The Global Origins of Green Politics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Global Origins of Green Politics FROM EARTH'S LAST ISLANDS The global origins of Green politics A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Lincoln University by Christine R. Dann Lincoln University 1999 Abstract of a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy FROM EARTH'S LAST ISLANDS The global origins of Green politics by Christine R. Dann Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrates the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provides an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics. Key words: Green; politics; parties; globalisation; history; Australia; New Zealand; social democracy; labour; networks; environment; society; Values Party; United Tasmania Group Acknowledgements ln researching and writing this thesis I have been fortunate in having assistance and support from a number of people, whom I would like to acknowledge here. Dr Ton Blihrs, my thesis supervisor, has been a steady source of both encouragement and helpful criticism, and I am very grateful for his efforts. My assistant supervisor, Dr Stefanie Rixecker, was also constantly encouraging and helpful. The Resource Management Department at Lincoln University, and particularly Professor Ian Spellerberg and Dr Geoff Kerr, provided a very supportive and congenial inter·disciplinary environment in which to do work which certainly stretches the boundaries of several disciplines. Barbara Corcoran took care of all my word­ processing and other computer·based worries, and did a wonderful job. I sent draft chapters out for comment and feedback to a number of people, and I am eternally grateful to those who took the trouble to read what I sent, and made constructive suggestions for changes, suggested other sources, and/or provided new information. They include Toby Boraman (New Zealand), Tony Brunt (New Zealand), Joseph Camilleri (Australia), Brian Easton (New Zealand), Deborah Foskey (Australia), Greg George (Australia), Chris Harries (Australia), Peter Hay (Australia), Tony Kunowksi (New Zealand), Neil Levy (Australia), Philip McMichael (USA), Benoit Rihoux (Belgium), Peter Singer (Australia) and Norman Smith (New Zealand). Certain of my friends must also be thanked for living this work with me. Perhaps not coincidentally, given the global theme of my work and ofthe age, not one of these friends was born in New Zealand - those who live here now were all brought here by parents participating in the significant migration oflabour from Europe to Australasia that occurred in the 1960s, which was part of the globalisation ofthe world economy that I address in the thesis. The foreign friends also exemplifY the globalisation theme. Jiirgen Maier, who was International Secretary of Die Griinen (1988·91) and is currently the director of the German NGO Forum on Environment and Development, based in Bonn, is an inspiration when it comes to both thinking and acting globally in Green ways. With Greg Crough in Sydney I have maintained a dialogue on the global economy in its Australasian manifestation ever since we compared notes on the tax evasion practices of Comalco at the Three Nations conference in Christchurch in 1980. Neil Levy in Melbourne is my first 'cyber· friend', but no less real for all our computer mode of communication, and I am very grateful for the moral support and also professional assistance he provides. Closer to home Maud Cahill and Ian Burn endured much thinking out loud by me on the subject matter of the thesis, and asked stimulating questions in return, as well as providing moral support. Norman Smith, in a way' got me into all this', by encouraging me to apply for ajob with the Values Party, and his work for and on Green politics, and his very practical support of my work, has been much appreciated. At horne I am very fortunate to have Martin Oelderink providing support and encouragement for my intellectual and political endeavours, and grounding me in a secure and loving relationship. Finally, I would like to dedicate this work to my colleagues and friends Rod Donald and Jeanette Fitzsimons, Co-Leaders ofthe Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand since 1995, and Members of Parliament since 1996. Without them, and thousands like them, there would be no Green politics for me or others to analyse, and precious few others 'fighting for hope'. In their public and their private lives they waik the Green walk, and my hope is that this thesis will provide them with better signposts on their way. CONTENTS PAGE Abstract 11 Acknowledgements iii Contents v Introduction 1 Chapter One TiJ;lle, Space and the Greens 17 Chapter Two The global shift 72 Chapter Three The rise and fall of social democracy 124 Chapter Four Green antisystemic politics 180 From the New Left to the Greens Chapter Five From Earth's last islands 240 The development of the first two Green parties Chapter Six Who were the Greens? 302 First members and activists Chapter Seven Green economics and Green politics - 328 left, right, both or neither? Chapter Eight The future will be Green - or not at all? 373 References 419 Appendices Introduction What more do we need to know about Green politics? (and how should we find it out?) Questions for investigation For some twenty years, merely by being a New Zealander of an inquiring and historical bent of milld, who was an active participant in the world's first national-level Green party (the New Zealand Values Party), I have been in possession of information not readily available to others who have studied Green politics. No stranger to 'new politics' in theory or practice, I have also participated in and written for and about the peace, environmental and feminist movements, including a history of the Women's Liberation Movement in New Zealand, 1970-1985 (Dann,1985b). In 1990 I embarked on researching a history of the environment movement in New Zealand - a project which over six years changed shape and direction and evolved into the current work. It seemed to me that while a narrative history of the New Zealand environment movement would be a worthwhile and useful work (and certainly one which I would have appreciated referring to while researching Green politics), it was not the way to gain further understanding of Green politics as possibly the most important development of late twentieth century global* politics . ... A note on terminology. When using the word global in this work I mean it in the sense used by Castells (1996, 92) i.e. a world-wide economic, political and social system operating in real time through virtual networks; globalist refers to the ideology of a world wide economy dedicated to continual growth; globalisation is what results from global and glohalist activities, and is described in detail in Chapter Two. 1 This became clear to me as I read more widely on Green politics, including the literature on Green parties.' I became concerned that ignorance of (and/or lack of interest in) the actual historical origins and development of Green politics was leading to severe distortions in our understanding of what Green politics was, is, and will become. Nor did some of the academic conclusions being drawn about Green politics tally with my firsthand experience of three Green parties (the New Zealand Values Party, the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, and the Australian Greens). A number of questions began to rise in my mind. They included: (1) Was it coincidental? or a freak? that Australia an:d New Zealand had the world's first two Green parties? (2) If not coincidental, was it of any partiCUlar significance? To whom, and on what scale? (3) If Green politics is or was primarily environmental politics (politics about and for the physical environment), why did it start in Tasmania and New Zealand, where the seemingly clean and uncrowded cities and the unpolluted and pristine natural environment are the envy of the rest of the 'developed' world? (4, The Values Party and the United Tasmania Group were not formed. from or by the environment movement, or the environment movement alone, and nor were most subsequent Green parties. Is it therefore correct to define Green politics primarily
Recommended publications
  • A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left
    A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left http://www.softdawn.net/Archive/MRM/thecall.html September 1975 Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists Introduction (2017) by Robert Dorning and Ken Mansell Momentous changes occurred in Western societies in the 1960s and 70s. A wave of youth radicalisation swept many Western countries. Australia was part of this widespread generational change. The issues were largely common, but varied in importance from country to country. In Australia, the Vietnam War and conscription were major issues. This radicalisation included the demand for major political change, and new political movements and far-left organisations came into being. A notable new development in Australia was the emergence of Trotskyist groupings. However, as the wider movement subsided with Australia's withdrawal from the Vietnam War, the Australian Left became fragmented and more divided than ever. It was in this environment that, in 1975, "A Call for the Revolutionary Regroupment of the Australian Left" was published by the "Melbourne Revolutionary Marxists" (MRM). "The Call" includes a description of the evolution of the new Left movements in Australia including the Trotskyist current to which MRM belonged. MRM was a break-away from the Communist League, an Australian revolutionary socialist organisation adhering to the majority section of the Fourth International. At the Easter 1975 National Conference, virtually the entire Melbourne branch of the CL resigned en masse from the national organisation. The issue was the refusal of the national organisation to accept the application by Robert Dorning (a leading Melbourne member) for full membership on the grounds he held a "bureaucratic collectivist" position on the social nature of the Soviet Union, rather than the orthodox Trotskyist position of "deformed workers' state".
    [Show full text]
  • Issue No. 14, November, 1974
    NU;~BER FOURTEEN NOVEMBER 1974 TEN CENTS No to protectionist, reformist traps! Expropriate Ley/ands! No layoffs; for a sliding s..cale of hours; for occupation of Leylands-Zetland! For a car-industry-wide strike against layoffs! For workers' control of Leylands! Not protectionist tariffs or quotas but international working-class organisation! Nationalise the car industry under workers' control! No compensation! On 10 O'ctober, after seven weeks of secret and again in August) was inaction at best -- with negotiations with the Labor government, Leyland strong evidence of VBEF officials' complicity. Australia announced that it will shut down com­ Reacting to pressure from the ranks, NSW VBEF pletely its car manufacturing plant at Zetland in Secretary Joe Thompson called a stopwork meeting Sydney. Leyland's new managing director, David at Leylands on 9 October and put a'motion calling Abell. estimated that the closure will eliminate for nationalisation, increased import quotas, a "significantly more than 3000" Leylands jobs by ban on work transfer from Zetland to Leyland's Christmas. The almost total end to Australian Enfield plant, and opposition to all retrench­ car production by Leyland is likely to cost an ments. One shop steward warned that "it will additional 7000 jobs in the car industry due to take the police to drag us out of here". But retrenchments by the 400-odd companies that while Thompson is willing to put an occasional supply Leylands. Workers sacked at Leylands ]01n militant-sounding resolution, the VBEF bureau­ an army of unemployed now growing at a rate of crats have avoided at all costs any mobilisation 1000 a day, who face an annual inflation rate of workers for a real fight against the layoffs.
    [Show full text]
  • New Left Journal of Analysis in Pursuit of Another World
    IRAQ AND THE MEDIA WAR GERALDENE PETERS A PhD researcher on political documentary and activist media in the Department of Film, Television and Media Studies at the University of Auckland New Left journal of analysis in pursuit of another world Red & Green: The NZ Journal of Left Alternatives 1 (1), edited by Jill Ovens. Auckland, The Red and Green Editorial Board, 2003. 160 pp. ISSN 1176 1482 porary, Bruce Jesson – not an aca- demic by choice, but undoubtedly an ED & GREEN is the latest in a intellectual — was another. As the Rjournal tradition engaging with editorial infers, within the domains of politics and culture in Aotearoa/New cultural and political analysis both Zealand. Immediately, by dint of ref- commentators have been interested to erence to an early journal article writ- explore the ‘pragmatic method of ten by Roger Horrocks, the editorial “replac[ing] overseas theories by the ‘voice’ of the introduction is conscious concrete details of local reality”’ (p of this critical genealogy. The journal 4). Informed by socialist principles, AND was a university based cultural/ R&G cannot leave history out of the literature studies journal produced in picture, and editorial choices recur- the early 1980s, and as both a univer- rently signal the journal’s place within sity professor and a cultural activist, these strands of pragmatic-theoretical Horrocks is one commentator who tradition. continues to be particularly alive to In this first issue, the poetics of the coexistence of a politics of culture Arundhati Roy’s address spoken on and political economy. His contem- the anniversary of September the 11th, PACIFIC JOURNALISM REVIEW 9 2003 197 IRAQ AND THE MEDIA WAR and the inclusion of media commen- nals is the latter’s collective editorial tary and film reviews, signals the im- board, academic/activist pitch, and the portance of the political dimension of room allowed for overseas commen- culture.
    [Show full text]
  • LORD BOLINGBROKE's THEORY of PARTY and OPPOSITION1 By
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository Max Skjönsberg, HJ, Oct 2015 LORD BOLINGBROKE’S THEORY OF PARTY AND OPPOSITION1 By MAX SKJÖNSBERG, London School of Economics and Political Science Abstract: Bolingbroke has been overlooked by intellectual historians in the last few decades, at least in comparison with ‘canonical’ thinkers. This article examines one of the most important but disputable aspects of his political thought: his views on political parties and his theory of opposition. It aims to demonstrate that Bolingbroke’s views on party have been misunderstood and that it is possible to think of him as an advocate of political parties rather than the ‘anti-party’ writer he is commonly known as. It has been suggested that Bolingbroke prescribed a state without political parties. By contrast, this article seeks to show that Bolingbroke was in fact the promoter of a very specific party, a systematic parliamentary opposition party in resistance to what he perceived as the Court Whig faction in power. It will 1 I have benefited from comments by Adrian Blau, Tim Hochstrasser, Paul Keenan, Robin Mills, and Paul Stock, as well as conversations with J. C. D. Clark, Richard Bourke, and Quentin Skinner at various stages of this project. As usual, however, the buck stops with the writer. I presented an earlier and shorter version of this article at the inaugural Early-Modern Intellectual History Postgraduate Conference at Newcastle University in June 2015. Eighteenth-century spelling has been kept in quotations throughout as have inconsistencies in spelling.
    [Show full text]
  • Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
    Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • 16. Māori Political and Economic Recognition in a Diverse Economy
    16 Māori political and economic recognition in a diverse economy Maria Bargh Introduction The relationship between Māori and the state in Aotearoa/New Zealand has been radically reshaped in the past 20 years. In some respects, Māori tribal (iwi) enterprises now have more recognition from the Crown, primarily as economic actors, and more access to decision-making power than they have had since the 1820s, when iwi had complete tino rangatiratanga (sovereignty) in Aotearoa/New Zealand. In particular, many iwi enterprises that have completed Treaty of Waitangi settlements1 and have re-established a strong economic base are receiving greater recognition from Crown agencies. The Māori Party, formed in 2004, has been instrumental in assisting the Iwi Chairs’ Forum (a national grouping of the leaders of tribal enterprises) access ministers and key policymakers, symbolic of the manner in which economic recognition has also led to forms of political recognition. In other respects, however, the Crown persists with policies, predominantly neoliberal policies, that continue to restrict and marginalise Māori political and economic organisational forms and rights. In this chapter, 1 These are negotiated settlements between Māori and the Crown in part as reparation for Crown breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840. 293 THE NEOLIBERAL state, RECOGNITION AND INDIGENOUS RIGHTS I am defining neoliberal policies as those that include reducing the size of the state, promoting forms of trade that have few barriers to the movement of goods and finance, and are premised on the belief that the market is the best mechanism to regulate all forms of human behaviour as people are predominantly self-maximising and selfish individuals (Bargh 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • THE EUROPEAN UNION and MINORITY NATIONALISM: a COMPARATIVE STUDY of the SPANISH and TURKISH CASES by Gordon O'connor Dunne A
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The University of Utah: J. Willard Marriott Digital Library THE EUROPEAN UNION AND MINORITY NATIONALISM: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SPANISH AND TURKISH CASES by Gordon O’Connor Dunne A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science The University of Utah May 2015 Copyright © Gordon O’Connor Dunne 2015 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL The dissertation of Gordon O’Connor Dunne has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Howard Lehman , Chair 2/3/2015 Date Approved Marjorie Castle , Member 2/3/2015 Date Approved Samuel Handlin , Member 2/3/2015 Date Approved Tobias Hofmann , Member 2/3/2015 Date Approved Douglas New , Member 2/3/2015 Date Approved and by Mark Button , Chair/Dean of the Department/College/School of Political Science and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT European integration has brought about dramatic and far-reaching social, economic, and political changes in Europe. Some of the consequences of integration have been unpredicted and unintended and have created something of a paradox. One example of such a paradox is the phenomenon of substate or minority nationalism. In the context of the European Union (EU), where the goal has been to do away with national rivalries and forge a European identity, nationalism itself presents an interesting puzzle, minority nationalism even more so. This dissertation addresses the issue of the EU as an unnatural but effective supporter of minority nationalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
    Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project).
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Influence on the U.S. Environmental Movement
    Australian Journal of Politics and History: Volume 61, Number 3, 2015, pp.414-431. Exemplars and Influences: Transnational Flows in the Environmental Movement CHRISTOPHER ROOTES Centre for the Study of Social and Political Movements, School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, University of Kent, Canterbury, UK Transnational flows of ideas are examined through consideration of Green parties, Friends of the Earth, and Earth First!, which represent, respectively, the highly institutionalised, the semi- institutionalised and the resolutely non-institutionalised dimensions of environmental activism. The focus is upon English-speaking countries: US, UK and Australia. Particular attention is paid to Australian cases, both as transmitters and recipients of examples. The influence of Australian examples on Europeans has been overstated in the case of Green parties, was negligible in the case of Friends of the Earth, but surprisingly considerable in the case of Earth First!. Non-violent direct action in Australian rainforests influenced Earth First! in both the US and UK. In each case, the flow of influence was mediated by individuals, and outcomes were shaped by the contexts of the recipients. Introduction Ideas travel. But they do not always travel in straight lines. The people who are their bearers are rarely single-minded; rather, they carry and sometimes transmit all sorts of other ideas that are in varying ways and to varying degrees discrepant one with another. Because the people who carry and transmit them are in different ways connected to various, sometimes overlapping, sometimes discrete social networks, ideas are not only transmitted in variants of their pure, original form, but they become, in these diverse transmuted forms, instantiated in social practices that are embedded in differing institutional contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Archifacts October 1999
    Journal of the Archives and Records Association of New Zealand October OBJECTS OF THE ASSOCIATION The objects of the Association shall be: i. To foster the care, preservation and proper use of archives and records, both public and private, and their effective administration. ii. To arouse public awareness of the importance of records and archives and in all matters affecting their preservation and use, and to co-operate or affiliate with any other bodies in New Zealand or elsewhere with like objects. iii. To promote the training of archivists, records keepers, curators, librarians and others by the dissemination of specialised knowledge and by encouraging the provision of adequate training in the administration and conservation of archives and records. iv. To encourage research into problems connected with the use, administration and conservation of archives and records and to promote the publication of the results of this research. v. To promote the standing of archives institutions. vi. To advise and support the establishment of archives services throughout New Zealand. vii. To publish a journal at least once a year and other publications in furtherance of these objects. MEMBERSHIP Membership of the Association is open to any individual or institution interested in fostering the objects of the Association. Subscription rates are: Within New Zealand $45 (individuals) $75 (institutions) Two individuals living at the same joint address can take a joint membership $55; this entitles both to full voting rights at meetings, but only one copy
    [Show full text]