Mexico's Political History
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Cronología Histórica De México
Cronología histórica de México Antes de iniciarse la época colonial había en México importantes Santa Anna. Se suceden la Guerra de Reforma, la instauración civilizaciones. Entre ellas figuran: la cultura olmeca en el sudeste del Segundo Imperio Mexicano y la resistencia republicana enca- del país (1000 a.C.); la de Teotihuacán, que construyó las pirá- bezada por Benito Juárez. mides cerca de la actual Ciudad de México y alcanzó su apogeo alrededor de 600 d.C.; la maya, cuyos máximos exponentes 1861-1872 son Chichen Itzá y Palenque, que también alcanzó su apogeo Benito Juárez, primer magistrado y procedente de una familia alrededor de 600 d.C.; y la cultura azteca, desarrollada desde indígena, se convierte en presidente. Su mandato, caracteriza- el año 1300. do por reformas liberales, es interrumpido debido a la interven- ción armada de Francia. El archiduque Maximiliano de Austria, 1325 investido por Napoleón III como emperador de México, es ven- Los aztecas fundan la ciudad de Tenochtitlán (donde hoy se en- cido por Juárez (apoyado por los Estados Unidos) y fusilado en cuentra Ciudad de México). 1867. La iglesia pierde su influencia política. 1519-1521 1877-1911 Hernán Cortés, al frente de los conquistadores españoles, so- Bajo la dictadura del presidente Porfirio Díaz se inicia la industria- mete a los aztecas e inicia 300 años de dominación colonial. Se lización del país, con ayuda de inversiones extranjeras. México lleva a cabo la cristianización e hispanización de los indígenas. empieza a depender económicamente de los Estados Unidos. 1821 1910 México declara su independencia y se inicia un período de re- 20 de noviembre gencias. -
Emily Edmonds-Poli and David A. Shirk 2009- Contemporary Mexican Politics
CONTEMPORARY MEXICAN POLITICS EMILY EDMONDS-POLI and DAVID A. SHIRK ContempMexPolPBK.indd 1 10/16/08 12:23:29 PM #/.4%-0/2!29 -%8)#!.0/,)4)#3 CONTEMPORARY MEXIC AN POLITICS Emily Edmonds-Poli and David A. Shirk ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2009 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Edmonds, Emily. Contemporary Mexican politics / Emily Edmonds-Poli and David A. Shirk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-4048-4 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7425-4048-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-4049-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7425-4049-9 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Mexico--Politics and government--2000- I. Shirk, David A., 1971- II. Title. F1236.7.E36 2009 320.972--dc22 2008031594 Printed in the United States of America ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. -
Ex-President Miguel De La Madrid Stirs Political Controversy with Accusations Against Carlos Salinas De Gortari LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository SourceMex Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 5-20-2009 Ex-president Miguel De La Madrid Stirs Political Controversy With Accusations Against Carlos Salinas De Gortari LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Ex-president Miguel De La Madrid Stirs Political Controversy With Accusations Against Carlos Salinas De Gortari." (2009). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex/5305 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in SourceMex by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 50843 ISSN: 1054-8890 Ex-president Miguel De La Madrid Stirs Political Controversy With Accusations Against Carlos Salinas De Gortari by LADB Staff Category/Department: Mexico Published: 2009-05-20 Allegations have circulated for many years that the family of former President Carlos Salinas de Gortari had been involved in illicit activities, including drug trafficking, money laundering, and embezzlement. But no insider had dared point the accusing finger directly at the ex-president and his family until this year, when another former chief executive, Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado, candidly and openly told a television interviewer that Salinas "promoted his family's enormous corruption." De la Madrid later retracted his comments, but many believe he was pressured into doing so. Allegations in interview with radio reporter De la Madrid made the charges against the Salinas family in an interview with radio journalist Carmen Aristegui of MVS Noticias. -
Party Politics
Party Politics http://ppq.sagepub.com/ The PRI's Choice : Balancing Democratic Reform and its Own Salvation Adam Brinegar Duke, Scott Morgenstern and Daniel Nielson Party Politics 2006 12: 77 DOI: 10.1177/1354068806059345 The online version of this article can be found at: http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/12/1/77 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association Additional services and information for Party Politics can be found at: Email Alerts: http://ppq.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://ppq.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/12/1/77.refs.html >> Version of Record - Jan 12, 2006 What is This? Downloaded from ppq.sagepub.com at UNIV OF PITTSBURGH on February 21, 2013 PARTY POLITICS VOL 12. No.1 pp. 77–97 Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com THE PRI’S CHOICE Balancing Democratic Reform and Its Own Salvation Adam Brinegar, Scott Morgenstern and Daniel Nielson ABSTRACT This article explores the puzzle of why Mexico’s long-ruling Insti- tutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) implemented a series of electoral reforms in 1996 that precipitated its own downfall. Previous work explaining the process of Mexican democratization focuses on foreign pressures, interparty bargaining and a unified PRI. Alternatively, we argue that internal divisions in the PRI – conjoined with the threat of a presidential deal with the opposition – determined the particular shape of the reform. The article uses a bargaining model to illustrate the conjunction of interests between the President and PRI hard-liners while taking into account the shadow role played by the opposition. -
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
Documentos De Trabajo En Ciencia Política
Documentos de Trabajo en Ciencia Política WORKING PAPERS ON POLITICAL SCIENCE Turnout in Mexico's Presidential Election: Evidence from the Mexico 2000 Panel Study By Alejandro Poiré, ITAM WPPS 2001-02 Departamento Académico de Ciencia Política 0. Abstract1 This paper uses data from the First Wave of the Mexican 2000 Panel Study to elaborate a calculus of voting model of turnout that seeks to address two puzzles resulting from the presidential election. Both the low aggregate level of turnout, and its stark partisan pattern run contrary to socio-economic, resource and mobilization models of participation, as well as to typical characterizations of abilities of Mexican parties to drive out the vote. Instead, this paper proposes a modified calculus of voting model which renders the following key results: While Vicente Fox was most likely to be trailing Francisco Labastida in voting intentions four and a half months before election day, he had by then already secured a more solid basis of support among voters identified with his own party than the one the PRI candidate had backing him. Also, the model shows that the greater the expected difference in the utility that a citizen would derive from her top ranked candidates, the more likely that she would actually cast a ballot. Likewise, the greater political engagement of a voter, as explained by his interest in politics, political knowledge, media exposure and the exogenous influence of party mobilization, the more likely that he would cast a vote. Mexicans with a greater level of trust in their peers were more likely to participate, and younger people showed a lower propensity to turn out, ceteris paribus, as were citizens living in an urban setting. -
CID Working Paper No. 075 :: Presidential Leadership And
Presidential Leadership and Decision-Making in Policy Reforms: The First 150 Days of Vicente Fox Rocío Ramos de Villarreal CID Working Paper No. 75 September 2001 Copyright 2001 Rocio Ramos de Villarreal and the President and Fellows of Harvard College Working Papers Center for International Development at Harvard University Presidential Leadership and Decision-Making in Policy Reforms. The First 150 Days of Vicente Fox Rocío Ramos de Villarreal Abstract At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Mexico, the twelfth-largest economy in the world and the second-largest trading partner of the US, finds itself undergoing profound transformations. After more than seven decades with a hegemonic party exercising presidential power, the country is now immersed in a full-fledged democratic process, after a ‘silk transition’. Politically, there has been a fundamental transformation in the scope of presidential rule and the relationship between the president and Congress. Whereas the legislative branch was subordinate to the executive for over half a century, Mexico’s new democracy has ushered in a Congress that is more powerful and independent, and the president now needs to lobby and negotiate with it. In this context, the ability to pass reform measures requires not only expertise in technical design or instrumental consistency but, foremost, skillfultactical management in the political arena. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of Mexico’s evolution toward electoral democracy and to analyze President Fox’s leadership and the decision-making process he employed in his efforts to attain two major policy reforms in his first 150 days as president: the tax reform and the Indigenous bill. -
Mexico's Ruin Began with Miguel De La Madrid
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 15, Number 4, January 22, 1988 )]JITillFeature Mexico's ruin began with Miguel de la Madrid, by Carlos Cota Meza "We lost a battle but not the war," said President Miguel de la Madrid at the end of 1987, implicitly recognizing the fiasco of his economic policy of the last five years. The assertion starts from the premise that his program is perfect, and that the Mexican economy is the ideal place to apply it. As to the mere detail that the program is a dismal failure, the President blames this on "exogenous elements" or faults in the implementation, but he insists that the pf()gram is right. With the Economic Solidarity Pact, put into effect on Dec. 15, 1987 as a response to the trade unions' demands for wage increases, the governmentdecided to dig even deeper into its erroneous ways, but now with a new and ominous twist. On Jan. 8, in his New Year's message to the nation, President De la Madrid stated: "It is illegitimate to incite the citizens to civil rebellion or to resistance against the laws and authority. " That warning takes on great relevance, given that there is in the country a sharp and growing process of opposition to the President's economic policy, in particular since the Economic Solidarity Pact. Most serious of all, this opposition is coming mainly from groupings which belong to the ruling Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI), such as the powerful Mexican Confederation of Workers (CTM), the oil workers' union, STPRM, and rural organizations belonging to the National Peasant Confederation (CNC). -
Mexico Rising
v iceS By elaina Loveland Mexico Rising an interview with Vicente Fox, former president of mexico resident Vicente FoX is Known As A VisionArY LeAder with a deep under- standing of the economic and social challenges facing Latin America. He is one of the world’s most important voices on the contemporary geo-political landscape and the role Pof business in the developing world. When elected to the presidency of Mexico in 2000, ie: The story of your career one that embodies what Fox broke the hold that the ruling Institutional Revolu- Americans call the “American dream.” How does tionary Party had held on the State for seven decades. this embody the “Mexican dream” as well? A charismatic reformer, President Fox is credited as Fox: In Mexico achieving the ‘American dream’ is a playing a vital role in Mexico’s democratization, and key process. For the ascension of a people, individuals with strengthening the country’s economy. During need that incentive of having the possibility of living his tenure, he succeeded in controlling inflation and your own personal American dream and I say ‘Amer- interest rates, and in achieving the lowest unemploy- ican’ because it is for all of the Americans—North ment rate in all of Latin America. Americans, South Americans, and Central Ameri- Since leaving office, Fox has continued to be -ac cans, including Mexicans. tive on the global stage. In January 2007, he founded For my own American dream, I have the in- the Fox Center, Mexico’s first presidential library and spiration of my grandfather who came from museum. -
The Resilience of Mexico's
Mexico’s PRI: The Resilience of an Authoritarian Successor Party and Its Consequences for Democracy Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Forthcoming in James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring (eds.) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide, New York: Cambridge University Press. Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world’s most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI’s resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI’s control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments’ failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters’ dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI’s competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights. 1 Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime.1 During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. -
Fox Administration Finally Intervenes in Oaxaca; Resolution May Be Difficult LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository SourceMex Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 9-13-2006 Fox Administration Finally Intervenes in Oaxaca; Resolution May be Difficult LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Fox Administration Finally Intervenes in Oaxaca; Resolution May be Difficult." (2006). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex/5026 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in SourceMex by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 51628 ISSN: 1054-8890 Fox Administration Finally Intervenes in Oaxaca; Resolution May be Difficult by LADB Staff Category/Department: Mexico Published: 2006-09-13 After weeks of sitting on the sidelines, President Vicente Fox's administration finally entered the bitter and sometimes violent conflict between the teachers union and the Oaxaca state government. In late August, Interior Secretary Carlos Abascal Carranza agreed to sit down with members of Section 22 of the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educacion (SNTE) to discuss demands for a salary increase. While there was a potential breakthrough on the issue of compensation for the teachers, the SNTE's insistence on the removal of Oaxaca Gov. Ulises Ruiz Ortiz remained a major obstacle in what has become a crisis in the capital city of Oaxaca. Ruiz is a member of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), which has governed Oaxaca for several generations. Abascal's decision to enter the talks offers a glimmer of hope for a resolution to the nearly five-month impasse between SNTE members and the Oaxaca state government regarding teachers' salaries. -
Corruption in Mexico: Implications for U.S
University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 1987 Corruption in Mexico: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy Keith S. Rosenn University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Keith S. Rosenn, Corruption in Mexico: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy, 18 Cal. W. Int'l L.J. 95 (1987). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CORRUPTION IN MEXICO: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. FOREIGN POLICY Keith S. Rosenn* INTRODUCTION Most academicians prefer to ignore corruption,' particularly when a foreign country is involved. As Gunnar Myrdal explained, "any attempt by a foreign scholar to deal with the problem of cor- ruption is bound to present a problem of diplomacy in research."' Second, virtually no empirical evidence on the extent of corruption exists. Corruption is deliberately hidden from public view, and the participants cannot be depended upon to respond honestly to ques- tionnaires. Third, corruption is a value-laden concept. Certain prac- tices, such as employing one's relatives, trading on inside informa- tion, or accepting grease payments, which might be regarded as corrupt in one culture, may be regarded as quite honest in another culture.3 Fourth, a certain amount of corruption is found in all countries, be they developed or developing.