Notes All translations from the Japanese are mine unless otherwise indi- cated. I cross-reference citations from Genji monogatari to their location in the complete English translation by Royall Tyler listed below and cross-reference to complete English translations of works other than Genji monogatari where possible. Introduction 1 The term “real-and-imagined” is borrowed from Soja, who develops the concept in dialogue with Lefebvre’s analysis of how space is produced via (1) spatial prac- tices, (2) representations of space, and (3) representational spaces. Lefebvre’s “representational spaces” provide key elements of Soja’s notion of the real-and- imagined. Both concepts emphasize a dialogic relationship between material/ historical spatial productions and imaginary or representational ones: “The repre sentational space . overlays physical space, making symbolic use of its objects. Representational spaces . need obey no rules of consistency or cohesiveness. Redolent with imaginary and symbolic elements, they have their source in history—in the history of a people as well as in the history of each individual belonging to that people.” Lefebvre, Production of Space, 33–42; Soja, Thirdspace, 74–82. 2 Ueshima, “Daikibozōei no jidai,” 15–94. The “mid-Heian period” refers roughly to 900–1050, when heads of the northern house of the Fujiwara consolidated their hold on imperial marriage politics and came to wield nearly hegemonic author- ity over the imperial court as regents and chancellors. 3 TheGenji narrator makes this comment in describing the first round of illustrated tales assembled in the picture contest in chapter 17 (Eawase). NKBZ 13:370; T 325. 4 Taketori monogatari, 55. As Pandey points out, the concept of mi (身) “makes no distinction between the physical body and what we might call the psychic, social, or cultural body; indeed mi extends beyond the body to signify a self . that is meaningful only as a social entity” (Perfumed Sleeves, 23–24). Yet I note that the idea that a woman’s physicality overdetermines her social identity surfaces as a focus of feminine discontent at the inception of the genre of court fiction, casting women’s roles in the elite family as particularly constricted. Kojima Edith Sarra - 9781684176120 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:17:02PM via free access 266 Notes to pages 4–6 characterizes the Bamboo Cutter as “the old man who becomes the head of a patriarchal house” (ie fuchō ni naru okina) (“Hikaru Genji no shintai,” 43). 5 I follow usage established by William McCullough and others in translating the terms kado/mon (gate) as “sublineage,” and ie as either “house,” “lineage,” “fam- ily,” or “mansion.” McCullough cautions against confusing Heian notions of the house with later, less ambiguous conceptualizations of ie that emerged under the influence of decidedly patriarchal definitions of marriage and property -in heritance. See McCullough, “The Capital and Its Society,” 128–35. For a succinct discussion of the Heian notion of house or ie, with emphasis on its distinctions from early medieval conceptualizations of the house, see Mass, Lordship and Inheritance, 9–36. For a discussion of the development of medieval (as opposed to mid-Heian) ie from the perspective of women’s history, see Wakita, Women in Medieval Japan, chapter 1. 6 Readers unfamiliar with so-called sekkanke politics, whereby the northern branch of the Fujiwara family became de facto rulers by controlling the positions of imperial regent (sesshō) and chancellor (kanpaku), are encouraged to consult Appendix A, “Some Notes on Rank and Office,” in McCullough and McCullough, Tale of Flowering Fortunes, 2:789–831. For analysis of the influence wielded by high-ranking Fujiwara women of the inner palace, especially Michinaga’s sister, Fujiwara no Senshi (961–1001), and later his daughter, Fujiwara no Shōshi, see Fukutō with Watanabe, “From Female Sovereign to Mother of the Nation,” 29–32. 7 The entrance of Murasaki Shikibu’s mistress, Fujiwara no Shōshi (988–1074), into the entourage of Emperor Ichijō (r. 986–1011) heralded the rise of her father, Fujiwara no Michinaga (966–1028), to dominance over imperial court politics. Emperor Ichijō already had an empress, Shōshi’s paternal first cousin Fujiwara no Teishi (976–1001), who bore him two sons. The eclipse of Teishi and her children by her cousin was a swift final chapter in the rivalry between the sub- lineages represented by the two empresses’ fathers, Fujiwara no Michinaga and his elder brother Fujiwara no Michitaka (953–995). When then-regent Michitaka died unexpectedly, followed by the death of his next eldest brother, Michikane (961–995), the way was clear for Michinaga’s rise to an unassailable position of influence. He became head of the northern Fujiwara uji( no chōja), father-in-law to Emperor Ichijō, and eventually imperial regent (sesshō) and maternal grand- father to two more emperors, Goichijō and Gosuzaku, who were sons of his daughter, Empress Shōshi, a figure of influence at court in her own right. 8 For analysis of cultural strategies used by emperors Uda (r. 887–897) and Daigo (r. 897–930), including the “prominent role played by mansions” in struggles to thwart the emerging Fujiwara regents’ encroachments on imperial authority, see Heldt, The Pursuit of Harmony, 89–105. 9 I borrow the phrase “emotional realism” from Washburn, The Tale of Genji, xxxii. 10 “The Tale of Genji,” 313–14. 11 Washburn, The Tale of Genji, xxxiv. 12 Splendor of Longing, 14; 16. Edith Sarra - 9781684176120 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:17:02PM via free access Notes to pages 6–8 267 13 For a critique of the textually oriented methods kokubungaku scholarship used in twentieth-century analyses of Heian women’s writings (kana bungaku), see Yoda, Gender and National Literature, chapter 5. 14 There is a voluminous secondary literature in Japanese on narrative voice in the Genji. Beginning in the 1970s with scholars connected to the Monogatari Kenkyūkai, narratologically informed analyses (hyōgen ron) of the Genji and other Heian court tales bring the lexicon of medieval Genji commentators into fruitful dialogue with structuralist and post-structuralist theory. In English, Stinchecum’s still highly relevant article “Who Tells the Tale?” makes good use of French structuralist and Russian formalist analyses to illuminate narrative technique in the last ten chapters of the tale. Bowring succinctly summarizes issues of narrative voice in chapter 3 of his Murasaki Shikibu: “The Tale of Genji.” Okada, in Figures of Resistance and in a later article “Speaking For,” theorizes narrative voice in the Genji and other mid-Heian court tales in terms of the structures of surrogacy subtending Heian aristocratic society as a whole. 15 Said of Genji monogatari by one of the speakers in Mumyōzōshi (The Nameless Notebook, ca. 1202), one of the earliest surviving metafictional tales in Japanese literary history (MMZ 24). The hero Genji uses essentially the same terms, de- scribing tales as “diverting things” (magiruru koto) that “beguile us when we are bored” (tsurezure o nagusame), in his discussion of fiction with Tamakazura in chapter 25 (Hotaru). NKBZ 14:203; T 461. 16 Bakhtin, “Discourse in the Novel,” in The Dialogic Imagination, 259–422. Wash- burn makes a persuasive case for fruitful comparisons between the hetero- glossic discourse of the Genji and of the modern novel in the introduction to his translation of The Tale of Genji, xxviii–xxxiv. 17 TheGenji ’s many depictions of the consciousness of individual characters invite analysis that draws on current discussions of cognitive poetics and theory of mind. I have found particularly informative Zunshine, Why We Read Fiction; also Aldama (ed.), Toward a Cognitive Theory. For analyses that hew closer to classic narratological approaches, see Cohn’s pioneering study of interiority in the Anglo-European novel, Transparent Minds. There are two excellent studies exploring the Genji’s presentation of its characters’ consciousness. See Buckley, “En-gendering Subjectivity,” 88–94; Cavanaugh, “Thinking about Thinking.” 18 This is a feature the Genji shares with novelistic fictions from other cultural con- texts. As Alex Woloch notes, “our sense of the human figure is inseparable from the space that he or she occupies within the narrative totality. The discrete representation of any specific individual is intertwined with the narrative’s con- tinual apportioning of attention to different characters who jostle for limited space within the same fictional universe” The( One vs. the Many, 13). 19 Tamagami Takuya estimates a total of roughly 500 characters. Their names are seldom fixed; most are not proper names at all but sobriquets based on a char- acter’s residence or court title, or in the case of female characters, by one of her close male relatives—conventions that parallel naming practices among actual Heian elites (“Genji monogatari sakujū jinbutsu,” 420–31). For more on Edith Sarra - 9781684176120 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 05:17:02PM via free access 268 Notes to pages 9–22 naming practices in the Genji, see chapter 1 of this study. For the sake of non- specialist readers, I use conventional sobriquets for the Genji characters through- out this study. 20 Woloch, The One vs. the Many, 14. 21 Pandey, Perfumed Sleeves, 29. 22 NKBZ 14:445–46; T 570–71. 23 The phrase is borrowed from Mass, who uses it to describe house/family ie( ) sys- tems among actual Heian elites, not their representation in fiction of the era (Lordship and Inheritance, 11). 24 TheTale of Genji is traditionally understood as falling into three parts: chapters 1–33, which chronicle Genji’s fortunes from youth to the apex of his political career (his accession to the title of honorary retired emperor and his birth daughter’s presentation at the imperial palace as consort to the heir apparent); chapters 34–41, which narrate the decline of Genji’s personal fortunes; and chapters 42–54, which track the destinies of his heirs, especially Kaoru.