DOCSLIB.ORG

July 6-16 File Number: Interviewer Name and Code

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
July 6-16 File Number: Interviewer Name and Code 2000 PANEL SURVEY – FOURTH ROUND (POST-ELECTORAL CROSS-SECTION) Fourth Round: July 6-16 File number:___________________ COUNTY/BOROUGH/TOWNSHIP:_____________________________ STATE:________________________________ ELECTORAL DISTRICT:__________________________ Interviewer Name and Code: |____|____| D1 TYPE 1 Urban 2 Rural D2 GENDER 1 Male 2 Female D3 RESPONDENT SKIN COLOR: 1 White 3 Dark brown 2 Light brown 4 Other (black, Asian, etc.) _______________ D4 ETHNICITY OF RESPONDENT 1 Wearing indigenous clothes 2 Not wearing indigenous clothes D5 SOCIOECONOMIC LEVEL OF POLLING SITE: A B C D E F D6 SOCIOECONOMIC LEVEL OF NEIGHBORHOOD: A B C D E F Hello, my name is (NAME), and I am conducting a survey for MORI de Mexico, this is my ID. (SHOW IDENTIFICATION). We are asking 1,200 people like yourself around the country their opinions on politics. This survey is confidential, and no one will know what answers you personally gave. The interview will last between 30 and 35 minutes. Is this OK? 1. What is your date of birth? (IF BORN AFTER JULY 2, 1982, END INTERVIEW) Day: Month: Year: 2. What would you say is the most important problem the country faces today? (WRITE OUT) 99 Doesn’t know/Didn’t answer 3. How much interest would you say you have in politics? (READ OPTIONS): 1 A lot 2 Some 3 A little 4 None 9 DK /DA 4. How closely are you following this year’s presidential campaign – very closely, somewhat, not very closely, or not at all? 1 Very closely 2 Somewhat closely 3 Not very closely 4 Not at all 9 DK/DA 5. How often do you talk about politics with other people: every day, a few times a week, a few times a month, rarely, or never? 1 Every day 2 A few times 3 A few times 4 Rarely 5 Never 9 DK/DA per week per month 6. How often do you read about politics in newspapers and magazines: every day, a few times a week, a few times a month, rarely, or never? 1 Every day 2 A few times 3 A few times 4 Rarely 5 Never 9 DK/DA per week per month 7. Do you watch any news program on television? (IF THE ANSWER IS “NO”, SKIP TO 9. IF THE ANSWER IS “YES,” ASK WHICH ONE, NOTING UP TO TWO RESPONSES.) 0 Does not watch 9 HechosNoche /Javier Alatorre/Azteca 1 Noticiario/Guillermo Ortega/Televisa 10 Las siete del 7/Azteca 2 Primero Noticias/L. Dóriga/Televisa 11 CNI Noticias/Canal 40 3 Abraham Zabludovsky/Televisa 12 Noticias del 11/Sergio Uzeta/Adriana Pérez Cañedo 4 Hoy/Televisa 13 Multivision/En Blanco y Negro 5 Noticiario/Lolita Ayala/Televisa 14 Multivision /Nexos 6 Notivisa/Televisa 15 Other (Which?): 7 HechosAM/TVAzteca 16 Imagen SKY / Ferriz de Con, Carmen Aristégui, Solórzano 8 HechosTarde/TVAzteca 99 No sabe/NC 7.2. About how many days per week do you watch it? Number of program Days per week 99 DK/DA 1 Number of program Days per week 99 DK/DA 8. Do you listen to any news broadcast on the radio? (IF THE ANSWER IS “NO”, SKIP TO 11. IF THE ANSWER IS “YES,” ASK WHICH ONE, NOTING UP TO TWO RESPONSES.) 0 None 8 En la Radio con Guillermo Ortega 1 Monitor/ Radio Red / Gutiérrez Vivó 9 Mariano/Estereo Joya 2 Para Empezar 10 Enfoque 3 Panorama/ Detrás de la noticia 11 Imagen/Aristégui/Ferriz de Con/Solórzano 4 De la A a la Z/ A. Zabludovsky 12 Cortes Informativos 5 Eduardo Ruiz Healy 13 Other (WHICH?): 6 Joaquín López Dóriga 7 José Cárdenas 99 No sabe/NC 9. Approximately how many days per week do you listen to it? Number of program Days per week 99 NS /NC Number of program Days per week 99 NS /NC 10. When they talk about the candidates for president, how credible do you find… (READ EACH OPTION) very credible, somewhat credible, not very credible, or not at all credible? 1 Very 2 Somewhat 3 Not very 4 Not at all 9 DK/DA a. Television news b. Radio news e. Political advertisements SHOW CARD A 11. Of the issues on this card, which three do you think are the most important for the next president to focus on? 1 Mentioned 2 Not mentioned a. Conflict in Chiapas b. Pollution and environment c. Corruption d. Economic growth e. Democracy f. Women’s rights g. Education h. Employment i. Inflation, price increases j. Taxes k. Drug trafficking l. Poverty m. Salaries n. Health care o. Crime/Public safety p. Other (WHICH?): 12. Did you vote in the elections on the 2nd of July? (IF “NO”, GO TO 17. IF “YES”) Could you can mark on this piece of paper who you voted for in the elections for President? (HAND BALLOT AND BOX) 1 Francisco Labastida 4 Manuel Camacho 7 Annulled 2 Vicente Fox 5 Porfirio Munoz Ledo 8 Didn’t vote 3 Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas 6 Gilberto Rincon Gallardo 9 DK/DA 13. What is the main reason you voted for that candidate? (NOTE DIRECTLY) 14. When did you decide to vote for that candidate – in the last few days before the elections, in the last few weeks before the elections, more than a month before the elections, or from the beginning? 1 Last few days 2 Last few weeks 3 More than a month 4 From beginning 9 No sabe /NC 2 15. Now I’m going to give you ballot similar to the one for Federal Deputies. Please mark on this piece of paper what party or alliance you voted for in the elections for Federal Deputies on the 2nd of July. (HAND BALLOT AND BOX) 1 PRI 6 PCD 7 Annulled 2 PAN/AC 7 PARM 8 Didn’t vote 3 PRD/AM 8 PDS 9 DK/DA 16. Now I’m going to give you ballot similar to the one for Senators. Please mark on this piece of paper what party or alliance you voted for in the elections for Senators on the 2nd of July. (HAND BALLOT AND BOX) 1 PRI 6 PCD 7 Annulled 2 PAN/AC 7 PARM 8 Didn’t vote 3 PRD/AM 8 PDS 9 DK/DA (ASK ALL) 17. What was the main reason you did not vote on July 2nd? (NOTE DIRECTLY) 18. How clean do you think the elections on July 2nd were – totally clean, more or less clean, not very clean, or not at all clean? 1 Totally 2 More or less 3 Not very clean 4 Not at all 9 DK/DA 19. Do you think that news coverage on television of…(READ) during the campaign was generally favorable or unfavorable toward that candidate? 1 Favorable 2 Unfavorable 3. Neither favorable nor 9 Don’t know unfavorable a. Francisco Labastida b. Vicente Fox c. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas 3 20. In the last few weeks, have you seen publicity or advertisements by political parties or presidential candidates on televisión? (IF “YES”) By whom? (DO NOT READ OPTIONS. NOTE ALL RESPONSES) 1 Mentioned 2 Not mentioned a. Francisco Labastida b. Vicente Fox c. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas d. Other:_____________________________ g. PRI h. PAN i. PRD i. Alianza por el Cambio i. Alianza por México j. Other:______________________________ 21. I am going to read you some campaign slogans; for each one, please tell me which person that slogan goes with. (READ SLOGAN. DO NOT READ NAMES. WAIT FOR RESPONSES). Cuauhtémoc Vicente Francisco Dk/da Cárdenas Fox Labastida Other (9) (1) (2) (3) (4) a. “Power should serve the people” b. “Enough already” c. “For Mexico, on to victory” d. “The change that’s right for you” 22. In the last few weeks of the campaign, did you personally attend a rally for any political party or presidential candidate? (IF YES...) Which one? (DO NOT READ OPTIONS; NOTE ALL RESPONSES) 1 Mentioned 2 Not mentioned a. Francisco Labastida b. Vicente Fox c. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas d. Other candidate (WHICH): e. PRI f. PAN/AC g. PRD/AM h. Other party (WHICH): 23. In the last few weeks of the campaign, did you receive propaganda or mailings at your home from any political party or presidential candidate? (IF YES...) From whom? (DO NOT READ OPTIONS; NOTE ALL RESPONSES) 1 Mentioned 2 Not mentioned a. Francisco Labastida b. Vicente Fox c. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas d. Other:______________________________ e. PRI f. PAN/AC g. PRD/AM h. Other:______________________________ 4 24. In the last few weeks of the campaign, were you been visited by a representative from any political party or presidential candidate? (IF YES...) From which one? (DO NOT READ OPTIONS; NOTE ALL RESPONSES) 1 Mentioned 2 Not mentioned a. PRI b. PAN/AC c. PRD/AM d. Other (WHICH):________________________ 25. In the last few weeks of the campaign, did you receive a gift or other assistance from any political party? (IF YES...) From which one? (DO NOT READ OPTIONS; NOTE ALL RESPONSES) 1 Mentioned 2 Not mentioned a. Francisco Labastida b. Vicente Fox c. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas d. Other:______________________________ e. PRI f. PAN/AC g. PRD/AM h. Other:______________________________ 26. Of the televised debates between the presidential candidates, I would like to ask if you saw the first debate, saw the second debate, saw both debates, or saw neither debate. 1 First debate 4 Both 9 DK/DA 2 Second debate 5 Neither 27. Before the second debate, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, Vicente Fox, and Francisco Labastida met to decide when and how they would conduct the debate. Did you or did you not see that meeting before the second debate on television? 1 Did see it 2 Did not see it 9 DK/DA 28.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
    A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Documentos De Trabajo En Ciencia Política
    Documentos de Trabajo en Ciencia Política WORKING PAPERS ON POLITICAL SCIENCE Turnout in Mexico's Presidential Election: Evidence from the Mexico 2000 Panel Study By Alejandro Poiré, ITAM WPPS 2001-02 Departamento Académico de Ciencia Política 0. Abstract1 This paper uses data from the First Wave of the Mexican 2000 Panel Study to elaborate a calculus of voting model of turnout that seeks to address two puzzles resulting from the presidential election. Both the low aggregate level of turnout, and its stark partisan pattern run contrary to socio-economic, resource and mobilization models of participation, as well as to typical characterizations of abilities of Mexican parties to drive out the vote. Instead, this paper proposes a modified calculus of voting model which renders the following key results: While Vicente Fox was most likely to be trailing Francisco Labastida in voting intentions four and a half months before election day, he had by then already secured a more solid basis of support among voters identified with his own party than the one the PRI candidate had backing him. Also, the model shows that the greater the expected difference in the utility that a citizen would derive from her top ranked candidates, the more likely that she would actually cast a ballot. Likewise, the greater political engagement of a voter, as explained by his interest in politics, political knowledge, media exposure and the exogenous influence of party mobilization, the more likely that he would cast a vote. Mexicans with a greater level of trust in their peers were more likely to participate, and younger people showed a lower propensity to turn out, ceteris paribus, as were citizens living in an urban setting.
    [Show full text]
  • The Resilience of Mexico's
    Mexico’s PRI: The Resilience of an Authoritarian Successor Party and Its Consequences for Democracy Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Forthcoming in James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring (eds.) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide, New York: Cambridge University Press. Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world’s most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI’s resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI’s control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments’ failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters’ dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI’s competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights. 1 Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime.1 During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election.
    [Show full text]
  • Television News, Mexico's 2000 Elections and Media Effects In
    B.J.Pol.S. 35, 1–30 Copyright © 2004 Cambridge University Press DOI: 10.1017/S00070123405000013 Printed in the United Kingdom Television News, Mexico’s 2000 Elections and Media Effects in Emerging Democracies CHAPPELL LAWSON AND JAMES A. MCCANN* On the basis of an analysis of a four-wave panel survey, we argue that exposure to television news had significant, substantial effects on both attitudes and vote choices in Mexico’s watershed presidential election of 2000. These findings support the contention, implicit in some research on political communication, that the magnitude of media effects varies with certain features of the political context. In particular, television influence in electoral campaigns may be substantially larger in emerging democratic systems. In contrast to ‘small effects’ models of media influence in electoral campaigns, we argue that television coverage had a powerful impact on Mexico’s 2000 presidential election. Exposure to broadcasts on the Televisio´n Azteca network dampened enthusiasm for Francisco Labastida, nominee of the long-ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Meanwhile, the initially deleterious effects of newscasts from the Televisa network on opinions of Cuauhte´moc Ca´rdenas disappeared when coverage of that candidate improved markedly during the second half of the campaign. Exposure to television news also affected political behaviour (i.e., vote choice). For instance, viewing Televisio´n Azteca was associated with substantial increases in the likelihood of supporting victorious opposition candidate
    [Show full text]
  • El Presente De Zedillo Y De Su Equipo El Cotidiano, Núm
    El Cotidiano ISSN: 0186-1840 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Azcapotzalco México Zepeda Bustos, Carmen Silvia; Uribe, Mónica El presente de Zedillo y de su equipo El Cotidiano, núm. 172, marzo-abril, 2012, pp. 87-98 Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Azcapotzalco Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=32523118011 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto El presente de Zedillo y de su equipo Carmen Silvia Zepeda Bustos* Mónica Uribe** Ernesto Zedillo aquí está y su equipo también. Contrariamente a la tesis de una suplantación absoluta de la clase política priista a partir de 2000, los zedilllistas aún se encuentran en el gobierno federal en áreas estratégicas. Y los que pasaron a la iniciativa privada, influyen en la opinión pública o están en empresas que tienen nexos con el gobierno de México. ¿Qué hace Ernesto Zedillo su pericia técnica en los procesos de pueda evadir, aún con todo el apoyo hoy en día? globalización. Zedillo ha sido exitoso de Relaciones Exteriores. en vender su imagen de salvador de Desde su salida en diciembre México, por sus buenos contactos del año 2000, Zedillo se dedicó a E n contraste con la visión que internacionales. Para ello le sirvió ser moverse en distintos ámbitos empre- de Zedillo se tiene en el país, en el presidente de México.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico's 2000 Presidential, Legislative, Gubernatorial And
    International Republican Institute Suite 900 1212 New York Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20005-3987 (202) 408-9450 (202) 408-9462 FAX Internet: [email protected] I R I Advancing Democracy Worldwide MEXICO PRE-ELECTION ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT #3 Issued June 29, 2000 INTRODUCTION With less than one week to go before Mexico's historic July 2 elections, the campaign is reaching its final stages. The most recent polls consistently indicate a very close race at the presidential level between Francisco Labastida of the long-governing Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI) and Vicente Fox of the National Action Party (PAN). In his third consecutive run for the presidency, Cuauhtémoc Cardenas of the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) remains in third place, although his poll ratings have been inching upwards in recent weeks. In broader terms, the political environment in Mexico has greatly evolved in recent years, becoming substantially more competitive at all levels. President Ernesto Zedillo deserves much credit for guiding the delicate process of opening up the political system and moving away from Mexico's seven decade history of one-party dominance. This progressive opening of the political system has been accompanied by steady gains by the major opposition parties at all levels of government. At the presidential level, although chosen by an unprecedented national primary process, which gave him an initial boost of public support, PRI standard bearer Francisco Labastida has faced serious challenges from the beginning of the campaign. He has had to convince an increasingly restive public that the PRI can and should be trusted with continued stewardship of the country's affairs, and at the same time, compete with ever- fewer of the often less-than-democratic electoral advantages the PRI enjoyed in the past.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining the Mexican Election
    Imagining the Mexican Election Oliver Fröhling Centro de Encuentros y Diálogos Interculturales, Oaxaca, México; e-mail: [email protected] Carolyn Gallaher School of International Service, American University, Washington DC; e-mail: [email protected] and John Paul Jones, III Department of Geography, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY; e-mail: [email protected] The media has informed us that the electoral returns are not in our favor. —Opening remark in the election night concession speech of PRI presidential candidate Francisco Labastida, July 2, 2000 For us the system is like a snake. What happened last night is that it shed its skin and now has a different color. —Aurelio Maceda, of the Frente Indígena Oaxaqueña Binacional, July 3, 2000 The 2000 presidential vote promised to be a watershed event in Mexican politics, anticipated by both domestic and international observers as the cleanest in Mexico’s history. The country’s elections had historically been controlled by the Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI), well known for cooptation, corruption, and repressive electoral tactics that resulted in 71 years of uninterrupted control of the federal government. To ensure its fairness, the 2000 election was overseen by the Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE), an © 2001 Editorial Board of Antipode. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA 2 Antipode independent and nonpartisan agency similar to the US Federal Election Commission. Founded in 1990 and strengthened after several legislative initiatives over the decade, in 2000 the IFE oversaw new procedures for the conduct and financing of campaigns, for ensuring secret balloting, and for the unbiased counting of electoral returns, among other responsibilities.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico's Political History
    Order Code RS22368 January 26, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Mexico’s Political History: From Revolution to Alternation, 1910-2006 K. Larry Storrs Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary This brief overview of Mexico’s political history from 1910 to 2006, with emphasis on electoral reforms and elections, demonstrates that Mexico has evolved from long- term domination by a single party to alternation and effective competition among the three major parties. This report sets the stage for the approaching July 2006 elections. Mexico’s Early History With a history dating to the Aztec indigenous culture and Spanish colonial rule, Mexico achieved independence in 1821. In the subsequent period, the country suffered many divisive and autocratic influences, although there was a period of reform under Benito Juarez’s two phases of presidential rule (1858-1862, 1867-1872). One major dictator was Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana (1833-1855), under whom the country lost vast northern territories to the United States — Texas in 1836, and the southwest region of the United States in 1846-1848 in the Mexican-American War. Another dictator was the Archduke Maxmillian of Austria (1864-67) who was imposed by Napoleon III of France as the Emporer of Mexico. Still another dictator was Porfirio Diaz (1877-1911), who attempted to modernize the country by encouraging foreign investment. Toward the end of his reign, he faced mounting social discontent that culminated in the turbulent Mexican Revolution that ousted Diaz and established a new order. Mexico’s 1910 Revolution and the Dominant Role of the PRI The Mexican Revolution was launched in 1910, with various goals being espoused by the diverse revolutionary groups.
    [Show full text]
  • BUENDIA. Corporatist
    Politics Corporatists vs. Merchandisers Six Different Campaign Styles José Buendía* Nicolás Alvarado** f the possibility of really alternating in office The road to quality democracy presupposes is one of the last chapters of a transition to changes in the behavior of the main political and Ia full democracy, Mexico’s transition —which social actors. One of those actors, the Mexican seems as long as a Dickens novel printed in media have gone through profound transforma - installments— has come to a definitive moment, tions, as did the Spanish and the Chilean media a kind of dramatic climax. From a virtual single- before them. party model in which elections, if anything, served In the previous order of things, the Mexican as plebiscites, we have moved to a sys tem of par - communications media followed what we could ties that allows for real competition (albeit, as we call a “closed” model: radio, television and print shall see later, in profoundly ine qui table terms), media owners carried on a kind of permanent, in which not knowing who will win is an encour - barely disguised flirtation with those in power. aging sign of a desire for change. More than a form of totalitarian state control à la Goebbels, the relationship between the hege - monic party-government and the communica - * Journalist and doctoral candidate at the University of Madrid. tions media looked like one of mutual conve - ** Communicator, writer and editor of El Huevo magazine. nience, with an absolutely necessary system of E V A / a v a N o i v a t c O Vicente Fox’s media campaign, simple and catchy, contrasted sharply with Labastida’s more traditional image.
    [Show full text]
  • The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico
    The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico José Antonio Crespo Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XV, Study 2 March 2004 About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to— current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Communication in Mexican Democracy." Government Communication: Cases and Challenges
    Leycegui, Yolanda Meyenberg, and Rubén Aguilar Valenzuela. "Government communication in Mexican democracy." Government Communication: Cases and challenges. Ed. Karen Sanders and MarÍa JosÉCanel. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 225–240. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 25 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544629.ch-013>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 25 September 2021, 19:31 UTC. Copyright © Karen Sanders, María José Canel and Contributors 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 13 Government communication 1 in Mexican democracy Yolanda Meyenberg Leycegui and Rubén Aguilar Valenzuela or a period of 71 years, presidential elections in Mexico were consistently Fwon by the candidates of the official party, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). However, in July 2000 the candidate of the conservative Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), Vicente Fox Quesada, took office and transformed the government’s communication strategy in accordance with the new democratic demands. This chapter aims to provide an overview of the government’s communication features during the 2000–12 democratization period in Mexico. In this chapter, we will use the typology for the study of transitional processes proposed by O’Donnell, Schmitter and Whitehead (1988). They define liberalization as the opening and transformation process of an authoritarian regime, and democratization as the birth of democratic practices and institutions. First, we will examine political and electoral systems in order to situate the institutional foundations of government communication. Political and electoral systems Mexico has a presidential system with independent legislative, executive and judicial branches.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico's Presidential, Legislative, and Local Elections of July 2, 2000
    Order Code RS20611 Updated September 28, 2000 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Mexico’s Presidential, Legislative, and Local Elections of July 2, 2000 (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Mexico held historic elections on July 2, 2000, that demonstrated Mexico’s evolution toward fully democratic government since an opposition president was elected for the first time in 71 years. Coming after a series of electoral reforms in the 1990s, the elections were supervised by independent and widely respected Mexican electoral authorities, and were closely watched by party poll watchers, and domestic and international observers. Although polls suggested a close presidential race, final results showed Vicente Fox of the conservative Alliance for Change (PAN and PVEM) winning strongly, with 42.52% of the vote, over Francisco Labastida of the long-ruling, centrist PRI, with 36.10% of the vote. President-elect Fox will take office on December 1, 2000. In the congressional elections, no party will have a majority in either chamber, although Fox’s coalition will have the largest bloc in the Chamber of Deputies, and the PRI will have the largest bloc in the Senate. As a result, significant negotiation and coalition- building will be necessary. In the other major races, the PAN won the two governorship races in Guanajuato and Morelos, while the leftist parties once again won the important race for Mayor of the Mexico City Federal District. This short report contains final results after resolution of disputes and will not be updated. For additional information see CRS Issue Brief IB10047, Mexico-U.S.
    [Show full text]