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5. What claim does Charlemagne have to the accolade 'Father of Europe'? The term Europae Pater, from which the modern accolade ‘Father of Europe’ has been translated, originates from an anonymously-authored manuscript written c. 800 AD. Known as Karolus Magnus et Leo Papa it tells of the dramatic flight from Rome of Pope Leo III and his meeting with the omnipotent King of the Franks, Charlemagne, at Paderborn (giving rise to its other name, the Paderborn Epic). Charlemagne was born sometime in the 740s, son of Pepin the Short. Pepin’s deposition of the ‘do nothing’ Merovingian dynasty in 751 allowed Charlemagne to succeed his father as King of the Franks from 768 until his death in 814. Charlemagne’s empire was enhanced by the wars of his reign until he reigned most of modern western Europe. The aforementioned meeting of Leo and Charles would eventually result in the coronation of Charlemagne as Imperator Romanorum (800AD) and cement his position within the European myth. Such is the power of the legacy he left behind, that he continues to appear as an icon of European politics to this day. In the eyes of many, he has repeatedly shaped the consciousness of a continent through a period of enlightened government under which pragmatic reforms allowed education and religion to flourish and good governance to prevail. Until the publication in 1957 of the great ‘demythologizing’ work of Heinrich Fichtenau that “denies most of the alleged achievements”1 of Charlemagne, Charles (as he is also known) was broadly established as “the greatest prince”, and many still adhere to this view. 2 The Paderborn Epic established Charlemagne as a European father in his own time, and this idea was perpetuated by chivalric romancess. Such an apotheotic status was maintained throughout Europe until the 19th century when a francophobic, post-Napoleonic, protestant Prussian state began to look away from ‘French’ Roman, Catholic and Carolingian traditions. Resultantly Charlemagne’s achievements began to be viewed in a less favourable light.3 In the post-war era, however, the pan-European nature of Charlemagne was again emphasised as a symbol for the EU. A broadly positive view, an “agreed stereotype”4 has been maintained by scholars such as Bullough (who called him the “most powerful Christian ruler in the world”) and Barbero whose 2004 treatise emphasised the personal power of Charlemagne. Ganshof’s ‘Disintegration theory’5 has however recently cast aspersions on the latter part of Charlemagne’s reign (post-800) but most scholars are in agreement with Collins in his assertion that Ganshof’s “judgement seems mistaken”.6 Charlemagne has been an inspiration to Europeans across the centuries; used in speeches to promote the Third Crusade by Philip II; an inspiration to the self-appointed defender of Christendom Charles V; a model to Napoleon who once emphatically declared “Je suis Charlemagne!”; a symbol of French oppression to Hitler. His significance within the continental European psyche is unchallengeable, arguably unparalleled.7 And yet it is undeserved. To understand the period of Charlemagne’s rule, we must first understand the limited source material we have on his life and achievements. The Paderborn Epic is, along with the far better known Einhard’s Vita Karoli Magni, part of only a tiny smattering of surviving contemporary literature. Compared to the far more numerous (and usually fictitious) works of embellishment that constitute the canon of chivalric romance, these sources are a paragon of legitimacy and factual detail. However their favourable comparison to works such as the fantastical ‘Le pèlerinage de Charlemagne’, does not make them 1 Fichtenau, H. The Carolingian Empire: The Age of Charlemagne. Translated Munz, P. (Harper & Row, New York 1964). p. xiii 2 Einhard. Vita Karoli Magni. Translated Turer, S. (Harper & Brothers, New York 1880). Accessed via webpage at: https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/basis/einhard.asp 3 Wilson, P. The Holy Roman Empire: A thousand Years of Europe’s history (Penguin Allen Lane, London 2016) 4 McKitterick, R. Charlemagne: the Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2009). p.1 5 Bullough, D. ‘Europae Pater: Charlemagne and his achievement in the light of recent scholarship. The English Historical Review, vol. 85, No. 334, p.59-105 6 Internal quotation from: Anon. Charles the Great: Shout Charlemagne be called ‘great’. UKEssays (2018) 7 Wilson, D. Charlemagne: The Great Adventure (Hutchinson, London 2005). p.184 1 reliable.8 There is a distinct deficit of sources and any that does exist must be critically approached and carefully analysed. Most ‘seductive and influential’9 among these is Einhard’s Vita Karoli Magni written c.817.10 Its purpose is to praise Charlemagne and illustrate the legitimacy of his successor, Louis. Its author was Charlemagne’s arithmetic tutor - a monk who quails at the prospect of his own literary shortcomings but fears even more that the memory of his master’s achievements may be lost to “the 11 darkness of oblivion”. At the very heart of the Carolingian renaissance (and keen to emphasise his master’s role in it), Einhard was inspired by Suetonius and his imitation, whilst often hagiographical, maintains all the interest of the latter’s writings. Einhard covers a range of material yet has a brevity which gives us just enough information to taste the magic of Charlemagne, but not so much detail as to dispel it - doubtlessly contributing to his personal mystique. Among other sources are: a later anecdotal biography by the Monk of St. Gall; the detailed yet propagandistic Annales Regni Francorum (Riechsannalen); and the poetic and partially lost Karolus Magnus et Leo Papa. Other sources, such as the letters of Alcuin, the instructional de ordine palatii and brief annales laureshamenses exist but lack the same allure to the public (as they are not biographical), and resultantly constitute far less of the myth. These sources are integral in understanding the person and policy of Charlemagne, and hence his significance as the supposed Pater Europae. Without the benefit of hindsight, contemporary sources idolized Charles and he was scarcely reappraised for more than a millennium. By the time of this assessment however, Charlemagne’s image was too far ingrained in the continental European psyche to be removed. The sources however, if treated carefully, can allow us to more astutely asses this legacy. Charlemagne’s Christian legacy is a key part of the myth that has established him as Pater Europae, or 12 even ‘Europae Pharus’ . This expression meaning ‘lighthouse of Europe’ references particularly his role as a missionary of Christ, an apostle of his age. To his successors and himself, Charlemagne was the supposedly the model Christian king. His greatest religious achievement was his eventual conversion of the Saxons, with whom he engaged in near continuous warfare from 772 - 804. Yet contrary to the myth of Charlemagne as a largely altruistic proselytizer, his acts of conversion were often accompanied by an unprecedented, unchristian savagery. For instance, at the massacre of Verden (782), Charlemagne ordered 4,500 Saxons who refused to be converted to be put to the sword. Such singular brutality has echoed down the ages, one prominent Nazi declaring Charlemagne should be renamed ‘Karl the slaughterer’, whilst Hitler claimed the subversive captives were early Nazi Freedom fighters. 13 The forced resettlement of 10,000 Saxons in Gaul was also an act of barbarity that shows how Charlemagne’s religious policy was often despotic. Yet as Salgado is keen to illustrate “the most common element that the peoples of Europe have shared [...] is Christianity”.14 It has provided “not only common concepts, but a common language”, and Charlemagne was in many ways the embodiment of the contemporary Christian ideal. He spoke Latin (and 3 other languages) and was a keen student of Christ’s teachings and the patristic works - most notably those of the theologian St. 15 Augustine. Furthermore, he zealously promoted these teachings to others: both his children and courtiers at the palace school and his subjects through the preaching of sermons in comprehensible 8 Keen, M. Chivalry. (Yale University press, United States 1984). ‘Le pèlerinage’ outlines Charlemagne’s fabricated journey to Jerusalem and his unintentional seating in the chair once occupied by Christ and his apostles. 9 McKitterick, p.7 10 McKitterick, p.11 11 Einhard, preface 12 Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard’s Histories. Translated B. Sholz and B. Rogers (University of Michigan Press, United States 1972) 13 The statement was made by an adjutant of Himmler, Hermann Gauch. 14 Salgado, M. ‘In search of Europe’. History today, Vol. 42, No.2. Accessed via https://www.historytoday.com/archive/search-europe 15 Alberi, M. ‘Alcuin and the New Athens’. History Today, Vol. 39, Issue 9, pp.35-41 2 ‘Theotiscam’ (the German vernacular) or ‘Rusticam Romanam Linguam’ (Romance).16 At his coronation,Charlemagne probably believed he was being crowned as a legitimate Roman Emperor in the west andalso recognized as ‘King of Christendom’. Certainly there were few Christians in Western Europe overwhom he was not overlord, and he did more than most to ensure the survival and propagation ofChristianity in the region (even if the means were violent). Yet Christendom and Europe are not thesame, and merely because Charlemagne fostered and promoted a European idea does not make himthe father of Europe. Charlemagne’s eventual victory in the
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