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Accession Treaty
23.9.2003EN Official Journal of the European Union 17 TREATY BETWEEN THE KINGDOM OF BELGIUM, THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK, THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC, THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, IRELAND, THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG, THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA, THE PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND, THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND (MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION) AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, THE REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY, THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA, THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND, THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA, THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC, CONCERNING THE ACCESSION OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, THE REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY, THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA, THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND, THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA AND THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE BELGIANS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC, HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF DENMARK, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC, HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF SPAIN, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE PRESIDENT OF IRELAND, THE PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE -
Explaining the Treaty of Amsterdam: Interests, Influence, Institutions*
Journal of Common Market Studies Vol. 37, No. 1 March 1999 pp. 59–85 Explaining the Treaty of Amsterdam: Interests, Influence, Institutions* ANDREW MORAVCSIK and KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS Harvard University Abstract This article offers a basic explanation of the process and outcome of negotiat- ing the Treaty of Amsterdam. We pose three questions: What explains the national preferences of the major governments? Given those substantive national preferences, what explains bargaining outcomes among them? Given those substantive bargains, what explains the choice of international institu- tions to implement them? We argue in favour of an explanation based on three elements. Issue-specific interdependence explains national preferences. Inter- state bargaining based on asymmetrical interdependence explains the out- comes of substantive negotiation. The need for credible commitments explains institutional choices to pool and delegate sovereignty. Other oft-cited factors – European ideology, supranational entrepreneurship, technocratic consider- ations, or the random flux and non-rational processes of ‘garbage can’ decision-making – play secondary roles. Remaining areas of ambiguity are flagged for future research. * We would like to thank Simon Bulmer, Noreen Burrows, Stanley Crossick, Richard Corbett, Franklin Dehousse, Youri Devuyst, Geoffrey Edwards, Nigel Evans, Stephen George, Simon Hix, Karl Johansson, Nikos Kotzias, Sonia Mazey, John Peterson, Constantino Papadopoulos, Michel Petite, Eric Philippart, Jeremy Richardson, Brendon Smith, Alexander Stubb, Helen Wallace, William Wallace, Alison Weston and Neil Winn for assistance and conversations. In the current version we have cited only essential sources, for example those underlying direct quotations. An extended version can be found in Moravcsik and Nicolaïdis (forthcoming). © Blackwell Publishers Ltd 1999, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA 60 ANDREW MORAVCSIK AND KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS I. -
European Elections Why Vote? English
Europea2n E0lecti1ons9 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS WHY VOTE? ENGLISH Latvia Results of the 25 May 2019 European elections Show 10 entries Search: Trend European Number of Percentage of Number of Political Parties compared affiliation votes votes seats with 2014 New Unity EPP 124 193 26.24 % 2 ↓ Social Democratic Party S&D 82 604 17.45 % 2 ↑ "Harmony" National Alliance "All for Latvia!" - ECR 77 591 16.40 % 2 ↑ For Fatherland and Freedom Development/For! 58 763 12.42 % 1 New Latvian Russian Union Greens/EFA 29 546 6.24 % 1 = Showing 1 to 5 of 5 entries Previous Next List of MEPs Inese Vaidere New Alliance EPP Sandra Kalniete New Alliance EPP Nils Ouchakov Social-democrat Party S&D Andris Ameriks Social-democrat Party S&D Tatjana Ždanoka Russian Union of Latvia Greens/EFA Roberts Zile National Alliance ECR Dace Melbärde National Alliance ECR Ivars Ijabs Development Renew Europe Lists for the elections on 25 May 2019 European Leading Name of party Translation Website Programme affiliation candidate Jauna Vienotība New Unity EPP Valdis vienotiba.lv Programme Dombrovskis Sociāldemokrātiskā Partija Social Democratic Party S&D Nils Ušakovs saskana.eu Programme "Saskaņa" (SDPS) "Harmony" Progresīvie The Progressives S&D Gunta Anča progresivie.lv Programme Nacionālā apvienība "Visu National Alliance "All for ECR Roberts Zile nacionalaapvieniba.lv Programme Latvijai!"-"Tēvzemei un Latvia!" - For Fatherland Brīvībai/LNNK" and Freedom Zaļo un Zemnieku Union of Greens and ALDE Dana zzs.lv Programme savienība (ZZS) Farmers -
The Disinformation Dilemma: How to Respond and Regulate Without Undermining Democracy?
© AdobeStock/terovesalainen European Parliament Online Seminar The disinformation dilemma: How to respond and regulate without undermining democracy? 17 March 2021, 14:30 CET / 09:30 EST #Disinformation Directorate-General for Communication 14:30 Welcome and practicalities 14:35 Opening Jaume DUCH GUILLOT, European Parliament Spokesperson 14:40 Keynote speech Christopher KREBS, former Director of the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency Moderator: Delphine COLARD, European Parliament Head of Spokesperson’s Unit and Deputy Spokesperson 15:00 Panel 1 - The disinformation challenge: foreign and domestic actors Sandra KALNIETE (EPP, Latvia), Member of the European Parliament. Rapporteur on Foreign interference in all the democratic processes in the EU, including disinformation in (INGE) Sophie IN ‘T VELD (Renew, The Netherlands), Member of the European Parliament. Member of LIBE Committe and Chair of Democracy, Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights Monitoring Group Ambassador Baiba BRAŽE, Assistant Secretary General of the Public Diplomacy Division, NATO HQ Geysha GONZÁLEZ, Senior Director for Programs and Strategy at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) Moderator: Raffaella DE MARTE, European Parliament Head of Media Services Unit 15:50 Panel 2 -Fighting disinformation and modernising our online regulation Christel SCHALDEMOSE (S&D, Denmark), Member of the European Parliament. Newly elected Rapporteur for Digital Services Act (Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, IMCO) -
12.5.2021 A9-0115/11 Amendment 11 Frances Fitzgerald, Maria Da Graça
12.5.2021 A9-0115/11 Amendment 11 Frances Fitzgerald, Maria da Graça Carvalho, Deirdre Clune, Rosa Estaràs Ferragut, Hildegard Bentele, Vladimír Bilčík, Daniel Caspary, Pilar del Castillo Vera, Geoffroy Didier, Jarosław Duda, José Manuel Fernandes, Loucas Fourlas, José Manuel García-Margallo y Marfil, Esteban González Pons, Christophe Hansen, György Hölvényi, Brice Hortefeux, Danuta Maria Hübner, Rasa Juknevičienė, Sandra Kalniete, Seán Kelly, Arba Kokalari, Ewa Kopacz, Andrius Kubilius, Stelios Kympouropoulos, Leopoldo López Gil, Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska, Aušra Maldeikienė, Lukas Mandl, Liudas Mažylis, David McAllister, Francisco José Millán Mon, Nadine Morano, Marlene Mortler, Janina Ochojska, Markus Pieper, Jessica Polfjärd, Christian Sagartz, Simone Schmiedtbauer, Christine Schneider, Ralf Seekatz, Sara Skyttedal, Tomas Tobé, Eugen Tomac, Sabine Verheyen, Maria Walsh, Jörgen Warborn, Angelika Winzig, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, Javier Zarzalejos, Željana Zovko, Milan Zver, Gabriel Mato, Henna Virkkunen, Franc Bogovič, Andrzej Halicki, Michael Gahler, Marian-Jean Marinescu, Tom Berendsen, Peter Pollák, Siegfried Mureşan, Peter Liese, David Lega, Pernille Weiss, Tomasz Frankowski, Lena Düpont, Magdalena Adamowicz, Dennis Radtke, Tom Vandenkendelaere, Radosław Sikorski, Traian Băsescu, Stefan Berger, Michaela Šojdrová Report A9-0115/2021 Mónica Silvana González Impacts of climate change on vulnerable populations in developing countries (2020/2042(INI)) Motion for a resolution Paragraph 73 - introductory part Motion for a resolution Amendment -
The Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties
THE MAASTRICHT AND AMSTERDAM TREATIES The Maastricht Treaty altered the former European treaties and created a European Union based on three pillars: the European Communities, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and cooperation in the field of justice and home affairs (JHI). With a view to the enlargement of the Union, the Amsterdam Treaty made the adjustments needed to enable the Union to function more efficiently and democratically. I. THE MAASTRICHT TREATY The Treaty on European Union, signed in Maastricht on 7 February 1992, entered into force on 1 November 1993. A. The Union’s structures By instituting a European Union, the Maastricht Treaty marked a new step in the process of creating an ‘ever-closer union among the peoples of Europe’. The Union was based on the European Communities (1.1.1 and 1.1.2) and supported by policies and forms of cooperation provided for in the Treaty on European Union. It had a single institutional structure, consisting of the Council, the European Parliament, the European Commission, the Court of Justice and the Court of Auditors which (being at the time strictly speaking the only EU institutions) exercised their powers in accordance with the Treaties. The Treaty established an Economic and Social Committee and a Committee of the Regions, which both had advisory powers. A European System of Central Banks and a European Central Bank were set up under the provisions of the Treaty in addition to the existing financial institutions in the EIB group, namely the European Investment Bank and the European Investment Fund. B. The Union’s powers The Union created by the Maastricht Treaty was given certain powers by the Treaty, which were classified into three groups and were commonly referred to as ‘pillars’: The first ‘pillar’ consisted of the European Communities, providing a framework within which the powers for which sovereignty had been transferred by the Member States in the areas governed by the Treaty were exercised by the Community institutions. -
The Conference on the Future of Europe a New Model to Reform the EU?
The Conference on the Future of Europe A New Model to Reform the EU? Federico Fabbrini* WORKING PAPER No 12 / 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. Plans for the Conference on the Future of Europe 3. Precedents of the Conference on the Future of Europe 4. The rules on EU treaty reform 5. The practice of inter-se treaties outside the EU legal order 6. Reforming the EU through a Political Compact 7. Conclusions ABSTRACT The paper offers a first analysis of the recent plan to establish a Conference on the Future of Europe to reform the European Union (EU), comparing this initiative with two historical precedents to relaunch the EU – namely the Conference of Messina and the Convention on the Future of Europe – and considering the legal rules and political options for treaty reform in the contemporary EU. To this end, the paper overviews prior efforts to reform the EU, and points out the conditions that led to the success or failures of these initiatives. Subsequently it examines the technicalities of the EU treaty amendment rules and emphasizes the challenge towards treaty reform resulting from the need to obtain unanimous approval by all member states. The paper then assesses the increasing tendency by member states to use inter-se international treaties – particularly in response to the euro-crisis – and underlines how these have introduce new ratification rules, overcoming unanimity. Drawing lessons from these precedents, finally, the paper suggests what will be a condition for the success of the Conference on the Future of Europe, and argues that this should resolve to draft a new treaty – a Political Compact – designed to push forward integration among those member states that so wish. -
University of Groningen the Death of the 'Community Method' ... and the Immediate Future of the EU Voogsgeerd, Herman
University of Groningen The Death of the 'Community Method' ... and the Immediate Future of the EU Voogsgeerd, Herman Published in: Studies in Euroculture, Volume 4 IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2018 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Voogsgeerd, H. (2018). The Death of the 'Community Method' ... and the Immediate Future of the EU. In K. Czerska-Shaw, M. Galent, & B. Gierat-Bieroń (Eds.), Studies in Euroculture, Volume 4: Visions and Revisions of Europe (Vol. 4, pp. 25-37). (Studies in Euroculture; Vol. 4). Universitätsverlag Göttingen. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 27-09-2021 The death of the ‘Community method’ …and the immediate future of the EU Herman Voogsgeerd. 1. Introduction The so-called Community method has been very successful in the first five decades of existence of the EEC/EC/EU. -
Interview with Catherine Lalumière: the Community Method and the Intergovernmental Method (Paris, 17 May 2006)
Interview with Catherine Lalumière: the Community method and the intergovernmental method (Paris, 17 May 2006) Source: Interview de Catherine Lalumière / CATHERINE LALUMIÈRE, Étienne Deschamps, prise de vue : François Fabert.- Paris: CVCE [Prod.], 17.05.2006. CVCE, Sanem. - VIDEO (00:07:44, Couleur, Son original). Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/interview_with_catherine_lalumiere_the_community_metho d_and_the_intergovernmental_method_paris_17_may_2006-en-03c2cccc-6e0b- 44a6-8e48-46ffbc02819c.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/3 Interview with Catherine Lalumière: the Community method and the intergovernmental method (Paris, 17 May 2006) [Étienne Deschamps] You have remarked how certain political leaders, from various countries, among whom you include General de Gaulle, considered rightly or wrongly that the Council of Europe was somewhat lethargic, a bit sleepy. You have worked in both Community structures and — I am thinking of the Council of Europe here — intergovernmental structures. [Catherine Lalumière] Yes, that is the epitome of an intergovernmental organisation. [Étienne Deschamps] Now that you can afford to be objective, what is your opinion of these two working methods and of the results achieved by these two political philosophies? [Catherine Lalumière] Yes. It is true that the principles underlying the intergovernmental method and the principles underlying the Community method are quite different. In the first instance, it is really the States that agree on a decision or on a text. -
The Making of a Transnational Constitution: an Institutionalist Perspective on the European Convention Renaud Dehousse, Florence Deloche-Gaudez
The Making of a Transnational Constitution: An Institutionalist Perspective on the European Convention Renaud Dehousse, Florence Deloche-Gaudez To cite this version: Renaud Dehousse, Florence Deloche-Gaudez. The Making of a Transnational Constitution: An Insti- tutionalist Perspective on the European Convention. 2005. hal-01065555 HAL Id: hal-01065555 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01065555 Preprint submitted on 18 Sep 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The Making of a Transnational Constitution: An Institutionalist Perspective on the European Convention Renaud Dehousse and Florence Deloche-Gaudez Centre d’études Européennes de Sciences Po, Paris No matter how one evaluates the product of its work, the Convention on the Future of Europe has marked a turning point in the history of European integration. Up until then, Member States’ governments played an essential role in institutional reform because it was carried out through treaty changes. The diplomatic conferences mandated to organize these reforms brought together governmental delegates. Since the treaties could only be modified with the agreement of all of the states, each of them enjoyed a veto power. This very classic system reflected the original nature of the European Communities, then of the European Union: an international organization, admittedly atypical, whose powers have continually increased (in number and scope) over the years, but in which Member States had no intention of giving up their most fundamental power – i.e. -
Official Directory of the European Union
ISSN 1831-6271 Regularly updated electronic version FY-WW-12-001-EN-C in 23 languages whoiswho.europa.eu EUROPEAN UNION EUROPEAN UNION Online services offered by the Publications Office eur-lex.europa.eu • EU law bookshop.europa.eu • EU publications OFFICIAL DIRECTORY ted.europa.eu • Public procurement 2012 cordis.europa.eu • Research and development EN OF THE EUROPEAN UNION BELGIQUE/BELGIË • БЪЛГАРИЯ • ČESKÁ REPUBLIKA • DANMARK • DEUTSCHLAND • EESTI • ΕΛΛΑΔΑ • ESPAÑA • FRANCE • ÉIRE/IRELAND • ITALIA • ΚΥΠΡΟΣ/KIBRIS • LATVIJA • LIETUVA • LUXEMBOURG • MAGYARORSZÁG • MALTA • NEDERLAND • ÖSTERREICH • POLSKA • PORTUGAL • ROMÂNIA • SLOVENIJA • SLOVENSKO • SUOMI/FINLAND • SVERIGE • UNITED KINGDOM • BELGIQUE/BELGIË • БЪЛГАРИЯ • ČESKÁ REPUBLIKA • DANMARK • DEUTSCHLAND • EESTI • ΕΛΛΑ∆Α • ESPAÑA • FRANCE • ÉIRE/IRELAND • ITALIA • ΚΥΠΡΟΣ/KIBRIS • LATVIJA • LIETUVA • LUXEMBOURG • MAGYARORSZÁG • MALTA • NEDERLAND • ÖSTERREICH • POLSKA • PORTUGAL • ROMÂNIA • SLOVENIJA • SLOVENSKO • SUOMI/FINLAND • SVERIGE • UNITED KINGDOM • BELGIQUE/BELGIË • БЪЛГАРИЯ • ČESKÁ REPUBLIKA • DANMARK • DEUTSCHLAND • EESTI • ΕΛΛΑΔΑ • ESPAÑA • FRANCE • ÉIRE/IRELAND • ITALIA • ΚΥΠΡΟΣ/KIBRIS • LATVIJA • LIETUVA • LUXEMBOURG • MAGYARORSZÁG • MALTA • NEDERLAND • ÖSTERREICH • POLSKA • PORTUGAL • ROMÂNIA • SLOVENIJA • SLOVENSKO • SUOMI/FINLAND • SVERIGE • UNITED KINGDOM • BELGIQUE/BELGIË • БЪЛГАРИЯ • ČESKÁ REPUBLIKA • DANMARK • DEUTSCHLAND • EESTI • ΕΛΛΑΔΑ • ESPAÑA • FRANCE • ÉIRE/IRELAND • ITALIA • ΚΥΠΡΟΣ/KIBRIS • LATVIJA • LIETUVA • LUXEMBOURG • MAGYARORSZÁG • MALTA • NEDERLAND -
Community Method and Intergovernmental Method in the Present Phase of the European Union
Ugo Villani Community Method and Intergovernmental Method in the Present Phase of the European Union The originality of the European Communities (as well as of the European Union), compared with traditional international organizations, implies a different method of operation, that is generally named ‘community method’. While in the intergovernmental method of classical organizations the decision-making belongs to governmental organs, such as a Council or a General Assembly, and there is no representation of the peoples of member States, in the ‘pure’ community method it is a supranational institution – the Commission – that has the power to present a proposal for a binding act, the decision-making is shared between the European Parliament (that represents the citizens of the Union) and the Council, and the control on the respect of law is secured by the Court of Justice. The community method and the intergovernmental method have always coexisted in the history of European integration. Yet, in recent years, on the occasion of the financial and economic crisis of the European Union, of the migration crisis, as well as of Brexit, the balance between the two methods has shifted in favour of the intergovernmental method. This has often given rise to departing from the procedures, the competences, the democratic and judicial controls of the European Union order. Paolo Fois The ‘Flexible Europe’ and the Consent of the Member States The various studies that over the years have been dedicated to the ‘flexibility’ of European Law have often overlooked the relevant aspect of consent that member states have variously given, either in advance or in retrospect, by gradually assenting to a system of differentiated rules among the member states.