DOCSLIB.ORG

Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis: a Morphosyntactic Perspective*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis: a Morphosyntactic Perspective* Streams Converging Into an Ocean, 565-583 2006-8-005-022-000014-1 Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis: * A Morphosyntactic Perspective Henry Y. Chang Academia Sinica It is generally held that Kanakanavu and Saaroa should be lumped together with Tsou as a Tsouic subgroup (The Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis: Tsuchida 1976, Blust 1977, 1999). The paper reassesses this well-accepted assumption in the light of six important morphosyntactic innovations observed in Tsou, viz. the Innovative Focus Morphology, the Complete Loss of the PAn Perfective Marker, the Focus Harmony Restriction on SVCs, the NAF-only Causatives, the Obligatory Auxiliary Constraint, and the Emergence of the 3rd Singular Nominative Bound Pronoun. It is found that none of these Tsou innovations are attested in the so-called southern Tsouic languages, namely, Kanakanavu and Saaroa, or elsewhere in the Austro- nesian family. This casts doubts on the TSH and raises the question of whether Tsou constitutes a subgroup with Kanakanavu and Saaroa as well as the question of whether Tsou is one of the primary branches of the PAn (cf. Starosta 1985). Both questions will be addressed in the paper. Key words: Tsouic, subgroup, morphosyntactic innovations, PAn 1. Introduction Since Tsuchida (1976), it has been generally assumed that Tsou should be grouped * This paper grew out of an on-going research project entitled Classification and Dispersal of the Austronesians: Anthropological, Genetic, and Linguistic Studies Relating to Taiwan (NSC 952627-H-001). I am grateful to the project director Paul J.-K Li for inviting me to join the project and providing financial support. This paper is dedicated to him on his seventieth birthday. I am thankful to the following people for reading an earlier version of this paper and giving useful comments: Robert Blust, Jonathan Evans, Paul J.-K Li, Tsai-hsiou Liu, Malcolm Ross, John Wolff, and two anonymous reviewers. A draft of this paper was presented at the Workshop on Internal and External Relationships of Formosan languages, August 31, 2006. I would like to express my gratitude to the audiences there, in particular, Lillian Huang, Li-may Sung, and Stacy Teng for their helpful suggestions. I am also indebted to my former research assistant Julia Y. Su for her help in editing several tables presented in this paper. Needless to say, I am solely responsible for the remaining errors if there are any. Henry Y. Chang with Kanakanavu and Saaroa as a Tsouic subgroup. Despite some disputes,1 the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis (TSH) has been taken as part of the “standard theory” of the Austroneisan subgroupings. This view is reflected in Blust’s (1999:52) remarks: The fundamental evidence for a Tsouic subgroup has been presented by Tsuchida (1976). Although some writers have questioned the unity of Tsouic (Harvey 1982:90), I accept it as established on the basis of Tsuchida’s extensive documentation. Nonetheless, Tsuchida (1976) did not explicitly address the TSH issue, neither did he provide firm evidence for it. It seems that he inherited his belief in TSH from Ferrell (1969) and Dyen’s (1963, 1965) lexicostatistical classification and took it for granted. A reassessment of the TSH is in order. Drawing on the reconstructions put forward by several distinguished Austronesianists (Wolff 1973, Ross 1995, 2002, Blust 2003, Li 2006), this paper enumerates six important morphosyntactic innovations in Tsou and indicates that none of these Tsou innovations are attested in Kanakanavu or Saaroa, or elsewhere in the Austronesian family. In light of the findings, the paper will discuss whether the TSH holds true. First things first, let us consider the Tsou innovations one by one. 2. The innovative focus morphology It has long been observed since Starosta (1985) that main verbs in Tsou are marked with the focus affixes which are used to mark verbs in dependent clauses in other western Austronesian languages, as illustrated in (1): (1) a. mo mo-si ta pangka to emi ’o amo AF2 AF-put OBL table OBL wine NOM father ‘Father puts wine on a table.’ 1 Harvey (1982:90) and Starosta (1985, 1995) have questioned the unity of the Tsouic subgroup, but their efforts have not received much attention. I will return to this issue in section 8. 2 Following the Leipzig Glossing Rules, this paper adopts the following abbreviations and conventions: AF: Actor focus ACC: accusative CAUS: causative EXP: experiential FUT: future tense GEN: genitive IF: instrumental focus IPFV: imperfective IND: Indicative LF: locative focus LOC: locative LNK: linker NAF: Non-Actor focus NEG: negation NEUT: neutral NMLZ: nominalization NOM: nominative OBL: oblique OF: object focus PAST: past tense PFV: perfective PF: Patient focus POSS: possessive RED: reduplication REL: relativizer S: singular TNS: tense TOP: topic 1: first person pronoun 2: second person 3: third person pronoun -: affixes =: clitics 566 Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis b. i-si si-a ta pangka to amo ’o emi NAF-3S put-PF OBL table OBL father NOM wine ‘Father put the wine on a table.’ c. i-si si-i ta amo ta emi ’o pangka NAF-3S put-LF OBL father OBL wine NOM table ‘Father put wine on the table.’ d. i-si si-eni ta emi ta amo NAF-3S put-I/BF OBL wine OBL father ‘Father kept wine (for him).’ (Zeitoun 2000a:95) As in (1), main verbs are inflected for the focus affixes m-, -a, -i, and -eni in Tsou. Apart from the Actor focus (AF) affix m-, the other three are normally attached to verbs in atemporal clauses such as negatives and imperatives in other western Austronesian languages. Compare: Table 1: Focus markers: Indicative vs. Atemporal (Based on Ross 1995:739) AF PF LF B/IF Indicative <m> -en -an si- Atemporal (unmarked) -a -i -eni Take Seediq for example. In declarative sentences, verbs are inflected for the usual focus affixes m-, -un, -an, and si-, as illustrated below: (2) a. m-imah qsiya (ka) laqi. AF-drink water NOM child ‘The child drinks water.’ b. mah-un na laqi (ka) qsiya. drink-PF GEN child NOM water ‘The child will drink the water.’ c. mah-an na laqi qsiya (ka) sapah purayan. drink-LF GEN child water NOM house kitchen ‘The child drank water in the kitchen.’ d. si-imah na laqi qsiya (ka) kopu. IF-drink GEN child water NOM cup ‘The child used the cup to drink water.’ (Chang 2000:83-84) By contrast, verbs bear a distinct set of focus affixes in negatives and imperatives, as indicated in (3). 567 Henry Y. Chang (3) a. ini-mu mah-i ka sino nii NEG-1S.GEN drink-LF NOM wine this ‘I did not drink the wine.’ b. ini mah-ani begu na laqi ka taku NEG drink-I/BF soup GEN child NOM spoon ‘The child did not use the spoon for soup.’ (Chen 1996:44-46) Given the reconstructions of PAn focus morphology advocated by Wolff (1973) and Ross (1995), Tsou ‘atemporal’ focus affixes are more likely to be innovations rather than retentions. The innovations, however, do not seem to be attested in Kanakanavu and Saaroa. Let’s consider the focus system in Kanakanavu first. According to Mei (1982), there is a three-way distinction in focus marking in Kanakanavu, as indicated below: Table 2: The focus system in Kanakanavu (Based on Mei 1982) AF PF LF Neutral -ai Perfective ni- Imperfective <um>, m-3 -un -a(n) Unlike Tsou, the focus system in Kanakanavu presumably did not undergo any drastic morphological changes. The emergence of the neutral PF suffix -ai in Kanakanavu is not common, but it does not parallel the PF suffix -a in Tsou in its form and function.4 As noted by Tsuchida (1976:51) and Mei (1982:219), -ai is restricted to verbs bearing neutral aspect, as illustrated below: (4) ulung-ai-kani ’inia sua takuis-ini kava-cumai take.off-OF2-IND5 he jacket-his skin-bear ‘He took off his bearskin jacket.’ (Mei 1982:219) 3 According to Tsuchida (1976:47-48), there are three more AF affixes attested in Kanakanavu: mu-. um-, and -em-. The prefix mu- occurs with a stem beginning with a bilabial consonant or ng, as in mu-a-pucupucu ‘to crumple’; the prefix um- occurs with a stem beginning with a vowel, as in um-a-ala ‘to take’; -em- occurs after the perfective aspect infix -in-, as in c-in-em-e’era ‘to see’. 4 Tsuchida (1976: 49) treats -ai as a marker of special focus and notes that “the function of the verb form here …is not clear.” 5 Contra Mei (1982), Tsuchida (1976:52) identifies the suffix -kani as a marker of quotation rather than indicative mode. 568 Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis Meanwhile, imperfective PF and perfective PF are represented by -un and ni- respectively in Kanakanavu, which are quite comparable to the focus affixes widely observed across western Austronesian languages. Compare: (5) a. tia-kasu itaru-n will-you wait-OF1;IPFV ‘I’ll wait for you.’ (Mei 1982:213) b. ni-pia-pacai cau tutui kill:OF1;PFV person pig ‘Someone killed the pig.’ (Mei 1982:221) In Kanakanavu, Locative Focus (LF) is represented by the wide-spread LF suffix -an, as in: (6) na ta-u-canum-a ni-p-ia-pacal-an-aku tutui at place to draw water kill:LF;PFV-I pig ‘It is at the place to draw water that I have killed the pig.’ (Mei 1982:223) It should also be noted that there is no marker of Benefactive/Instrumental focus (B/IF) reported in the previous literature (Tsuchida 1976, Mei 1982, Li et al. 1997).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Tonhauser, Judith
    UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Theories of Everything Volume 17, Article 7: 43-58, 2012 Nominal Tense in Tsou: Nia and Its Syntax/Semantics* Henry Y. Chang This paper investigates nominal tense (NT) in the Formosan language Tsou. In light of the NT diagnostics proposed in Nordlinger and Sadler (2004), this paper analyzes the nominal temporal marker nia as an instance of Independent NT (INT), heading a DP-internal tense phrase (TP). The INT-analysis explains nicely why (i) nia makes a temporal distinction of past versus nonpast within a noun phrase, (ii) nia cannot be replaced by a verbal tense/mood auxiliary, (iii) the meaning of nia is rather abstract—nia applies widely to nouns of various kinds, including nouns denoting artifacts, location and time, (iv) nia is normally preceded by a case marker, (v) a verb is required to undergo nominalization upon patterning with nia, (vi) nia is compatible both with definite and indefinite noun phrases, (vii) nia can co-occur either with a realis auxiliary or an irrealis auxiliary. These findings may advance our understanding of Tsou nominal structure on the one hand and shed new lights on the universal nominal structure on the other (cf. Cinque 2005, 2011). Keywords: Tsou, nominal temporal marker, independent nominal tense, past versus nonpast, nominal structure. 1 Introduction It is generally held that temporal information is characteristic of verbal categories and normally marked on them. However, recent studies have shown that temporal marking is also possible and productive with nominal categories across many genetically unrelated languages. The major debate in this connection is whether nominal temporal markers are instances of nominal tense (Nordlinger and Sadler 2004, 2008, Tonhauser 2007, 2008).
    [Show full text]
  • Axis Relationships in the Philippines – When Traditional Subgrouping Falls Short1 R. David Zorc <[email protected]> AB
    Axis Relationships in the Philippines – When Traditional Subgrouping Falls Short1 R. David Zorc <[email protected]> ABSTRACT Most scholars seem to agree that the Malayo-Polynesian expansion left Taiwan around 3,000 BCE and virtually raced south through the Philippines in less than one millenium. From southern Mindanao migrations went westward through Borneo and on to Indonesia, Malaysia, and upwards into the Asian continent (“Malayo”-), and some others went south through Sulawesi also going eastward across the Pacific (-“Polynesian”)2. If this is the case, the Philippine languages are the “left behinds” allowing at least two more millennia for multiple interlanguage contacts within the archipelago. After two proposed major extinctions: archipelago-wide and the Greater Central Philippines (Blust 2019), inter-island associations followed the ebb and flow of dominance, expansion, resettlement, and trade. Little wonder then that “unique” lexemes found on Palawan can appear on Mindoro or Panay; developments throughout the east (Mindanao, the Visayas, and southern Luzon) can appear in Central Luzon, and an unidentified language with the shift of Philippine *R > y had some influence on Palawan and Panay. As early as 1972, while writing up my dissertation (Zorc 1975, then 1977), I found INNOVATIONS that did not belong to any specific subgroup, but had crossed linguistic boundaries to form an “axis” [my term, but related to German “SPRACHBUND”, “NETWORK” (Milroy 1985), “LINKAGE” 3 (Ross 1988. Pawley & Ross 1995)]. Normally, INNOVATIONS should be indicative of subgrouping. However, they can arise in an environment where different language communities develop close trade or societal ties. The word bakál ‘buy’ replaces PAN *bəlih and *mayád ‘good’ replaces PMP *pia in an upper loop from the Western Visayas, through Ilonggo/Hiligaynon, Masbatenyo, Central Sorsoganon, and 1 I am deeply indebted to April Almarines, Drs.
    [Show full text]
  • Determiners, Nouns, Or What? Problems in the Analysis of Some Commonly Occurring Forms in Philippine Languages
    Determiners, Nouns, or What? Problems in the Analysis of Some Commonly Occurring Forms in Philippine Languages Lawrence A. Reid Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 41, No. 2. (Dec., 2002), pp. 295-309. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0029-8115%28200212%2941%3A2%3C295%3ADNOWPI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T Oceanic Linguistics is currently published by University of Hawai'i Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/uhp.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Sat Feb 16 23:46:32 2008 Determiners, Nouns, or What? Problems in the Analysis of Some Commonly Occurring Forms in Philippine Languages' Lawrence A.
    [Show full text]
  • View, Independent Domestications of a Plant This Hypothesis Is Adopted Here, with the Standard Caveat Can Be Expected to Result in Wholly Independent Vocabularies
    Rice (2011) 4:121–133 DOI 10.1007/s12284-011-9077-8 How Many Independent Rice Vocabularies in Asia? Laurent Sagart Received: 30 September 2011 /Accepted: 10 December 2011 /Published online: 5 January 2012 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011 Abstract The process of moving from collecting plants in all have the same underlying cause: the shift to agriculture the wild to cultivating and gradually domesticating them has and its demographic consequences. Populations of farmers as its linguistic corollary the formation of a specific vocab- can support larger families than hunter-gatherers, which ulary to designate the plants and their parts, the fields in gives them higher densities, and lets them expand with their which they are cultivated, the tools and activities required to genes, their crops and their languages. This is the well- cultivate them and the food preparations in which they enter. known Bellwood–Renfrew farming/language hypothesis. From this point of view, independent domestications of a plant This hypothesis is adopted here, with the standard caveat can be expected to result in wholly independent vocabularies. that not all linguistic expansions need to be agriculturally Conversely, when cultivation of a plant spreads from one based (Eskimo–Aleut an obvious case) and with the refine- population to another, one expects elements of the original ment, introduced in Bellwood (2005b) that while agriculture vocabulary to spread with cultivation practices. This paper per se will normally induce an increase in population den- examines the vocabularies of rice in Asian languages for sity, it will not by itself suffice to lead to geographical evidence of linguistic transfers, concluding that there are at expansion: another prerequisite is the possession of a diver- least two independent vocabularies of rice in Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • Thesis HUMA 2009
    A Phonetic Study on Implosives in China by Cun Xi A Thesis Submitted to The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Division of Humanities April, 2009, Hong Kong i HKUST Library Reproduction is prohibited without the author’s prior written consent UMI Number: 3365904 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ______________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3365904 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. _______________________________________________________________ ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 Acknowledgements At this exciting and momentous time, the first person I would like to thank is my supervisor Prof. Zhu Xiaonong. Many years ago, when I was a newcomer to linguistics, he introduced me to the possibilities along that path and encouraged me to explore them. Reading and correcting every detail of my thesis is not his style, but his comments often hit the nail on the head. He likes to talk to students in an open-hearted way, as our friend, and invite us to meals at his home.
    [Show full text]
  • Contributors
    iii Contributors ERIC ALBRIGHT received his MA in Applied Linguistics from GIAL (Graduate Institute of Applied Linguistics, Texas) in 2000, and earlier, worked as a software developer. Joining SIL International, he worked among the Bidayuh of Sarawak, Malaysia from 2001-2003, advising them in the fields of literacy, orthography development and lexi- cography. In 2006, he co-founded Payap Language Software, part of the Linguistics Institute at Payap University in Thailand. I WAYAN ARKA is a Fellow in Linguistics at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies (RSPAS) at The Australian National University. He received his PhD from Sydney University in 1999. He returned to Udayana University in Bali-Indonesia for three years before he moved again to Australia (in April 2001) to take up a fellowship at the RSPAS, ANU. Wayan’s interests are in descriptive, theoretical and typological aspects of Austronesian languages of Indonesia. His recent books published by Pacific Linguistics are Balinese Morphosyntax: A lexical-functional approach (2003) and The many faces of Austronesian voice systems: some new empirical studies, co-edited with Malcolm Ross (2005). Wayan is currently working on a number of projects including research on voice in the Austronesian languages of eastern Indonesia (funded by an NSF grant, 2006-2009, in collaboration with Matt Shibatani and Fay Wouk), and a large-scale machine-usable grammar, dictionary and corpus of Indonesian (funded by an ARC Discovery grant, 2008-10, in collaboration with Jane Simpon, Avery Andrews and Mary Dalrymple). He has done extensive fieldwork for his Rongga Documentation Project (funded by the ELDP, 2004-6), and organised capacity building programmes for language documentation, maintenance and revitalisation in Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • Teaching and Learning an Endangered Austronesian Language in Taiwan
    9 Teaching and Learning an Endangered Austronesian Language in Taiwan D. Victoria Rau°, Hui-Huan Ann Chang°, Yin-Sheng Tai°, Zhen-Yi Yang°, Yi-Hui Lin°, Chia-Chi Yang°, and Maa-Neu Dong† °Providence University, Taiwan †National Museum of Natural Science This paper provides a case study of the process of endangered language acquisition, which has not been well studied from the viewpoint of applied linguistics. It describes the con- text of teaching Chinese adult learners in Taiwan an endangered indigenous language, the teachers’ pedagogical approaches, the phonological and syntactic acquisition processes the learners were undergoing, and applications to other language documentation and revitaliza- tion programs. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to address the research questions.This study demonstrates cogently that language is a complex adaptive system. In phonological acquisition, the trill was the most difficult phoneme to learn. Systematic variations for the variables (ŋ) and (s) were found to be constrained by both markedness and interference. Furthermore, learners also tended to interpret Yami orthography based on their knowledge of English. In word order acquisition, learners performed much better than expected, partially because the present tense, coded by the SV word order, is the norm in Yami conversations. However, students still inaccurately associated word order with sen- tence type rather than with tense distinction. The Yami case provides an integrated model for endangered language documentation, revitalization and pedagogical research, which would be of interest to people working with other languages and the language documenta- tion field in general. 1. INTRODUCTION. There are several different approaches to the categorization of language endangerment.
    [Show full text]
  • Morphology and Syntax of Gerunds in Truku Seediq : a Third Function of Austronesian “Voice” Morphology
    MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX OF GERUNDS IN TRUKU SEEDIQ : A THIRD FUNCTION OF AUSTRONESIAN “VOICE” MORPHOLOGY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR IN PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS SUMMER 2017 By Mayumi Oiwa-Bungard Dissertation Committee: Robert Blust, chairperson Yuko Otsuka, chairperson Lyle Campbell Shinichiro Fukuda Li Jiang Dedicated to the memory of Yudaw Pisaw, a beloved friend ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to express my most profound gratitude to the hospitality and generosity of the many members of the Truku community in the Bsngan and the Qowgan villages that I crossed paths with over the years. I’d like to especially acknowledge my consultants, the late 田信德 (Tian Xin-de), 朱玉茹 (Zhu Yu-ru), 戴秋貴 (Dai Qiu-gui), and 林玉 夏 (Lin Yu-xia). Their dedication and passion for the language have been an endless source of inspiration to me. Pastor Dai and Ms. Lin also provided me with what I can call home away from home, and treated me like family. I am hugely indebted to my committee members. I would like to express special thanks to my two co-chairs and mentors, Dr. Robert Blust and Dr. Yuko Otsuka. Dr. Blust encouraged me to apply for the PhD program, when I was ready to leave academia after receiving my Master’s degree. If it wasn’t for the gentle push from such a prominent figure in the field, I would never have seen the potential in myself.
    [Show full text]
  • (Pré)Histoires D'articles Et Grammaire Comparée Des Langues Austronésiennes
    Alain Lemaréchal Bulletin de la Société de linguistique de Paris, t. XCIX (2004), fasc. 1, p. 395-456 (PRÉ)HISTOIRES D'ARTICLES ET GRAMMAIRE COMPARÉE DES LANGUES AUSTRONÉSIENNES RÉSUMÉ. — Après avoir examiné dans une perspective comparative le système des diathèses et des voix de quelques langues austroné- siennes (BSLP 2001), nous nous livrerons au même travail sur un autre domaine associant dans cette famille stabilité et renouvelle- ments/remaniements, celui des articles-«∞∞∞marques de cas∞∞∞», à partir d'un échantillon de 35 langues. Introduction Cet article s'inscrit dans le prolongement de celui paru dans le BSLP 20011 qui examinait les systèmes de marques de voix («∞∞∞focus∞∞∞») et de quelques autres marques verbales dans un certain nombre de langues austronésiennes. En effet, si ces dernières constituent sans doute l'élément le plus constant et le plus stable permettant (hors langues océaniennes) d'identifier une langue comme appartenant à la famille austronésienne, les articles + marques de cas + prépositions forment aussi une constellation récur- rente, certes en remaniement constant dans les différentes langues, mais réunissant des marques à signifiant stable et en petit nombre∞∞∞: les articles2 *a(∞), *i ou *si (*t'i chez Dahl), la marque de Génitif et de complément d'agent *n-, des prépositions/marques d'objet, de locatif, etc., *sa (*t'a chez Dahl), *i ou *di, *kV (ou *kan). Le Note∞∞: Je n'ai pu tirer parti, pour cet article prévu par le BSLP 2003, des textes parus dans Faits de langues, 23-24, 2004 (voir bibliographie). 1. «∞∞∞Problèmes d'analyse des langues de Formose et grammaire comparée des langues austronésiennes∞∞∞», BSLP, XCVI/1, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Lancini Jen-Hao Cheng [email protected]
    Lancini Jen-hao Cheng [email protected] Ens.hist.teor.arte Afiliación institucional Investigador Independiente Lancini Jen-hao Cheng, “Native Terminology and Classification of Taiwanese Musical Instruments”, Lancini Jen-hao Cheng, nacido en Ensayos. Historia y teoría del arte, Bogotá, D. C., Taiwan finalizó sus estudios de PhD en Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Vol. XIX, el Department of Music, University of No. 28 (enero-junio 2015), pp. 65-139. Otago de Nueva Zelanda en Agosto de 2015. Obtuvo también el grado M.Litt. en ABSTRACT Ethnología y Folklore en el Elphinstone This study aims to be a comprehensive investigation into Institute, University of Aberdeen, Escocia, the native terminology and classification of Taiwanese aboriginal musical instruments based on ethnographic Reino Unido. Además, se ha desempeñado fieldwork. Its main result is new information concerning por espacio de catorce años como profesor indigenous instruments and taxonomic schemes and above de música y artes y humanidades en su all the discovery of many unknown musical instruments país. Sus principales intereses investigativos from different aboriginal groups (Bunun, Kavalan, Pazih- son la etnomusicología y la organología Kahabu, Puyuma, Rukai, Sakizaya, Siraya and Tsou). Concluding, many factors influence Taiwanese native así como la exploración de contextos classifications of musical instruments and they include interpretativos en la música tradicional. linguistic factors, playing techniques, materials used in their construction, performance contexts, as well as gender, social status and religion. Key Words Taiwan, Classification, Native terminology, musical instruments TÍtulo Terminología local y clasificación de los instrumentos musicales de Taiwan RESUMEN Este estudio intenta ser una investigación exhaustiva de la terminología y sistemas de clasificación de los instrumentos musicales de los aborígenes de Taiwan con base en trabajo etnográfico de campo.
    [Show full text]
  • In Defense of the Numeral-Based Model of Austronesian Phylogeny, and of Tsouic*
    Article Language and Linguistics In Defense of the Numeral-based Model of 15(6) 859–882 © The Author(s) 2014 Austronesian Phylogeny, and of Tsouic* Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1606822X14544623 lin.sagepub.com Laurent Sagart Centre de Recherches Linguistiques sur l’Asie Orientale Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique This paper responds to all of Malcolm Ross’s criticisms, published in Language and Linguistics 13.6 (2012), of Sagart’s numeral-based model of Austronesian phylogeny (Sagart 2004). It shows that a part of these criticisms is addressed to an invented version of Sagart’s model, while another appeals to questionable princi- ples. It points out various errors of fact and interpretation. It also criticizes Ross’s own account of the evolution of early Austronesian numerals, showing that it has little explanatory power, fails to account for phonological irregularities, and cannot explain the observed nesting pattern among numeral isoglosses. Finally, this paper shows that Tsouic, a Formosan subgroup which contradicts Ross’s phylogeny, is valid. Key words: Austronesian, classification, numerals, phylogeny subgrouping 1. Background Sagart (2004) presented a new model of the early phylogeny of the Austronesian family, particularly its Formosan phase. The model placed the PAn homeland in northwest Taiwan, treated Proto-Malayo-Polynesian as a member of a low-level Formosan subgroup and Tai-Kadai as a sister group to Malayo-Polynesian. The argument relied on a set of innovations among numerals, revealed mainly by two independent lines of evidence: first, the observation of a hierarchy of implications among the familiar cardinals from 5 to 10, such that: *puluq ‘10’ << *Siwa ‘9’ << *walu ‘8’ << *enem ‘6’ << *lima ‘5’ << *pitu ‘7’ (where ‘A << B’ means ‘a reflex of A implies the presence of a reflex of B’) Similarly among biological species the presence of hair implies amniotic eggs, which imply four limbs, which imply a bony skeleton, which implies vertebrae.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief Syntactic Typology of Philippine Languages
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa A Brief Syntactic Typology of Philippine Languages Lawrence A. Reid & Hsiu-chuan Liao University of Hawai‘i This paper is a brief statement of the typological characteristics of the syntactic structures of Philippine languages. It utilizes a lexicalist theoretical framework to provide comparability among the examples cited. The word order of both verbal and non-verbal predicational sentences is examined, with pronominal and non- pronominal complements, topicalization, and auxiliary verbs. Philippine languages are analyzed as morphologically ergative. The morphological criteria for determining the syntactic transitivity of verbal sentences is examined, concluding that verbal affixation alone is an insufficient criterion. Attention is paid to the notion of “focus”, with rejection of the concept of “voice” as an explanation for the phenomenon. The various forms of syntactically transitive verbs that have been described by others, for example, as signaling agreement with the Nominative NP, are here described as carrying semantic features, marking the manner of their instantiation with reference to the Nominative NP. The structure of noun phrases is examined. Morphological case marking of NPs by Determiners is claimed for Genitive, Locative, and for some languages, Oblique NPs, but it is claimed that for most languages, Nominative full NPs are case marked only by word order. Semantic agreement features distinguishing forms of Determiners for common vs. personal, definiteness, specificity, spatial reference, and plurality of their head nouns are described. Relative clause formation strategies are described. Most are head-initial, with gapping of the Nominative NP.
    [Show full text]