. NY: Musurgia Publishers, 1948), 4: 588–89. I present here the Dominican trans- lation: Summa Theologica, trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province, 22 vols. (London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne, Ltd., 1921–24), 20: 53–4. For a survey of scholastic theologians’ treatment of Trajan and stories of his salvation, including Bonaventure,William of Auxerre, and Alexander of Hales, see Whatley’s “Uses,”especially pp. 35–39; Louis Capéran, Le problème du salut des infidèles: essai historique, 2nd edn. (Toulouse: Grand Seminaire, 1934), pp. 186–218; Marcia L. Colish,“The Virtuous Pagan: Dante and the Christian Tradition,” in The Unbounded Community: Papers in Christian Ecumenism in Honor of Jaroslav Pelikan, ed.William Caferro and Duncan G. Fisher (New York:Garland, 1996), pp. 43–92; and the account in Cindy L. Vitto,“The Virtuous Pagan in Middle English Literature,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 79 (1989), chap. 3. 11. Both questions are part of Q.71, which is concerned with “suffrages for the dead.” This caution against turning Trajan’s case into a general rule essen- tially repeats Aquinas’s remarks in his Commmentum in quattuor libros senten- tiarum I, dist. 43, q. 2 a. 2, obj. 5 and ad. 5; see Opera Omnia 6.351–52. Whatley (“Uses,” pp. 39–40) argues that Aquinas’s “final word” on the sub- ject represented a conservative retreat “from the resuscitation argument that he and other schoolmen consistently propounded elsewhere.” 12. As Marcia Colish observes, for Aquinas “Trajan is not a unique case but a member of an entire cohort of souls who are ‘not finally damned’ (non finaliter damnati),”but “[h]ow and why Trajan and the other members of this cohort get classified incorrectly in the first place and therefore endure cen- turies of undeserved punishment in hell is a question that Aquinas neither raises nor answers.”Colish,“The Virtuous Pagan,”p. 68. 13. Aquinas, Summa Theologica 2a2ae q. 2 a. 7, obj. 3 and resp. ob. 3: “Whether explicit faith in the Incarnation is necessary for salvation?” NOTES 135 14. Useful surveys of this topic include Capéran’s magisterial Le problème du salut des infidèles; Colish, “The Virtuous Pagan”; Vitto, “The Virtuous Pagan in Middle English Literature”; Gordon Leff, Bradwardine and the Pelagians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957); Heiko Obermann, “Facientibus quod in se est Deus non denegat gratiam: Robert Holcot, O.P.,and the Beginning of Luther’s Theology,” Harvard Theological Review 55 (1962): 317–42; and Alastair Minnis, Chaucer and Pagan Antiquity (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1982). 15. The Gregory–Trajan legend may have originated in England; the story first appears in the earliest life of Gregory, written by an anonymous monk of Whitby sometime in the eighth century. See The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1968). For the coinage “vernacular theology,”see Nicholas Watson,“Censorship and Cultural Change in Late-Medieval England:Vernacular Theology, the Oxford Translation Debate, and Arundel’s Constitutions of 1409,” Speculum 70 (1995): 822–64, esp. pp. 823–24 and 823n.4. 16. For a survey of the criticism of Langland’s use of the righteous heathen, see chapter one. On the habit of imitation, Watson observes that “Historical scholarship—the kind that seeks to build stories out of textual and material remains and even the kind that critiques this storytelling—tends to find itself paraphrasing or repeating the past, as its language and assumptions are pulled magnetically toward those of the subject under discussion.” See his “Desire for the Past,” SAC 21 (1999): 59–97, here p. 91. 17. For the provocative and parallel claim that “writing in the vernacular exerts pressure toward a universalist understanding of the meaning of the Incarnation as an expression of the illimitability of divine love,” see Watson, “Visions of Inclusion: Universal Salvation and Vernacular Theology in Pre-Reformation England,” JMEMS 27 (1997): p. 171. Emphasis in original. 18. For a vigorous and polemical defense of “reading for form,” see Ellen Rooney,“Form and Contentment,” Modern Language Quarterly 61 (2000): 17–40; she writes, “When the text-to-be-read (whatever its genre) is engaged only to confirm the prior insights of a theoretical problematic, reading is reduced to reiteration and becomes quite literally beside the point. One might say that we overlook most of the work of any text if the only formal feature we can discern in it is a reflected theme, the mirror image of a theory that is, by comparison to the belated and all-too- predictable text, seen as all-knowing and, just as important, as complete” (29–30). In exploring the change wrought on theological topics when they are absorbed into specifically literary vernacular discourse, my project is analo- gous to the recent work of Jim Rhodes, Poetry Does Theology: Chaucer, Grosseteste, and the Pearl-Poet (Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University Press, 2001). Rhodes’s study is broader in scope than mine, but we are both interested in “What happens. .when poetry deals explicitly with a serious theological issue” (2) and in “reading the poems as fictions and not as an 136 NOTES armature for theology” (10); he approvingly quotes John Burrow on Piers Plowman’s Christ,who “becomes,for the purposes of the poem,subject to the laws of fiction and the exigencies of art” (5), an admirably succinct expression of the concept. 19. Hayden White,“The Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality,” in The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,1987), p. 2. 20. Capéran, Le problème, pp. 9–70, discusses treatments of the issue from the gospels through the early church fathers.As a solution,of course,the salvation of the heathen creates its own set of problems, not to mention two millennia of speculation about how to solve them, but it is worth noting that issues of method in particular—how exactly might pagans be saved?—are secondary problems, derivative of the desire to save them in the first place.
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