Journal of Aeronautical History Paper No. 2017/04

The Man Who Deserved to Fly: , and the Saga of Hargrave’s No. 14

Tom D. Crouch, Ph.D. Senior Curator, National Air and Space Museum Smithsonian Institution

Summary

Lawrence Hargrave (1850 – 1915) moved to Australia from at the age of 15 to join his father in Sydney. A small inheritance from his father enabled him to concentrate on flying machines. By 1889 he had flown ten, mainly rubber-powered, models, seven with ‘flappers’ for propulsion and three with propellers. Model 10 used a compressed-air motor and flew 368 feet. He then developed box which, by 1894, could lift him in a 21 mph wind. Disseminated by Chanute, his experience influenced proto-aviators in Europe and America, demonstrating the effectiveness of the braced biplane structure. Hargrave did his best tomake his work available to other enthusiasts and to the public. Many of his papers and photographs are held by RAeS; his flying machines and pieces of apparatus were displayed at the Deutches Museum, Munich, where many were destroyed during WW2. His flying machine No.14 is now in the National Air and Space Museum, Washington DC.

1. Lawrence Hargrave and Octave Chanute: A Friendship:

“If there is one man, more than another, who deserves to succeed in flying through the air,” Octave Chanute remarked in 1894, “that man is Lawrence Hargrave of Sydney, .” 1 At the time, no one was in a better position to make such a judgment. Chanute (1832- 1910), born in France and immigrating to the U.S. with his father at the age of six, was one of the leading American civil engineers of his generation. He had been corresponding with flying machine experimenters and enthusiasts around the globe since 1885. Correspondence filled with research reports and the latest aeronautical news flowed into Chanute’s mailbox. The world’s most knowledgeable authority on the history and present state of aeronautics, his Progress in Flying Machines (1894) became an essential reference for the final generation of experimenters who would achieve the old dream of powered flight in a heavier-than-air machine.2

Chanute played an especially important role in supporting the work of isolated experimenters. He funded the construction of a designed by Louis Mouillard, a Frenchman living in North Africa, publicized the work of Californian John James Montgomery and identified Australian Lawrence Hargrave as a major contributor to flight technology.

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Why did Chanute think so highly of Hargrave? He pointed out that by 1894 the Australian had built, “with his own hands no less than 18 flying machines of increasing size, all of which fly.” Hargrave’s confidence also impressed Chanute, who called attention to his correspondent’s comment: “I know that the success is dead sure to come.” 3

While Hargrave and Chanute would never meet, they formed a close friendship via the mails, sharing not only technical thoughts and details but more personal concerns, as well. Like Chanute, who had worried that his aeronautical interests might damage his reputation as a practical engineer, Hargrave commented that: “The people of Sydney who can speak of my work without a smile are very scarce; it is doubtless the same with American workers.” 4

Chanute recognized that Hargrave’s determination to make the results of his work freely available to other investigators matched his own insistence on the free exchange of information. Hargrave published a least twenty-eight aeronautical papers in English, French, German and American journals between 1884 and 1906, and refused to patent any of his ideas.5 The American engineer also admired his Australian colleague’s optimistic view that the flying machine would not be used “to destroy life,” but “will tend to bring peace and good will to all; it will throw light on the few unexplored corners of the world; and will herald the downfall of all restrictions to the free intercourse of nations.” 6

2. Hargrave, 1883-1893:

“As to biography,” Hargrave (1850 – 1915) reported to Chanute early in their friendship, “I was born in Greenwich, Kent [and] schooled at the Grammar School, Kirkby Lonsdale, Westmoreland.” He followed his father to Sydney, Australia, arriving in November 1865. After accompanying an expedition to the Gulf of Carpentaria on the north coast, he apprenticed with a steam navigation company and participated in a long string of expeditions to New Guinea. Accepted as a member of the Royal Society of New South Wales in 1877, he took a position as an assistant at the , where he remained until 1883. A small inheritance following his father’s death two years later enabled him to concentrate on “…experimenting and investigating various matters… principally connected with flying machines.” 7

With his far ranging curiosity and mechanical aptitude, Hargrave developed early notions for: shoes for walking on water (1870), a unicycle (1871), a screw-driven airship (1872), a mechanical snake (1882), and a Trochoidal boat (1883). The word refers to the curved path traced Lawrence Hargrave 1850-1915 by a point on a circle rolling on a straight line. Monash University

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His interest in trochoidal motion seems to have begun with his observation of the motion of a bird’s wings, and the sinuous motion of fish in the sea and snakes moving along the ground. He translated what he had seen in nature into the operation of a pair of flapping surfaces on the nose of a .

“The flapping wings will be more used as propellers than the screw or screws, as they have several marked advantages” he explained to his new correspondent, Octave Chanute. 8 “Any currents initiated during the upstroke are utilized in giving increased efficiency to the down stroke, if the machine has not progressed far enough to be acting on undisturbed air; there is only one cylinder needed for both wings; there is no variable listing moment to be counteracted; there is less liability of wings being damaged [on landing] than screw blades.” 9

Hargrave noted that he had provided “… the first practical demonstration that a machine can and does fly by the simple (vertical) flapping of the wings; the feathering, tilting, twisting, trochoiding, or whatever it may be called, being solely effected by torsional stress on the wing arms.” He would eventually lose confidence in his notion of a trochoidal ornithopter, but most of his early models featured “flappers” on the nose.10

He presented his first paper, “The Troichoidal Plane,” on August 6, 1886; exhibited a clockwork-powered ornithopter at a meeting of the Royal Society of New South Wales that October; and achieved his first successful free flight with an ornithopter powered by rubber strands on December 31. These first generation models featured a hollow box made of pine to house the rubber strands, with paper glued on thin wooden frame wings, sprayed with water to create a tight surface. All of the craft featured low aspect ratio wings in which the chord was nearly equal to the span. A typical model weighed 2.09 pounds and featured 14.51 square feet of lifting surface. Each model featured wings set at a dihedral angle to provide some measure of inherent lateral stability.11

By 1889 Hargrave had constructed ten such machines, seven featuring flappers (“Trochoidal planes”) and three with propellers, some mounted on the nose, and some on the tail. The best of the models had turned in flights of up to 300 feet at estimated speeds of over 14 miles per hour.12 They were ingenious designs, leading Chanute to ask “…how you employ the rubber in tension.” 13

Realizing that he required a more Flying machine No.6, 1888 with propulsive flappers substantial power plant if he was to Compressed air engine No.12 achieve longer flights, Hargrave set to work on a series of lightweight engines. Shaw and Ruhen, Lawrence Hargrave: explorer, By 1890 he had developed a number of inventor & experimenter, Cassell Australia, 1977 p.61

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Journal of Aeronautical History Paper No. 2017/04 small one, two and three cylinder motors, including his first rotary power plant, most driven by compressed air. These engines were the most important parts of the models, he reported to Chanute: “…and by continuous effort the number of pieces and the difficulties of construction have been so reduced that it is possible to make them by the gross at a cost that cannot exceed five shillings ($1.25) each. For instance the cylinder, usually the most expensive part of the engine, can be produced with the ease and celerity of a tin can.” 14

Powered by such an engine, Hargrave’s model No. 10, which he presented to the Royal Society in 1890, featured 14.78 square feet of wing area, flappers measuring 1.50 square feet and a weight of just 2.53 pounds, turned in a flight of 368 feet. By 1892, he explained to Chanute that he was “pegging away” on a lightweight steam engine featuring a coiled copper boiler fired by a mixture of “the vapour of spirits of wine mixed with air, carrying enough fuel and water to power 200 ‘double vibrations’ of the flappers.” 15

3. Hargrave, 1893-1910:

Hargrave would continue to design and build engines, including steam-powered radials, rotaries and turbines. By 1892-1893, however, he was turning his attention to experiments with a new design featuring curved or cambered surfaces. “I enclose two photographs of some “Cellular Kites” that I experimented with last February” he wrote to Chanute in July 1893.16 It marked a fundamental shift in design philosophy for Hargrave. “I don’t think any more single planes with dihedral angle will come out of my workshop,” he explained. “The cellular form is so perfectly stable, and the wide range it gives for adjusting the weights is such an advantage.17

The new kites featured tandem biplane lifting surfaces, with side curtains closing the sides of both boxes. The stability and lifting capacity of Hargrave’s new box kites was soon apparent to scientists studying the atmosphere. Beginning with the establishment of a meteorological observatory on Mt. Washington, New Hampshire, in the 1870, specialized facilities for recording weather data were established at other locations in Europe and America over the next three decades. In addition to making ground-based observations, these laboratories for the study of the atmosphere pioneered the use of balloons to carry specially designed instruments aloft. It soon became apparent that a train of kites could carry such instruments high into the air, and return them safely more readily than a balloon. Abbott Lawrence Rotch, a wealthy Bostonian who founded Harvard’s Blue Hill Meteorological Observatory in 1884, constructed his first Hargrave kite from the details offered in the English journal, Engineering. The U.S. Weather Service adopted modified versions that became the standard with meteorologists around the world. Within a few years multi-kite “trains” were carrying instruments to record altitudes.

Hargrave, who paid little attention to meteorology, thought that the cellular kite offered a much better means of testing the efficiency of various cambered wing surfaces than traditional engineering instruments like the whirling arm. At a more fundamental level, he

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Journal of Aeronautical History Paper No. 2017/04 saw these stable kites as a direct route to the development of a powered flying machine. He envisioned a train of kites, anchored to the ground, with the operator, a motor and propeller on the lowest kite. “It seems clear to me,” he wrote to Chanute in September 1894, “that if I & my motor on the lowest kite can exert sufficient thrust to slacken the [anchor] line, I shall to all intents and purposes, be flying at the velocity of the wind, and that if I let go my moorings I could fly to leeward at twice the velocity of the wind.” 18

The intrepid Australian was already taking steps in that direction. A drawing showing a man straddling a triangular frame between two tandem monoplane wings of a kite/glider suggests that Hargrave was thinking about man-carrying kites as early as 1893. When it came time to actually trying his hand at flying, however, he performed the first step of the experiment with a cellular kite train, as he had suggested to Chanute. He failed to get off the ground on September 14, 1894 when he attempted his first “kite supported manned flight.”

On November 12, however, assisted by James Swain, the caretaker of his estate at Stanwell Park in New South Wales, Hargrave succeeded in climbing sixteen feet into the air in a twenty-one mile per hour wind, dangling beneath four of his box kites. Swain measured the total pull on the with a spring balance. Hargrave carried both an anemometer and an inclinometer aloft to measure the wind speed and the angle of the kite line. “The particular steps gained,” Hargrave wrote, “are the demonstration that an extremely simple apparatus can be made, carried about, and flown by one man; and that a safe means of making an ascent with a flying machine, [and] of trying the same without any risk of accident, and descending, is now at the service of any experimenter who wishes to use it." By the end of the decade other proto-aviators in Europe and America, men like Samuel F. Cowdery (aka Cody) and Robert F.S. Baden-Powell in England, and Lt. Hugh D.

Wise and C. H. Lamson in the U.S., were Hargrave and Swann, November 1894 conducting well-publicized experiments Photograph from Wikipedia with man-lifting kites.19

However, the impact of Hargrave’s cellular design went far beyond experiments with man lifters. There can be little doubt that the development of the was the critical step toward the development of an aircraft structure that combined lift and stability with enormous strength. It was Lawrence Hargrave’s greatest single contribution to aeronautics. Earlier experimenters like Sir George Cayley, and William Henson and Francis Wenham had suggested braced multi-plane aircraft. Hargrave’s design represented an enormous leap forward, however, employing wooden and wire creating a very strong beam structure that also provided considerable stability in the air.

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Inspired by Hargrave’s work, Octave Chanute and A.M. Herring built and tested a series of box kite-like biplane gliders, 1896-1899, all of them braced with the bridge-builder’s Pratt . The began their research with a cellular kite brilliantly modified to allow the operator on the ground to modify the geometry of the wings to control lateral motion. The evolutionary series of gliders (1900, 1901 and 1902) and powered aircraft (1903, 1904, and 1905) featured ever more refined and successful braced biplane wings. In 1905, towed a large box kite on floats into the air from the surface of the Seine. The following year, in hot pursuit of the Wright brothers’ success in the US, Alberto Santos-Dumont, a Brazilian living in Paris, made the first public flight in Europe in a biplane that was, essentially, a powered cellular kite. For the first two decades of flight, until the development of thick monoplane wings and metal construction, the biplane, the roots of which can be traced straight back to Hargrave, remained the strongest approach to the design of aircraft structures.

4. The Saga of No. 14:

Recognizing the historic importance of his experiments, Lawrence Hargrave did his best to make example of his work available both to other flying machine enthusiasts and to the public. As early as 1893, he informed Chanute that several of his successful models “…have been given to our Technological Museum, where they are safely housed in a large glass case, the public having always free access.” 20

The Australian pioneer had forged important links to the as a result of his extended correspondence with Chanute, A.F. Zahm of the University of Notre Dame, Smithsonian Secretary Samuel Pierpont Langley, and Bostonian James Means. “I feel stirred with enthusiasm and thankfulness,” he wrote to Zahm in 1893, “that my work has been grasped and appreciated by Americans.” 21

His new American acquaintances did occasionally disappoint him, however. When James Means announced that the Boston Aeronautical Society would sponsor a kite competition in October 1893, Hargrave joined the society and entered one of his cellular models featuring 19 square feet of lifting surface and weighing only 19 ounces. Hargrave, who had gone to the time and expense of shipping the kite halfway around the world to Boston, reported his disappointment to Chanute when the Society cancelled the competition because of a lack of interest on the part of non-members! 22

In spite of that disappointment, Hargrave felt “…under an obligation to American [technical] literature for information on flying machine matters.” That debt, he remarked, “…would be squared if a sample of my work was always accessible at some Institution of yours.” He insisted, however, “that it …not be …stowed away in a dusty cupboard where payment has to be made before the machine can be seen.” He offered to allow Chanute to find a good American home for his model No. 14, if that condition could be met.23

One of his most successful with flappers on the nose, No. 14 featured a compressed air reservoir 6’ 11” in length that doubled as the backbone of the craft. The

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Journal of Aeronautical History Paper No. 2017/04 wings had a surface area of 3,074 square inches. The motor weighed just 11 ounces and featured a single cylinder 2 inches in diameter, with a 1.28-inch stroke. On its best flight the motor of No. 14 produced forty-six “double vibrations” of the flappers which propelled it on a flight of 512 feet.24

Flying machine No. 14 seen from below in the Early Flight Gallery of the National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution Photograph: Scott Willey

Flying machine No. 14 in the workshops of the National Air and Space Museum

Chanute responded on September 26, accepting his friend’s generous offer, and announcing that he was launching a canvas of various museums and colleges in the US with a view to selecting an institution “which is most appropriate for your purpose.” 25 The Chicago engineer shared Hargrave’s offer with Albert Francis Zahm, a young instructor at Notre Dame who was cooperating with Chanute to organize an international conference on aeronautics at the upcoming World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago. Zahm considered paying the packing and shipping costs and presenting the craft to Notre Dame, but thought

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Journal of Aeronautical History Paper No. 2017/04 that perhaps Chanute could find a more accessible place than a university in an isolated Midwestern community. Chanute explained to Hargrave that he preferred to find a home for No. 14 in either Chicago or , “our two largest cities.” 26

Early in 1894, Hargrave, who had been dealing with the American consulate in Sydney, informed Chanute that it would cost just over 11 pounds, plus insurance, to ship the crated No. 14 to Chicago. His American friend responded with the good news that the newly established Field Columbian Museum would accept the Hargrave flying machine into their collection and would repay the shipping costs. “The Field Museum is already the second in size in the United States,” he assured Hargrave, “and has such a large fund that it is sure to grow and I am glad to think that your machine will be the first of a collection which shall show the development of flying machines as the large collection now in the museum which exhibits the evolution of the locomotive.” In September 1894, Hargrave soldered his model flying machine into a tin case and loaded it aboard the steamer Alameda, bound for Chicago.27 By the spring of 1906 Hargrave, approaching the end of his career, was giving considerable thought to his legacy. He told Chanute that the “Sydney institution” which had housed his models for so many years was no longer willing to maintain his collections in what he regarded as suitable conditions. That March he wrote to the president of the Royal Aeronautical Society, offering to donate “… an almost complete series of models and full- scale machines that would save months of labour to aeronautical students if they were readily accessible in some free and central situation.” The collection, he insisted, must be “… arranged in glass cases, not unduly scattered in different rooms.” If the Royal Aeronautical Society would meet his conditions, Hargrave was willing to donate a gift of eighty-nine aircraft and pieces of apparatus listed in an attachment. The Society, which did not maintain a museum, passed on the offer. 28

Chanute urged Hargrave to take a step back from his decision to exile his historic models. “I think,” he noted, “that the exhibit should remain in Sydney, so that as developments take place in flying machines local pride can point out how far you anticipated them.” 29

Unmoved, Hargrave remained determined to find a repository in Europe or America where his historic models would insure that his achievements would be understood and appreciated by engineers and the public alike. In 1910, five years before his death, he deposited 176 of his flying models and other pieces of apparatus with Munich’s Deutsches Museum. Founded by the Association of German Engineers in 1903, the new institution had drawn a great deal of world attention. Oscar von Miller, the brilliant electrical engineer who headed the museum, was working hard to build a collection of objects documenting the history of a wide range of technologies, including aviation. Hargrave had finally found a suitable home for his historic aircraft, or so he thought.

Thanks in part to Chanute, Hargrave’s work was well known to the experimenters who would take the final steps toward a successful aircraft. His name, Wilbur Wright believed, “was one of six very remarkable men who in the last decade of the 19th century raised studies related to flying to a point never before attained.” They were, he concluded, “the strongest group of workers in the field that the world has seen.” 30

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Hargrave reciprocated. The success of the Wright brothers, he remarked to Chanute, “…pleases me quite as much as it must do him (or them).” 31 While he expressed strong disapproval “of European flyers ignoring or doubting the plain statements long since published … of Wright’s work,” however, he did not approve of their insistence on enforcing their patent protection. “I appreciate their skill & perseverance, but am fully assured that no corner can ever be made in aeroplane machines; the public and the makers will all reap the full benefit of competition; the Wright’s name, when associated with any firm of manufacturers, will bring him a fair and ample reward for his skill and energy.” 32

At the time of his death in 1910, the physical record of Hargrave’s work was on view in the Deutsches Museum, part of a great aeronautical collection that would continue to grow over the next three decades, until disaster struck. Allied bombing in WW II destroyed all but twenty-five of his models. In 1960, W. Hudson Shaw, Hargrave’s biographer, succeeded in obtaining those surviving models for the Powerhouse Museum in Sydney. The bulk of the inventor’s manuscripts and photos remain in the collection of the Royal Aeronautical Society, deposited by Hargrave and members of his family. The Society has also placed two Hargrave cellular kites on loan to the Science Museum, London.

What of No. 14? Chanute’s dreams of a growing collection of flying machines in the Chicago Field Museum of Natural History failed to materialize. In the fall of 1905, Frederick J.V. Skiff, director of the Museum, agreed to transfer the No. 14 to a more suitable home at the Smithsonian’s National Museum. At the request of Richard Rathbun, acting Secretary of the Smithsonian, Skiff first shipped it to the Aeronautical Club of America for inclusion in an indoor aeronautical exhibition opening at the 69th Regiment Armory in New York in January 1906. At the end of the display, Rathbun reported to Chanute that the Hargrave machine had arrived safely. One hundred and eight years later, Lawrence Hargrave’s model No. 14 remains on view in a place of honour in the National Air and Space Museum’s Early Flight Gallery, a reminder of the contributions of a great pioneer to the birth of aviation.33

Notes

1. Octave Chanute, Progress in Flying Machines Courier Corporation, New York, 1894, p.218 (Herein cited as Progress. This book is based on a series of articles in The American Engineer and Railroad Journal, 1891 to 1893). 2. Simine Short, Locomotive to Aeromotive - Octave Chanute and the Transportation Revolution University of Illinois Press, Champaign, Illinois, 2011 3. Chanute, Progress, 218. 4. Lawrence Hargrave (LH) to Octave Chanute (OC), December 2, 1892, Correspondence of Octave Chanute, 1888-1910, Volume 4, pg. 12. All citations to the Chanute-Hargrave correspondence are to this set of transcriptions of the original documents in the Manuscript

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Div., Library of Congress. The National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution hold the transcriptions. Hereafter cited as OC letters. pg. 12. 5. Paul Brockett, Bibliography of Aeronautics (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1910) lists 28 articles by Lawrence Hargrave 6. LH to OC, June 1, 1892, OC letters, pg. 7. 7. LH to OC, September 23, 1894, OC letters, pg. 29. 8. W. Hudson-Shaw, “Lawrence Hargrave: An Appreciation,” Journal and Proceedings, Royal Society of New South Wales Vol. 96, 1963), pp. 17-30. 9. L.H to OC, July 1, 1892, OC letters. pg. 6. 10. Chanute, Progress, pg. 222. 11. Chanute, Progress, pg.220; Chanute suggested to Hargrave that he would achieve longer flights if he covered his wings with oiled silk, rather than paper. OC to LH, October 6, 1892, OC letters. 12. “Hargrave Timeline” – http://www.ctie.monash.edu/hargrave/timeline.2.html --Is a very useful reference to the Hargrave biography and the chronology of his aeronautical work. Last accessed by the author on 9/27/2017. 13. OC to LH, February 24, 1901, OC letters. 14. Chanute, Progress, pg. 222. 15. LH to OC, June 1, 1892, OC letters. 16. LH t OC, July 27, 1893, OC letters. pg. 13. 17. LH to OC, July 27, 1893, OC letters, pg. 13. 18. LH to OC, September 23, 1894, OC letters, pg. 29. 19. L. Hargrave, “Paper on Aeronautical Work,” Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales, vol. 29 (1894), pgs, 40-. 47. 20. LH to OC, July 27, 1893, OC letters, pg. 13. 21. LH to A.F. Zahm, February 8, 1893, Box 62, A.F. Zahm Papers, Notre Dame University Archive. 22. LH to OC, June 25, 1893, OC letters, pg. 59. 23. LH to OC, July 27, 1893, OC letters, pg. 13. 24. Hargrave’s Flying Machine, American Engineer and Railroad Journal, May 1893 (Vol. 67, N0. 5). 25. OC to L, September 26, 1893, OC letters, pg. 15. 26. OC to LH, September 26, 1893, OC letters, pg. `6. 27. LH to OC, February 22, 1894, OC letters, 25; OC to LH, July 13, 1894, OC letters, pgs. 26- 27: 28. LH to the RAeS, March 9. 1906, OC letters, pgs. 95-97.

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29. OC to LH, August 26, 1906, OC letters, 98. 30. Wilbur Wright to Henry Peartree, March 7, 1911, in Marvin W. McFarland, Papers of Wilbur and Orville Wright (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1953), pg. 1018. 31. LH to OC, November 20, 1906, OC letters, pg. 100. 32. LH to OC, February 22, 1908, OC letters, pg. 104. 33. F. Skiff to Richard Rathbun, December 20, 1905, Registrar’s file, A1906005000, The National Air and Space Museum.

The author

Dr Thomas Crouch

Tom Crouch is senior curator, Aeronautics Department, National Air and Space Museum. A Smithsonian employee since 1974, he has served both the National Air and Space Museum and the National Museum of American History in a variety of curatorial and administrative posts. Prior to coming to the Smithsonian he was employed by the Ohio Historical Society as director of education (1969-1973) and as director, Ohio American Revolution Bicentennial Advisory Commission (1973-1974).

Dr. Crouch has won a number of major writing awards, including the history book prizes offered by both the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics and the Aviation/ Space Writers Association. He received a 1989 Christopher Award, a literary prize recognizing "significant artistic achievement in support of the highest values of the human spirit," for The Bishop's Boys: A Life of Wilbur and Orville Wright. His book, Wings: A From Kites to the Space Age, won the AIAA Gardner-Lasser Literature Prize for 2005, an award presented to the best book selected in that year from all books in the field of history published in the last five years.

Throughout his career, Dr. Crouch has played a major role in planning museum exhibitions. In the fall of 2000, President Clinton appointed Dr. Crouch to the Chairmanship of the First Flight Centennial Federal Advisory Board, an organization created to advise the Centennial of Flight Commission on activities planned to commemorate the 100th anniversary of powered flight.

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