Unity, Comity, and the Numbers Game

Home , Dixon Edward Hoste, Indigenization, John Liggins, John Sung, Mary Stone (doctor), Peter Torjesen

Vol. 36, No. 1 January 2012

f the quest of the church is for unity in Christ, the on-the- Iground reality has been kaleidoscopic fragmentation. And the kaleidoscope is spinning with increasing speed. In the past On Page dozen years, formal organizational diversity among Christians 3 Comity Agreements and Sheep Stealers: has grown by 26 percent, swelling from an estimated 34,100 The Elusive Search for Christian Unity denominations in the year 2000 to a projected 43,000 by mid- Among Protestants in China 2012 (see “Status of Global Mission, 2012, in the Context of ad R. G. Tiedemann 1800–2025,” by Todd Johnson, David Barrett, and Peter Crossing, line 41, on p. 29 of this issue). 10 Botany or Flowers? The Challenges of The tensions between ecclesiastical aspiration and achieve- Writing the History of the Indigenization ment are evident in the Protestant mission enterprise of the past of Christianity in China two centuries as well. The number of foreign mission sending Gloria S. Tseng 14 Cheng Jingyi: Prophet of His Time Peter Tze Ming Ng 17 Matteo Ricci: Pioneer of Chinese-Western Dialogue and Cultural Exchanges Jean-Paul Wiest 22 Attrition Among Protestant Missionaries in China, 1807–1890 Jessie G. Lutz 28 Christianity 2012: The 200th Anniversary of American Foreign Missions Todd M. Johnson, David B. Barrett†, and Peter F. Crossing 30 David B. Barrett: Missionary Statistician

Spirit of Missions 37 (February 1872): 137 Todd M. Johnson

Lydia Mary Fay and “Her Boys” 33 Lydia Mary Fay and the Episcopal Church Mission in China agencies has more than doubled in the past four decades (p. 29, Ian Welch line 44). That development should perhaps give one pause— 34 Noteworthy who has measured the level of redundancy, competition, ill- 38 Eugene A. Nida: Theoretician of Translation coordination of efforts, and striving to establish organizational Philip C. Stine identity or “brand” that this level of multiplication entails? 39 The Waning of Pagan Rome: A Review Essay Yet, madcap as it sometimes seems, this development is not Alan Kreider necessarily all negative. The founding documents of the church, 40 Worldwide Increase in Catholic Population, and hence of Christian mission, speak of diversity of gifts among Deacons, Priests, and Bishops individuals and concordant differences in their function. If individuals vary in capability, expertise, cultural context, and social 42 Book Reviews conditioning, is there any reason why organizations should not 54 Dissertation Notices Continued next page 56 Book Notes be similarly conditioned? Perhaps organizational diversity in places these pressures in sharp relief as she tabulates shifts in the itself bears witness to the multifaceted love of God! rates of missionary attrition throughout the nineteenth century. While it may be questioned whether diversity and fragmen- The quest for relevant ministry was not only organizational tation are precise synonyms, it is a historical fact that the ways and denominational but at times deeply personal. Ian Welch these tensions have played out in mission practice and in the recounts the life of Lydia Mary Fay. She eventually found stable wider Christian movement have frequently been less than edify- footing overseeing the school where she nurtured “her boys,” ing. How often has failure in the quest for unity been papered seen with her in the etching on page 1. An accomplished teacher over with a mask of comity? How frequently has a Christendom and administrator who would have preferred the domestic life mentality sacrificed complementarity and functional diversity of a married woman, she volunteered for missionary service in on the altar of territorial or quasiterritorial separation, as though China, where she devoted the last twenty-eight years of her life. Christ’s followers could be sufficient in themselves and did not She applied herself with diligence to study of the language, gain- need each other? ing a fluency that eluded others. But in mid-nineteenth-century As the articles in this issue by R. G. Tiedemann, Gloria Tseng, China she chafed under mission policies that put her under the and Peter Ng show, the planting of the Protestant church in China authority of less gifted males who served only short-term in her provides an excellent case in point. Turfs—territorial, intellectual, school. In 1878, upon her death, the school that passed to her spiritual, and above all denominational—were carved out. When successor was unquestionably “her school,” which was a credit the call of Cheng Jingyi came, giving voice to the desire in China to her resolve, hard work, and innate administrative capabilities. for “a united Christian church that was freed from denomination- But one suspects that, in the end, she won the day in large part alism” (Ng, p. 15), many heard and followed his lead. In 1927 as because the day itself had changed. Single and married women much as a quarter of the Chinese Christian community joined in themselves had begun to be counted on the rolls of mission forming the Church of Christ in China. The majority, however, societies. held aloof. Tseng argues convincingly that the seeds of discord Tributes to two individuals who placed their mark on planted then continue to bear bitter fruit to this day. twentieth-century Christian scholarship appear in this issue. Whatever their shortcomings, missionaries to China in the The ways each of us thinks about Bible translation, as well as the nineteenth century were sacrificial. They bore in their bodies translations themselves, bear the impress of Eugene Nida. And the truth of Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s dictum that, when Christ calls David Barrett, a contributing editor whose summaries of missional a person, he calls that one to come and die. In the early years statistics have appeared annually since 1985 in the January issue particularly, many died, large numbers fell ill, most suffered of the International Bulletin of Missionary Research, was heartache with the loss of spouses, children, and colleagues. They our era’s foremost statistician of the world Christian movement. endured loneliness, suffered from depression, and ached with We look forward to ongoing annual statistical updates from the social isolation in a land where they were often not welcome and hands of his longtime colleagues Todd Johnson and Peter Crossing. whose language they rarely adequately mastered. Jessie Lutz —Dwight P. Baker

Editor Jonathan J. Bonk InternatIonal BulletIn of MIssIonary research Senior Associate Editor Established 1950 by R. Pierce Beaver as Occasional Bulletin from the Missionary Research Library. Named Occasional Bulletin Dwight P. Baker of Missionary Research in 1977. Renamed International Bulletin of Missionary Research in 1981. Published quarterly in January, April, July, and October by the Overseas Ministries Study Center, 490 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT 06511 Associate Editor (203) 624-6672 • Fax (203) 865-2857 • [email protected] • www.internationalbulletin.org J. Nelson Jennings Contributing Editors Assistant Editors Catalino G. Arévalo, S.J. Darrell L. Guder Anne-Marie Kool Brian Stanley Craig A. Noll Daniel H. Bays Philip Jenkins Mary Motte, F.M.M. Tite Tiénou Rona Johnston Gordon Stephen B. Bevans, S.V.D. Daniel Jeyaraj C. René Padilla Ruth A. Tucker William R. Burrows Jan A. B. Jongeneel James M. Phillips Desmond Tutu Managing Editor Angelyn Dries, O.S.F. Sebastian Karotemprel, S.D.B. Dana L. Robert Andrew F. Walls Daniel J. Nicholas Samuel Escobar Kirsteen Kim Lamin Sanneh Anastasios Yannoulatos Senior Contributing Editors John F. Gorski, M.M. Graham Kings Wilbert R. Shenk Gerald H. Anderson Books for review and correspondence regarding editorial matters should be addressed to the editors. Manuscripts Robert T. Coote unaccompanied by a self-addressed, stamped envelope (or international postal coupons) will not be returned. Opinions expressed in the IBMR are those of the authors and not necessarily of the Overseas Ministries Study Center. Circulation The articles in this journal are abstracted and indexed in Bibliografia Missionaria, Book Review Index, Christian Aiyana Ehrman Periodical Index, Guide to People in Periodical Literature, Guide to Social Science and Religion in Periodical Literature, [email protected] IBR (International Bibliography of Book Reviews), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature), Missionalia, (203) 285-1559 Religious and Theological Abstracts, and Religion Index One: Periodicals. Advertising OnlinE E-JOURnAl: The IBMR is available in e-journal and print editions. To subscribe—at no charge—to the full Charles A. Roth, Jr. text IBMR e-journal (PDF and HTML), go to www.internationalbulletin.org/register. Index, abstracts, and full text of this Spire Advertising journal are also available on databases provided by ATLAS, EBSCO, H. W. Wilson Company, The Gale Group, and University P.O. Box 635 Microfilms. Back issues may be purchased or read online. Consult InfoTrac database at academic and public libraries. Yarmouth, Maine 04096-0635 PRinT SUbSCRiPTiOnS: Subscribe, renew, or change an address at www.internationalbulletin.org or write Telephone: (516) 729-3509 InternatIonal BulletIn of MIssIonary research, P.O. Box 3000, Denville, NJ 07834-3000. Address correspondence [email protected] concerning print subscriptions and missing issues to: Circulation Coordinator, [email protected]. Single copy price: $8. Subscription rate worldwide: one year (4 issues) $32. Foreign subscribers must pay with U.S. funds drawn on a U.S. bank, Copyright © 2012 OMSC Visa, MasterCard, or International Money Order. Airmail delivery $16 per year extra. All rights reserved POSTMASTER: Send address changes to InternatIonal BulletIn of MIssIonary research, P.O. Box 3000, Denville, New Jersey 07834-3000. Periodicals postage paid at New Haven, CT. (iSSn 0272-6122)

2 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Comity Agreements and Sheep Stealers: The Elusive Search for Christian Unity Among Protestants in China R. G. Tiedemann

ne persistent criticism of the Protestant missionary The China Centenary Missionary Conference at Shanghai Oenterprise in China has been its failure to overcome in 1907 provided further impetus to cooperation on the China denominational divisions and create a genuine Chinese Protes- mission field.5 In some ways this gathering anticipated the tant church. This accusation has been made most vociferously developments arising from the Edinburgh World Missionary by many Chinese commentators. Indeed, as early as 1910, none Conference of 1910, the gathering that initiated the process lead- other than Cheng Jingyi (1881–1939), eminent Beijing pastor ing to the formation of a nondenominational Chinese church. who was prominent among Sino-foreign Protestants, publicly Plans for establishing local Chinese churches had already been decried Western-imposed denominationalism at the Edinburgh developed in the nineteenth century, starting with the Amoy Missionary Conference.1 To be sure, in the early twentieth century Plan in the 1860s.6 This approach was subsequently adopted by the Protestant missionary endeavor was marked by considerable American Presbyterians in their drive toward a united Chinese denominational variety in China. It was, moreover, represented Presbyterian church. One of the key issues they considered was by organizations and agents from several countries of Europe the role of foreign missionaries in the local bodies. More concrete and North America, as well as from Australia and New Zealand. steps toward nationwide Christian unity were taken by Presby- In the course of the second half of the nineteenth century, terian missionaries in China in 1906, on the eve of the Centenary missionaries from various mainline denominations had been Missionary Conference of 1907, with the establishment of the able to establish themselves in most provinces of China. At the Synod of the Five Provinces as an autonomous Chinese church. same time, existing missionary work was expanded and intensi- This in turn led to the formation of the Council of Presbyterian fied, with greater emphasis on medical, educational, and social works. Around the turn of the twentieth century, new mainline missionary societies, especially missions supported by Lutheran Consultations prepared the churches in Scandinavia and ethnic Scandinavian churches in the United States, were entering the field. These developments way for a number of China- called for greater coordination of, and greater unity within, the wide cooperative ventures. Protestant movement in China. Early moves in this direction had already been made at the General Conferences of Protestant Missionaries of China, held in Shanghai in 1877 and 1890, which Churches, with representatives from the mission churches of the no foreign mission body failed to attend.2 These consultations Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (represent- achieved a significant consensus and prepared the way for a ing the Northern states), the Presbyterian Church in the United number of China-wide cooperative ventures, as well as comity States (representing the Southern states), the Reformed Church agreements among the mainline societies that sought to prevent in America, the Church of Scotland, the United Free Church of undue overlap of evangelistic work. Several cooperative councils Scotland, and the Presbyterian churches in Canada, Ireland, and and agencies were set up, such as the China Medical Missionary England, to act as a coordinating body for the new church that Association (1886) and the China Christian Educational Associa- was to be established. The General Assembly of the Presbyte- tion (1890), to coordinate various activities of the major European rian Church in China met in Shanghai in 1922 and decided on a and North American sending agencies. A traditional evangelical name for the church. Having opted for “The Church of Christ in theology inherited from the nineteenth century provided further China,” the Presbyterians invited other church bodies in China common ground, as shown for example in the role of the Student to join this union.7 Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions (SVM), coordinated In the meantime, another ecumenical venture with signifi- by John R. Mott and so influential from the 1890s to the 1920s.3 cant Presbyterian involvement had been initiated. Following the A sense of community among the mainline denominational mis- 1910 Edinburgh conference, the China Continuation Committee sionaries was also created by the publication since 1867 of the of the National Missionary Conference was set up to promote Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal. In addition to informing its coordination among Christian groups in China and to serve as a readers in China about current events, situations, problems, and means of connection between the Christian groups of China, the movements, “its main functions [were] to be a medium for the Continuation Committee of the Edinburgh Missionary Confer- exchange of ideas, methods, proposed experiments and policies ence, and the mission boards in the West. The committee brought between missionaries, Chinese and western Christians working its work to an end with the calling of a National Conference in China and the Chinese and western churches.”4 of delegates elected by virtually all branches of the Protestant churches and missions in China in 1922. This conference, in turn, R. G. “Gary” Tiedemann, a citizen of Germany, has created the National Christian Council of China (NCC), a national taught as a visiting professor at Chinese universities Protestant coordinating and liaison body which was to “foster since his retirement from the University of London. He . . . unity of the Christian Church in China; to watch and study is currently associated with Oxford House Research the development of the Church in self-support, self-government, Ltd and is the editor of the Handbook of Christianity and self-propagation; to encourage every healthy movement of in China, vol. 2: 1800 to the Present (Brill, 2010). the Church that leads to full autonomy; and to seek and work —[email protected] for the adaptation of the Church to its environment and for its naturalization in China at as early a date as practicable.”8 Asher

January 2012 3 Raymond Kepler (1879–1942), of the American Presbyterian the one hand it was a national church representing a variety of (North) mission, a committed proponent of church union, was denominational traditions and carrying on programs in the name asked by the National Christian Council in 1922 to prepare the of the total church. On the other hand it was a group of regional convocation of a general assembly to formally establish the churches in loose association with a central staff and not very interdenominational Church of Christ in China (CCC). close relations with each other.”10 The First General Assembly of the CCC was held in Shang- At the same time, several major mainline denominations hai in October 1927. The following groups were connected with did not join this venture but set up their own Chinese national this church: churches. In the wake of the First World War, the so-called fundamentalist-modernist controversy split the entire Protestant American Board of Commissioners for Foreign community in China, missionaries and Chinese Christians alike. Missions Furthermore, a bewildering variety of new Protestant groups, Baptist Missionary Society large and small, were establishing themselves throughout the Church of Scotland country—not to mention the many older groups, separated by London Missionary Society belief and nationality.11 Some of these were from relatively new Presbyterian Church in Korea sects at the fringe of the traditional evangelical consensus— Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (North) Holiness people, Pentecostals, and Seventh-day Adventists, for Presbyterian Church in the U.S. (South) example. Most were ardent millenarians, expecting the imminent Presbyterian Church of England second coming of Christ.12 Especially the more radical evangelical Presbyterian Church of Ireland bodies shunned any kind of organizational arrangements and Presbyterian Church of New Zealand refused to enter into comity agreements. Finally, the Chinese Reformed Church in America independent churches that emerged during the early decades Reformed Church in the U.S. of the twentieth century further added to the divisions of Prot- South Fujian Conference of the Methodist Episcopal estantism in China. Church United Brethren in Christ The Anglican Communion in China. In accordance with the resolu- United Church of Canada tions of their 1909 conference in Shanghai, the churches of every branch of the Anglican Communion in China—American, British, In addition, the CCC included some independent Chinese and Canadian—were amalgamated in 1912 into one ostensibly churches. As a consequence of this union, the CCC became the independent church, the Chung Hua Sheng Kung Hui (Holy largest Protestant church in China, as well as the most powerful Catholic Church of China). This included the churches of the member of the NCC. Despite differences in nuances and even American Church Mission, that is, the Domestic and Foreign outright disagreements over issues such as the role of schools or Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the social services versus evangelization, the unity of the mainline United States of America, the Society for the Propagation of the Protestant community, still led by foreign missionaries but with Gospel in Foreign Parts, the Church Missionary Society, the Mis- sionary Society of the Church of England in Canada, the Bible Churchmen’s Missionary Society, and the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society. In addition, the Missionary District The more radical of Shaanxi, “an area of abject poverty and hotbed for political evangelical bodies shunned revolutionaries,” was formed as an initiative among the Chinese any kind of organizational clergy and was to be completely funded and pioneered by Chinese. However, as Michael Poon has observed, the foreign missionar- arrangements and refused ies “failed to establish a church in China that was rooted in its to enter into comity cultural and social contexts.” It was only in 1949 at the Tenth General Synod that the decision was taken to set up a national agreements. office and a central theological college in Shanghai.13

The Lutheran Church of China. Under an agreement reached at the increasing numbers of Chinese Christians playing leading roles Jigongshan (Henan) Conference of 1917, the Chinese churches of as well, was to a large extent maintained until the end of the mis- several Lutheran mission societies from Europe and the United sionary era in China. However, the National Christian Conference States became part of the Lutheran Church of China, which of 1922 was the last major Protestant forum at which almost all was formally established in 1920. This church maintained the missions and even some new independent Chinese churches Lutheran Board of Publication and the Lutheran Theological were represented.9 That is to say, the creation of the Church of Seminary. At the National Council meeting in 1949, at the very Christ in China was only a partially successful move toward a end of the missionary era in China, four more societies joined genuine united national Protestant church. the Lutheran Church of China. It should be noted, however, that the Basel and Rhenish societies had not only Lutheran but also Continuing Denominational Separatism Reformed missionaries.14

Despite this drive toward greater unity, Protestant Christianity Faith Missions and Holiness Movements actually became far more diverse during the first half of the twentieth century. Several factors account for this. For one thing, One of the earliest and ultimately largest missionary societies with the CCC found it difficult to overcome inherent limitations. a mission strategy at variance with the operations of the “classical” “In effect the Church of Christ in China lived a double life. On Protestant missions was the interdenominational China Inland

4 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Mission (CIM). It differed from the traditional mission societies in Fundamentalist Reaction several significant ways. During the late Qing Dynasty the CIM adopted an “extensive” rather than an “intensive” missionary The emphasis on social, educational, and medical work, as well strategy, promoting relatively superficial proclamation of the as the increasing appreciation of Chinese culture by the majority Gospel by foreign as well as Chinese itinerating laymen and the of missionaries associated with the Church of Christ in China, deployment of single Western women in the interior of China. provoked a response from conservative, fundamentalist ele- Perhaps most important, the CIM began as a “faith mission,” ments within the mainline denominational missions. They became meaning that the necessary funds were not overtly solicited.15 increasingly concerned about the high incidence of “modernism” By the end of the nineteenth century several new organiza- in the various cooperative ventures and feared that cooperation tions had been founded on the CIM’s faith-mission principle. In this connection, the Swedish evangelist Fredrik Franson (1852–1908) became an important organizer of missions to China During the late Qing among the Scandinavian immigrants in the United States, in Scandinavia, and in the German-speaking countries.16 Most Dynasty the CIM adopted of these new societies became associate missions of the CIM an “extensive” rather than in China. Eventually there would be thirteen bodies working under CIM auspices: an “intensive” missionary strategy. China Alliance Mission of Barmen Evangelical Congregational Church Free Missionary Society, Finland in union projects would lead to doctrinal compromises. The ensu- Friedenshort Deaconess Mission ing fundamentalist-modernist controversy became particularly German Women’s Missionary Union acute within American Presbyterianism and affected the missions Holiness Mission (Sweden) in China. Alarmed by what they saw as the liberal nature of the Liebenzell Mission CCC, conservative Presbyterians, with the support of the North Norwegian Mission in China China Theological Seminary at Tengxian, Shandong, organized Norwegian Mission Union a “continuing” Presbyterian Church to preserve traditional Pres- Scandinavian Alliance Mission of North America byterianism and remain outside the multi-confessional union of Swedish Alliance Mission the CCC. This fundamentalist Presbyterian Church, consisting Swedish Mission in China of the five presbyteries from Jiangsu and Shandong as well Vandsburger Mission as the Canadian Presbyterian Mission in Manchuria and the Christian Reformed Mission, organized the General Assembly Thus, by the early twentieth century the CIM and its associates of the Presbyterian Church of Christ in China in November 1929. formed the largest Protestant missionary organization in the Being to some extent dissatisfied with the Bible Union of China country, with foreign evangelists present in nearly every province (founded in 1920 to “maintain . . . the fundamental and saving and territory of the Manchu Qing Empire.17 truths revealed in the Bible, especially those now being assailed”), Besides the China Inland Mission and its affiliates, the Holi- these Presbyterians were instrumental in forming the League of ness movements and premillennialist revivals spawned several Christian Churches in 1929. In addition to the General Assembly, other missionary organizations with work in China at the turn of this new organization included the churches connected with the the twentieth century. Canadian-born Albert Benjamin Simpson Baptist China Direct Mission (Tai’an), the Mennonite General (1843–1919) and his Christian and Missionary Alliance (CMA) Conference Mission, the Bethel Mission Church, the churches had a significant impact on, and was affected by, the emerging connected with the Christian and Missionary Alliance in Anhui Pentecostal movement, both in North America and in the China Province, and the churches connected with the China Inland mission field. Mission Church Council of Henan.18 In other words, “Even as Among the Protestant denominations that began to send the fundamentalists refused to join or else withdrew from the missionaries to China at this time, including those of a postmil- union institutions, they formed their own inter-denominational lennialist persuasion, several were connected with the National fellowships according to their own vision of Christian unity.”19 Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness, known There was considerable diversity within the fundamentalist from 1893 as the National Holiness Association (NHA). The Cana- camp. According to Kevin Yao, there were, on the one hand, such dian Holiness Movement Mission initiated its work in Hunan “mild” fundamentalists as Jonathan Goforth (1859–1936), after Province shortly after 1900. The Free Methodist Church of North 1925 a “continuing” missionary of the Presbyterian Church in America commenced its China mission in 1904. The Hephzibah Canada,20 as well as Walter Stephen Moule (1865–1949), Anglican; Faith Mission sent its first workers to China in 1905. The Church Dixon Edward Hoste (1861–1946), director of the China Inland of God (Anderson, Indiana) opened stations in Shanghai (1909) Mission and one of the Cambridge Seven; and Watson McMillan and Zhenjiang (1910). The first official Church of the Nazarene Hayes (1857–1941), a member of the Northern Presbyterian mis- mission in China opened in Zhaocheng (Shandong) in 1914. As sion in Shandong. On the other hand, a radical minority group a “second blessing” Holiness church, it cooperated extensively included Hugh Watt White (1870–1940), Albert Baldwin Dodd with the National Holiness Association’s China mission (started (1877–1972), and members of the Christian Fundamentals League in western Shandong in 1910). Having been influenced by differ- for China, a new fundamentalist organization set up in 1927 that ent strands of the Holiness movement in Britain, and in keeping was much more militant than the Bible Union of China. Of all with its dual role of evangelism and social work, the Salvation the mainline fundamentalists opposed to the NCC’s program, Army became involved in famine relief and medical work in the American Edgar Ellsworth Strother (1884–1947), from 1909 China beginning in 1916. to 1928 general secretary of the Christian Endeavor Society in

January 2012 5 China, surely was the most militant. His publication The National Some of the men and women who joined the Pentecostals had Christian Council of China: A Bolshevik Aid Society expresses quite come to China with older faith missionary societies. Thus, several well the acrimonious nature of his polemical attacks.21 members of the CMA, the CIM, and the South Chihli Mission As concerns the controversy in the United States, the joined the early Pentecostal missionary movement. Given their PCUSA ministers who perceived serious doctrinal error in their diverse backgrounds and religious convictions, the arrival of denomination formed the Presbyterian Church of America in these radical elements on the mission field was not conducive 1936, renamed the Orthodox Presbyterian Church (OPC) in 1939. to the creation of a united Protestant Church in China. In 1937, however, many of the OPC members who advocated the establishment of a fundamentalist and evangelical church Chinese Independent Churches left to form the Bible Presbyterian Church, taking with them the Independent Board for Presbyterian Foreign Missions, which The single most important factor in the continuing divisions had been organized in 1933 for “Bible-believing” Presbyterians. within Chinese Protestantism was the rapid growth after 1900 of independent Christian movements under Chinese control, Unaffiliated Missionaries that is, only marginally connected to, or entirely separate from, foreign missions and indigenous in ideas and leadership.24 Several In a climate of heightened revivalist expectations, many new important individuals founded new churches in the early decades and more radical mission groups sought access to the vast of the twentieth century. Others were self-supporting evangelists China mission field. Some of these were unconnected with any or pastors. The independent churches were a diverse sector, denominational church but were established solely to send mis- made up of a combination of organized church groups (some sionaries to countries targeted for evangelization. Whereas some nationwide with hundreds of congregations) and of individual of the larger nonclassical missions such as CIM or CMA were congregations or even individual local Christian workers. Some of these coexisted with and interacted with the mission churches; others were quite separatist and had almost no contacts with other Christians, Chinese or foreign. These movements involved Some independent several major components. churches were quite separatist and had almost Church federations. Various church federations were made up of self-supporting and self-governing congregations that had no contacts with other broken away or distanced themselves from foreign missionary Christians, Chinese or bodies. One of these, the Chinese Christian Independent Church, had started as an independent, all-Chinese congregation, formed foreign. in Shanghai in 1906 by the Presbyterian pastor Yu Guozhen (1852–1932) and others. By the 1920s it had become a federation with over one hundred affiliated congregations. A smaller organized as tightly controlled operations, many of the new North Chinese movement emerged in 1912 in Shandong. The groups in China showed an inherent distrust of any centralized Tianjin congregation of this federation was led by Zhang Boliang decision-making body. At the same time, there was a significant (1876–1951), the founder of Nankai University. Cheng Jingyi increase in independent faith missionaries. These were individu- (mentioned above), who subsequently held important offices als who were often not part of any organization at all but came in the mainstream Sino-foreign Protestant establishment, was to China entirely on their own, leading a precarious existence briefly the leader of the independent church movement in Beijing. and sometimes leaving the field in disillusionment after a short time, a pattern that was particularly evident among the early The True Jesus Church. A Pentecostal church founded in 1917, the Pentecostal missionaries. True Jesus Church may have been the largest of the independent In a time of extreme spiritual ferment among radical evangeli- groups nationwide by the 1930s. Wei Enbo (later Baoluo [Paul] cals at the turn of the twentieth century, when many premillen- Wei; d. 1919) was instrumental in founding what became and nialist Christians believed that they were living in “the last days” remains today the largest and most dynamic Chinese Pentecostal and the evangelization of the “heathen” took on great urgency, church in the world, the True Jesus Church (Zhen Yesu jiaohui). the Pentecostal movement came into being. In these early days, Wei had been a member of a mission church in Beijing, where in however, it was not perceived to be a radical departure from the 1916 he encountered the relatively new Pentecostal ideas of the prevailing revivalist currents. As Allan Anderson has so aptly baptism of the Holy Spirit and supernatural spiritual gifts. In put it, “Pentecostalism was in a process of formation that was not early 1917 he claimed to have had a dramatic vision and personal seen as a distinct form of Christianity at least until a decade after encounter with God. In this vision, after which he changed his the revival and missionary movements in which it was entwined. name from Enbo to Baoluo (Paul), he heard God command him . . . [I]t is a movement or rather a series of movements that took to correct and reform the entire Christian movement in China. several years and several different formative ideas and events Within two years Wei helped bring into being an aggressively to emerge. Pentecostalism then as now is a polynucleated and proselytizing, millenarian, and often antiforeign Pentecostal variegated phenomenon.”22 movement that included a sprinkling of Adventist ideas. This Finally, it is important to note that the emergence of Pente- indigenous movement spread rapidly from northern China costal missionary enterprises was not confined to North America. throughout the rest of the country to become the largest inde- Evangelists from Britain, Germany, and Scandinavia were among pendent Chinese church before 1949. the earliest Pentecostal workers in China.23 Some traveled directly from Europe to the East; others had been recent immigrants in The Assembly Hall (Juhuichu or Juhuisuo) or Local Church (Difang North America. Some went as individuals; others came in groups. jiaohui). More commonly called Little Flock (Xiaoqun), this move-

6 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 ment was organized in the mid-1920s by Ni Tuosheng (Watchman regarded as a “sheep-stealer” who denounced other indigenous Nee, 1903–72). It was a strongly proselytizing church and rather movements as likely the work of the “prince of darkness.”28 In antiforeign. After the True Jesus Church, this was probably the this light, it is perhaps not surprising to find J. Usang Ly (Li second largest independent Protestant group in China before Zhaokuan; a.k.a. Li Yaosheng, b. 1888) arguing that the prevail- 1949. In the 1920s Nee was influenced by Plymouth Brethren ing trend of building an indigenous church was undermining teachings, especially dispensationalist premillennialism, and the catholicity of Christianity.29 by a strong focus on the Holy Spirit derived from the Holiness The refusal to cooperate with others is also exemplified tradition. by the True Jesus Church (TJC). When the China Continuation Committee called the National Christian Conference in 1922 to The Jesus Family (Yesu jiating). A Pentecostal communitarian promote cooperation among denominational missions and indi- church, the Jesus Family was started by Jing Dianying (1890– genization of Christianity in China, it also invited the TJC to send 1957) in rural Shandong Province in the 1920s. Jing, a native of delegates to Shanghai. The TJC leaders, on their part, saw in the the province, absorbed a great variety of religious influences conference “an exceptional opportunity to spread the [teachings before 1920, including education at a secondary school run by of their Universal] Correction Church” and sent three delegates.30 Methodist missionaries, elements of Chinese popular religion, At the conference, these delegates proved rather uncooperative, accusing the numerous foreign churches in China of “hanging Major Protestant Church and Mission Groups up a sheep’s head but selling dog’s meat” and of “being used in China, 1934 by the imperialists as the vanguard of their invasion.”31 This radicalism embarrassed the Chinese church leaders who had Church and Mission Groups Communicants Missionaries helped organize the conference, including Cheng Jingyi, who Church of Christ in China 123,043 1,151 was chairing it. While the spirit of antiforeignism and the rise China Inland Mission 85,345 1,356 of Chinese nationalism precluded meaningful cooperation with Southern Baptist Churches 41,450 203 the foreign mission churches, the TJC, the Jesus Family, and the Methodist Episcopal Church 41,272 234 Assembly Hall did not attempt to establish a genuine united Chung Hua Sheng Kung Hui 34,612 569 indigenous church, but formed competing movements that went Lutheran Church of China 21,853 256 their separate ways. Methodist Church 21,203 124 Seventh-day Adventists 14,546 215 North China Kung Li Hui 14,258 85 Conclusion Methodist Episcopal Church, South 12,991 89 American (Northern) Baptists 12,595 143 The efforts of most liberal Protestant missionaries and Chinese Basel Mission 7,501 53 leaders notwithstanding, at the end of the missionary era, true TOTAL 430,669 4,478 church union remained as elusive as ever. Although the Church of Christ in China—in its attempt to create an identity as an Source: 1936 Handbook of the Christian Movement in China, p. vi. indigenous Chinese church—represented a substantial proportion of the total communicants, it could not overcome the signifi- and exposure to Pentecostal ideas and practices from a nearby cant divisions even among the mainline denominations, as the American Assemblies of God mission. The result was his creation accompanying table indicates. It is also clear that missionaries of a Pentecostal rural commune in the late 1920s. Dozens of of mainline bodies continued to play a significant role, not only other Jesus Family communities were established in later years, in the Church of Christ in China but also in the denominational especially in Shandong but also more widely in North and Cen- church unions. tral China, all in rural or semirural areas. The believers in these Besides the major groups listed in the table, there were many communities lived and worked together, holding property in smaller bodies (none with more than 5,000 communicant mem- common, under the direction of the “family head” (jiazhang).25 bers), some of which worked unobtrusively in China and left hardly any written record of their activities. Although coopera- Other independent movements. Several other independent but more tion among the major denominational missions increased during loosely organized groups arose, such as the Spiritual Gifts Church the Anti-Japanese War in Free China, especially with regard to (Ling’en hui), which emerged as a revival movement in Shandong relief operations, we can only speculate whether the mainline in the 1930s. In addition, individual evangelists and teachers such mission-supported churches would have progressed toward as Wang Mingdao (1900–1991) and the radical revivalist preacher greater indigenization and unity had it not been for the victory Song Shangjie (John Sung, 1901–44) contributed further to the of the Chinese Communists in 1949. In any case, the influx of growing indigenous diversity.26 new, more radical missionary groups during the early decades It is indeed ironic that these indigenous churches and inde- of the twentieth century undermined the drive toward unity. At pendent preachers, opposed to foreign denominationalism, the same time, radical patriotic Chinese Christians and various insisted on maintaining their own separate identities. Some emerging indigenous churches, especially those with Pentecostal Chinese Christian commentators found the intensely competitive tendencies and those promising exclusive salvation, also failed to nature of Chinese Protestantism highly divisive. Z. K. Zia (Xie initiate moves in this direction and went their separate ways. In Songgao), for example, mused whether the numerous indigenous other words, when foreign missionary operations ended in China evangelistic campaigns in the 1930s were having a harmful effect in the middle of the twentieth century, the Protestant movement on Christian unity in China. Hinting at the danger of a degraded was far more divided than it had been at the beginning of that form of Christianity gradually taking shape on Chinese soil, century. Indeed, in spite of the best efforts of the authorities in the he noted that the approaches of John Sung and the Little Flock People’s Republic of China to create one unified postdenomina- were splitting local Christian communities.27 Indeed, Watchman tional faith, deep divisions persist to this day within indigenous Nee—who decried the evils of divisive denominationalism—was Protestant Christianity.

January 2012 7 Notes 1. For extensive quotations from this famous speech by Cheng, see 14. For a study of Lutheran missions in China in the late 1940s, see Jonas Charles Boynton’s obituary notice, “Dr. Cheng Ching-Yi,” Chinese Jonson, Lutheran Missions in a Time of Revolution: The China Experience, Recorder 70 (1939): 689–98. 1944–1951 (Uppsala: Svenska Institutet för Missionsforskning, 1972). 2. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, 15. On the principle and growth of faith missions, see Klaus Fiedler, The Held at Shanghai, May 10–24, 1877 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Story of Faith Missions (Oxford: Regnum Books, 1994). Press, 1878; reprint, Taibei: Ch’eng Wen, 1973); Records of the General 16. On Franson and his contribution to the missionary enterprise in Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May China, see Edvard P. Torjesen, Fredrik Franson: A Model for Worldwide 7–20, 1890 (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890). Evangelism (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1983). For a 3. On the SVM in China, see Clifton J. Phillips, “The Student Volunteer history of the German faith missions to China, see Andreas Franz, Movement and Its Role in American China Missions, 1886–1920,” in Mission ohne Grenzen. Hudson Taylor und die deutschsprachigen The Missionary Enterprise in China and America, ed. John King Fairbank Glaubensmissionen (Giessen and Basel: Brunnen Verlag, 1993). (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 91–109. 17. For details, see Tiedemann, Reference Guide to Christian Missionary 4. 1936 Handbook of the Christian Movement in China Under Protestant Societies in China. Auspices, comp. Charles Luther Boynton and Charles Dozier Boynton 18. See Kevin Xiyi Yao, The Fundamentalist Movement Among Protestant (Shanghai: Published for the National Christian Council of China Missionaries in China, 1920–1937 (Lanham, Md.: Univ. Press of Amer- by the Kwang Hsueh Publishing House, 1936), p. 141. ica, 2003), pp. 216–19, 281–83. 5. Records, China Centenary Missionary Conference, Held at Shanghai, 19. Ibid., p. 222. April 25 to May 8, 1907 (Shanghai: Centenary Conference Committee, 20. Following the merger of the majority of Canadian Presbyterians with 1907; New York: American Tract Society, n.d.). See also Donald the Methodist Church of Canada and the Congregational Union to MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807–1907), form the United Church of Canada in 1925, the term “Continuing Being the Centenary Conference Historical Volume (Shanghai: printed Presbyterians” was used by those who did not participate in this at the American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1907; repr., [Boston]: merger. Elibron Classics, 2006). 21. Edgar E. Strother, The National Christian Council of China: A Bolshevik 6. David Cheung (Chen Yiqiang), Christianity in Modern China: The Aid Society (Shanghai: E. E. Strother, [1927?]). This brief publication Making of the First Native Protestant Church (Leiden: Brill, 2004). reprints correspondence from the North China Daily News and the 7. See G. Thompson Brown, Earthen Vessels and Transcendent Power: Shanghai Times. American Presbyterians in China, 1837–1952 (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis 22. Allan Anderson, Spreading Fires: The Missionary Nature of Early Books, 1997), pp. 211–12. Pentecostalism (London: SCM Press, 2007), p. 4. 8. China Mission Year Book, vol. 11 (Shanghai: Christian Literature 23. Thomas Ball Barratt (1862–1940), the primary revivalist leader in Society for China, 1923), pp. 329–31. It should be noted that the Norway, was instrumental in spreading the Pentecostal message Southern Baptists and, a few years later, the China Inland Mission to other parts of Europe, influencing Alexander Boddy in England, chose not to be affiliated with the NCC. Lewi Pethrus in Sweden, and Jonathan Paul in Germany. 9. See James A. Patterson, “The Loss of a Protestant Missionary 24. For a detailed study, see Lian Xi, Redeemed by Fire: The Shaping of Consensus: Foreign Missions and the Fundamentalist-Modernist Popular Chinese Christianity in the Twentieth Century (New Haven: Conflict,” inEarthen Vessels: American Evangelicals and Foreign Missions, Yale Univ. Press, 2010). 1880–1980, ed. Joel A. Carpenter and Wilbert Shenk (Grand Rapids: 25. For a comprehensive study, see Tao Feiya, Zhongguo de Jidujiao Eerdmans, 1990), pp. 73–91; and William R. Hutchison, Errand to the wutuobang: Yesu jiating (1921–1952) (A Christian utopia in China: World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: The Jesus Family), (Xianggang: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 2004). Univ. of Chicago Press, 1987), chap. 4. 26. For further details, see Daniel H. Bays, “The Growth of Independent 10. Wallace C. Merwin, Adventure in Unity: The Church of Christ in China Christianity in China, 1900–1937,” in Christianity in China: From the (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974), p. 69. Eighteenth Century to the Present, ed. Bays (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford 11. For a fairly complete listing of Protestant missionary groups in China, Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 307–16. see R. G. Tiedemann, Reference Guide to Christian Missionary Societies 27. Z. S. Zia, “Indigenous Evangelism and Christian Unity,” Chinese in China (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2009), part IV: “Protestant Recorder 67 (July 1936): 408–12. Missionary Societies.” 28. Noted in Lian, Redeemed by Fire, p. 171. 12. On faith missions, see Dana L. Robert, “‘The Crisis of Missions’: 29. J. Usang Ly, “Do Chinese Christians Need a Special Fellowship?” Premillennial Mission Theory and the Origins of Independent Chinese Recorder 67 (July 1936): 412. Evangelical Missions,” in Earthen Vessels, ed. Carpenter and Shenk, 30. Quoted in Lian, Redeemed by Fire, p. 57. pp. 29–46. For the arrival of some of these new groups on the China 31. Wei Yisa, Zhen Yesu jiaohui chuangli shanshi zhounian jinian zhuankan missions scene, see Daniel H. Bays, “Christian Revival in China, (Commemorative volume on the thirtieth anniversary of the 1900–1937,” in Modern Christian Revivals, ed. Edith L. Blumhofer and founding of the True Jesus Church), (Nanjing: Zhen Yesu Jiaohui, Randall Balmer (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1993), pp. 168–69. 1948), pp. C22, C27, quoted in Lian, Redeemed by Fire, p. 58. 13. Michael Nai Chiu Poon, preface to “CSCA Chung Hua Sheng Kung Hui Source Documents,” www.ttc.edu.sg/csca/skh/index.html.

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8 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 TREASURE IN NORTH AFRICA 978-0-8308-3943-8, $22.00

“The study of early Christianity in North Africa has been largely conﬁ ned to the regions around Carthage and Alexandria, but what lies between, Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, has been virtually ignored. In Early Libyan Christianity Thomas Oden uses literary and archaeological evidence to ﬁ ll that gap. This is truly a groundbreaking work.”

—Birger A. Pearson, University of California, Santa Barbara

IBMR ad Early Libyan #8000 1 11/8/11 12:36:38 PM Botany or Flowers? The Challenges of Writing the History of the Indigenization of Christianity in China Gloria S. Tseng

he impressive growth of Christianity in a rapidly mod- his native Fujian Province in 1928 and first became known as a Ternizing China in the post-Mao decades has attracted national revivalist in 1931; and Nee began to attract a small circle much recent media attention.1 A look at the development of the of followers in Nanjing in 1927, which developed into the Little Chinese church in the past century of China’s tumultuous history Flock movement. This story is further complicated by the fact reveals an even more extraordinary record.2 Yet the remarkable that a theological fault line ran between the third development story of Christianity in China has been burdened by emotional and the first two. It became pronounced from the mid-1920s baggage stemming from deep historical roots. An element of this on and even shaped the responses of Chinese Christians to the baggage is the unfortunate association of Christianity with West- Communist regime’s policies after 1949. ern military power in the minds of many Chinese in the past one The ecclesiastical, intellectual, and independent-preacher and a half centuries because the door to missionary activity was subplots of the indigenization story are told separately, often opened in the nineteenth century by various “unequal treaties” with conflicting assessments of the historical significance of following the Opium War of 1839–42. Another is the current state the first two on the one hand, and the third on the other. This of the Chinese church, divided between government-sanctioned state of affairs brings to mind a sermon in 1931 by A. W. Tozer Three-Self churches and “house churches,” which are subject to entitled “The Love of God.”3 In this sermon Tozer gave a word government suppression. Both elements are important to the his- of caution to his hearers concerning the subject on which he was tory of Christianity in modern China, but this essay will address preaching: that in analyzing the various aspects of God’s love, one only the latter. More specifically, this essay will address the chal- risks becoming a botanist who takes apart the petals of a flower, lenges of writing an integrated history of the indigenization of with the outcome of this endeavor being botany and no longer a Christianity in twentieth-century China given the current state of flower! While the conflicting currents and historical assessments scholarship on the subject, and with a view to the divided state may seem to be of merely academic interest with regard to the of the contemporary Chinese church. pre-1949 period, they take on greater immediacy with regard to The history of the indigenization of Christianity in China the post-1949 period, for the painful divisions in the contempo- in the twentieth century has three currents: (1) the ecclesiastical rary Chinese church can be traced back to the pre-1949 period. development of the Church of Christ in China, which was the The history of the indigenization of the Chinese church is the culmination of the church-union movement in China in the first spiritual heritage of Chinese Christians; yet without a balanced decades of the twentieth century; (2) the emergence of Chinese assessment and honest acknowledgment of this history, Chinese Christian intellectuals associated with missionary colleges and Christians cannot fully lay hold of this heritage. This essay will universities, the best known of which was Yenching University; examine four representative studies as they pertain to one of the and (3) the emergence of independent preachers and their mass three currents of indigenization. The list is by no means exhaus- followings outside denominational missions. The first and the tive; rather, it is only an illustration of the dichotomy that exists second developments shared a similar set of historical actors: in historical assessments of these currents of indigenization. representative figures such as Cheng Jingyi, T. C. Chao (Zhao Zichen), Liu Tingfang, Wu Leichuan, and Y. T. Wu (Wu Yaozong). Edinburgh 1910 and Cheng Jingyi The third development involved historical actors such as John Sung (Song Shangjie), Wang Mingdao, and Watchman Nee. The Of the three currents of indigenization, the ecclesiastical is the least rise of these preachers took place somewhat later than the first well studied in terms of depth, though not necessarily in terms two developments. Cheng Jingyi was one of the three Chinese of the number of volumes. Nonetheless, it is indisputable that delegates to attend the World Missionary Conference in Edinburgh within the missionary establishment and among Chinese Christian in 1910, and in 1919 Chinese intellectuals at Yenching University circles associated with it, the movement toward indigenization formed the Peking Apologetic Group, later renamed Life Fellow- received significant encouragement and impetus from the 1910 ship. Momentum for church union in China led to the formation World Missionary Conference, held in Edinburgh, Scotland. In of the National Christian Council of China in 1922. Hence, the his recent study on the conference, Brian Stanley mentions the individuals associated with the first two developments were contribution of Cheng Jingyi, one of only three Chinese delegates already in positions of leadership and considered the spokesmen out of 1,215 official delegates to the conference.4 At the time of the of the emerging indigenous Chinese church by the time Wang, conference, Cheng was a twenty-eight-year-old assistant pastor Sung, and Nee entered the national scene. Wang began a con- of a newly established church of the London Missionary Society gregation of his own in Beijing in 1925; Sung began preaching in (LMS) in Beijing. He was also a fairly new Christian, having been converted at the age of seventeen at a revival meeting in Tianjin. Gloria S. Tseng is Associate Professor in the History He had already been to Great Britain, having been invited there Department of Hope College, Holland, Michigan. She in 1903 to assist an LMS missionary in revising the Union version teaches courses on modern Europe, modern China, and of the Mandarin New Testament; he had also studied at the Bible Christianity in China. —[email protected] Training Institute in Glasgow from 1906 to 1908. This current of indigenization was located within the Protes- tant missionary enterprise in China, even though its initiative did not originate solely from missionaries. In fact, Stanley observes that Cheng “made a profound and even disturbing impact” at

10 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 the conference through the two speeches he gave: one on the Protestant church in China is unequivocally positive: “Finally, a morning of Thursday, June 16, in the debate of the report of word of tribute should be voiced for all those servants of the Commission II; the other on the morning of Tuesday, June 21, in Church, Chinese and missionary, who had a share in the move- the debate of the report of Commission VIII. Both commission ment for unity which culminated in the Church of Christ in reports—“The Church in the Mission Field” (II) and “Cooperation China, and the many who quietly and devotedly participated, and the Promotion of Unity” (VIII)—addressed issues that were often under great difficulty, in danger and deprivation, in the pertinent to the Chinese church. In his speeches, Cheng urged work and witness of that Church. Many of them are already gone that the Chinese church be allowed to support itself and direct its from our midst; most of their names have already disappeared own life, and that a united Protestant church be formed in China.5 from man’s notice. But they are known to God, and their labors Cheng’s participation in the 1910 World Missionary Confer- have surely borne good fruit.”8 ence propelled him into a position of leadership in the Protestant missionary enterprise in China and gave him a place in subsequent Samuel Ling on Chinese Christian Intellectuals international missionary conferences. The respect to him given by the conference leaders can be seen in the fact that he was among This sanguine assessment of the Church of Christ in China and those recommended by the business committee for membership in the indigenization movement it represented is called in ques- the Continuation Committee to carry on the spirit of cooperation tion by at least two studies, each a representative work on one in missions; he was chosen as the one representative from China of the other two currents of indigenization, namely, the Chinese among the thirty-five members.6 Subsequently, the Continuation Christian intellectuals and the independent preachers; they are Committee evolved into the International Missionary Council in Samuel Ling’s “The Other May Fourth Movement” and Lian 1921, in which Cheng remained involved until the end of his life. Xi’s Redeemed by Fire. Both studies have an indirect bearing on Upon his return to China, he was ordained to be the pastor of assessing the historical significance of the Church of Christ in Mi-shi Hutong church, where he had served as an assistant pastor. China, and they illustrate the bifurcated state of historical studies In addition, following steps to establish a national branch of the on the indigenization of Christianity in China, which is in turn Continuation Committee in 1912–13, Cheng was appointed the mirrored in the divided state of the contemporary Chinese church. first joint secretary of the China Continuation Committee. The “The Other May Fourth Movement” is a study of Chinese six conferences of the China Continuation Committee held in Christian intellectuals of the May Fourth generation,9 men who China in early 1913 stressed three-self principles as the goal and had been converted to the Christian faith as a result of having promoted the idea of federation as a first step toward full union. In Shanghai in 1922 he presided over the inaugural conference of the National Christian Council of China, which was the suc- The painful divisions in cessor to the China Continuation Committee. And from 1924 to 1933 he served as the general secretary of the National Christian the contemporary Chinese Council of China. In 1927 he presided over the formation of the church can be traced back Church of Christ in China, which united sixteen Presbyterian, Congregational, and Baptist church bodies; Cheng was appointed to the pre-1949 period. its first moderator (later general secretary), serving till his death in 1939. The impetus given by the Edinburgh conference to the indigenization of the Chinese church is reiterated by Stanley: “The been exposed to the liberal wing of the Protestant missionary vision of a single three-self nondenominational church, which enterprise in China and who went on to take their place as the Communists forcibly imposed on the Chinese Protestant leaders of the liberal wing of the Chinese Protestant church and churches after 1951, thus saw a partial realization over twenty in the movement leading up to the formation of the Church of years earlier, a fact which is often forgotten. The Edinburgh con- Christ in China.10 In this work Ling argues that Christianity has ference had played an important part by giving Cheng Jingyi and an important place in the intellectual history of the May Fourth other Chinese spokesmen the platform for the initial articulation movement, even though the impact of Christianity has been of that vision.”7 obscured by the Communist victory of 1949. Ling focuses on Chinese Christian intellectuals of the liberal persuasion, because Wallace Merwin on Chinese Church Union Chinese Christian fundamentalists such as Wang Mingdao and Watchman Nee were not active in the May Fourth circles. The ecclesiastical development of the Church of Christ in China Ling points out that liberal Protestant Christianity, in con- probably deserves more scholarly attention than it has received trast with conservative, fundamentalist Protestantism, had certain to date. The developments of the church union movement in distinctive theological presuppositions: the educability of man, China in the early decades of the twentieth century are chronicled the immanence of God, emphasis on the humanity of Christ, in the yearly Zhonghua Jidu jiaohui nianjian (China Church Year- and the hope of the coming kingdom through social reform. book), published by the China Continuation Committee and It also found expression in China through institutions such as the National Christian Council of China from 1914 to 1936. As the Christian colleges and schools, as well as the Y.M.C.A. and of yet there is no study based on this valuable primary source. Y.W.C.A. These missionary organizations constituted the theo- Even Wallace Merwin’s Adventure in Unity: The Church of Christ logical and institutional contexts in which the members of the in China (1974), the only English-language work on the Church Life Fellowship operated. Ling names two central concerns of of Christ in China, uses only English-language sources. In Mer- the project of these Chinese Christian intellectuals, who sought win’s estimation, the church union movement represented by to find a viable alternative for China’s social problems: “These the Church of Christ in China was “of considerable significance two concerns can be summarized by the terms ‘indigenization’ and a worthy chapter in the history of the Christian church.” and ‘social reconstruction.’ The former is a concern specific to His assessment of this current in the indigenization of the Christians; the latter is shared by almost all Chinese intellectu-

January 2012 11 als at the time. ‘Indigenization,’ understood as the sinicization as “ostensibly Christian in theology but no less traditionally of both the organization and the theology of the church, can be Chinese in temperament,” because “popular millenarianism seen as the Christian parallel of nationalism in China. ‘Social came to define the indigenous, largely sectarian, Christianity in reconstruction’ represents the desire to solve China’s social the twentieth century.” Lian sees the growth of popular Christi- problems; it is here especially that the ‘contest of ideas’ took anity as the latest development in the line of popular millennial place. The important point, however, is that Chinese Christians movements in Chinese history: shared the concerns of their contemporary nationals. Their fate was the fate of the Chinese people; they identified themselves In fact, the emergence of homegrown churches since the Repub- first with the Chinese people, and second with their religion.” lican era points to an evolution of popular religion in modern In other words, the Chinese Christian intellectuals’ engagement China, when Christianity joined indigenous beliefs in supplying with the political concerns of their age significantly shaped the the core ideology in sectarian movements. Like most messianic indigenization they represented. In the end, Ling offers the fol- convulsions in Chinese history, the drive toward a fiery, apoca- lyptic Christianity in modern China was largely induced by lowing less-than-sanguine assessment of these Christian intel- political, national, and environmental crises, and by momentous lectuals’ project: “After 1927, their appeals for Christian social social change along with overwhelming personal distress; it has reconstruction became increasingly hollow and obsolete. Some also brought forth a religious response on a matching chiliastic turned disillusioned, and became radical. In both their intellectual scale. . . . It has, in sum, fostered a new form of messianism in a outlook in 1919, and the onslaught of their critics in 1922, the country where millenarian movements have been one of the few Christian Renaissance typified the failure of liberal Protestantism possible ways to channel the aspirations and the discontent of to infiltrate the Chinese society and to capture leadership in the the masses.13 intellectual arena.”11 Whereas Ling presents the subject of his study in opposi- Lian Xi on Chinese Independent Preachers tion to the conservative wing of Protestantism, Lian presents the subject of his study in opposition to the liberal wing of Pro- In contrast, Lian’s Redeemed by Fire: The Rise of Popular Christian- testantism—more specifically to the version of indigenization ity in Modern China examines various indigenous, or populist, represented by the Church of Christ in China and its leaders. manifestations of the faith, as opposed to developments within Both, however, come to a very similar historical assessment. Lian denominational or missionary churches or among Western- sees the student-led anti-Christian movement that broke out educated Chinese Christians associated with denominational across China in 1922 as evidence that early twentieth-century or missionary churches. Regarding contemporary indigenous missionary efforts at indigenizing Christianity had failed, for Chinese Christianity, Lian observes, “With a predominantly rural Chinese students had rejected the message of the YMCA and the and lower-class membership, the homegrown Christianity has Mott-Eddy campaigns, which equated national salvation with been characterized by a potent mix of evangelistic fervor, bibli- the development of Christian character. Concerning these efforts cal literalism, charismatic ecstasies, and a fiery eschatology not to indigenize Christianity in China, Lian notes, “At best, Cheng infrequently tinged with nationalistic exuberance.” He traces Jingyi and his generation of Protestant leaders cultivated by the these characteristics through his study of the various indigenous missionaries succeeded only in fulfilling the missionary vision Christian groups examined in the book. He also notes the dramatic of a native church safely within the limits of mainline Western change of Christianity’s relationship with the rural masses: “It is Protestantism.” In short, Chinese Christian leaders who rose not an insignificant change in the fortunes of Chinese Christian- through the Protestant missionary enterprise preached “a missionary Christianity.”14 This is essentially the same conclusion mas Ling’s assessment that Chinese Christian intellectuals asso- The history of the ciated with the Protestant missionary establishment failed to persuade their countrymen of the relevance of the social gospel indigenization of for China. Christianity in China is not only fragmented The Need for an Integrated History but also contentious. As the studies discussed above show, the history of the indigenization of Christianity in China is not only fragmented but also contentious. Which one of the three currents represented ity over the past century that, in many areas of the country, the the genuine emerging indigenous Chinese church? Implicitly rural masses have completed a journey from church demolishers or explicitly, this question runs through the works of Merwin, to church builders and defenders.” Lian defines “popular Chris- Ling, Lian, and, to a lesser extent, Stanley, even as each work tianity” as follows: “For the Republican period, I find it mostly demonstrates the unique contributions of each of the three outside denominational missions, even though its influence also currents of indigenization. All three agree on the importance spread among them. After 1949, it retained its antiestablishment of developments in the pre-1949 period, and two of the three predilection and throve in opposition to the Three-Self churches, studies specifically point to a theological fault line that divided although the latter were not impervious to its irrepressible energy. the ecclesiastical and intellectual currents on the one hand from During both periods, it captured the religious fervor and creativ- the independent preachers on the other: that is, the modernist- ity of the masses that were excluded, for the most part, from the fundamentalist controversy. pursuits of the elite in Chinese society.”12 The roots of the divided state of both historical scholarship on Lian argues that the two main elements of popular Chinese the indigenization of Christianity in China and the contemporary Christianity and their historical roots are nationalism and mes- Chinese church are theological and historical. The modernist- sianic convictions. He describes popular Chinese Christianity fundamentalist controversy had a far-reaching impact on the

12 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 indigenizing Chinese church. It was highly divisive within both continue to cause a painful rift between Three-Self and house missionary and Chinese Christian circles, as Kevin Xiyi Yao’s churches after the reopening of churches in 1979, especially for 2003 study on the fundamentalist movement among China long-time Chinese Christians who have suffered through the years missionaries in the 1920s and 1930s carefully documents and as of Communist repression and are now elderly. Ironically, a visitor the discourse of fundamentalist Chinese Christian leaders of who walks into a Three-Self church and a house church today the time illustrates.15 It shaped the initial responses of Chinese will likely find that the two are not very different theologically. Christians to the Chinese government’s religious policy in the In fact, modernist theology has all but disappeared, except at the first decade of the Communist regime’s existence, evidenced highest level of national leadership.17 This in itself is an interesting most notably in the fact that the leader of the Three-Self Patri- historical development worthy of a separate study, but more otic Movement in the 1950s was the modernist Y. T. Wu, and important, the fragmented state of current scholarship on the the most vociferous opponent to this movement on theological history of the indigenization of Christianity in China mirrors grounds was the fundamentalist Wang Mingdao.16 Moreover, the divided state of the contemporary Chinese Church. Just as it has shaped to some extent the ways in which historians deal an integrated history that brings together the three currents of with this history and the three currents that are found in it, as indigenization is essential to an accurate understanding of this the studies discussed above show. significant historical development, so acknowledging the theo- In addition to the theological fault line, the historical circum- logical and political roots of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement stances of the post-1949 Three-Self Patriotic Movement added as it developed after 1949 is key to a mature Chinese church, in political oil to the theological fire. Today, even though most Chi- which Chinese Christians fully lay hold of their unique spiritual nese Christians have a very limited knowledge of the historical heritage. roots of the current state of the Chinese church, historical wounds Notes 1. “New Believers: A Religious Revolution in China,” NPR, July Chinese nationalism, in addition to laying the foundation for the 19–23, 2010. Two of the five reports in the series were devoted to later rise of the Chinese Communist Party, came to be synonymous Christianity: “In the Land of Mao, a Rising Tide of Christianity,” with the intellectual effervescence of the 1910s and 1920s. July 19; and “China’s Divided Catholics Seek Reconciliation,” July 10. Samuel D. Ling, “The Other May Fourth Movement: The Chinese 20. Also Heart and Soul, “Christianity in China,” two episodes, BBC ‘Christian Renaissance,’ 1919–1937” (Ph.D. diss., Temple Univ., 1980). World Service, first aired on August 25 and September 1, 2010. 11. Ibid., pp. 5–6, 10, 81. 2. Todd M. Johnson and Kenneth R. Ross, eds., Atlas of Global Christianity, 12. Lian Xi, Redeemed by Fire: The Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern 1910–2010 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press, 2009), p. 140, report China (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2010), pp. 2, 3, 12. that between 1910 and 2010, the number of Christians in China grew 13. Ibid., pp. 14, 16. from 0.4 percent to 8.6 percent, or from approximately 1.7 million to 14. Ibid., pp. 40–41. 115 million. 15. Kevin Xiyi Yao, The Fundamentalist Movement Among Protestant 3. Tozer was a longtime pastor of the Christian and Missionary Alliance Missionaries in China, 1920–1937 (Lanham, Md.: Univ. Press of America, and editor of Alliance Life. The Web site of the C&MA contains audio 2003). Wang Mingdao and John Sung were both well known for their files of Tozer’s sermons, at www.cmalliance.org/resources/tozer denunciations of modernist theology. -audio-sermons. 16. For Wu, see Gao Wangzhi, “Y. T. Wu: A Christian Leader Under 4. Brian Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh 1910 (Grand Communism,” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century Rapids: Eerdmans, 2009), pp. 91–92. to the Present, ed. Daniel H. Bays (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. 5. Ibid., pp. 108–9. Press, 1996). For Wang, see Thomas Alan Harvey, Acquainted with 6. Ibid., pp. 109–10. Grief: Wang Mingdao’s Stand for the Persecuted Church in China (Grand 7. Ibid., p. 311. Rapids: Brazos Press, 2002). 8. Wallace C. Merwin, Adventure in Unity: The Church of Christ in China 17. Its foremost spokesman is K. H. Ting, former Anglican bishop, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974), p. 11. currently principal of Nanjing Union Theological Seminary. He was 9. The May Fourth alluded to in Ling’s title is May 4, 1919, when several the president of the China Christian Council and the leader of the thousand students in Beijing protested against the decision taken Three-Self Patriotic Movement from 1980 to 1997. Modernist theology by the Allied powers at the Versailles Peace Conference to transfer can also be found among “cultural Christians” in academia, but they German rights in Shandong province to Japan. This outburst of are not pertinent to the issues raised in this essay.

International Association for Mission Studies 13th Assembly

The IAMS 2012 Toronto Assembly, to be held August 15–20, as people cross state boundaries or move within their own 2012, in Toronto, Canada, will explore the profound mis- countries in search of safety or well-being. Christian missiological dimensions of human migration and dislocation, sion, often a feature of large-scale movements of peoples, past, present, and future. It will attend especially to the many must continue to attend responsibly to these historic global repercussions of widespread contemporary human movement realities. for the theory and practice of Christian mission. Proposals for papers on the topic, “Migration, Human The Hebrew and Christian Scriptures, reflecting the lives Dislocation, and the Good News: Margins as the Center in of God’s people who were uprooted, exiled, and scattered, Christian Mission,” with 150–200-word abstract, are due by feature epic experiences of human mobility such as the call January 31, 2012. Draft papers are due by June 1, 2012. For to a new land, exodus and resettlement, and the scattering of guidelines and conference details, read the IAMS Matters the early Christians. Dislocation, compelled and voluntary, newsletter at www.missionstudies.org/index.php or e-mail continues to characterize our contemporary human story [email protected].

January 2012 13 Cheng Jingyi: Prophet of His Time Peter Tze Ming Ng

heng Jingyi (C. Y. Cheng, 1881–1939) distinguished him- missionary movement was dominated by organized missionary Cself by presenting what has been called the best speech at societies, most of them agencies of Western mainline denomi- the Edinburgh 1910 World Missionary Conference. In his remarks national churches. (The China Inland Mission was the primary he said: “As a representative of the Chinese Church, I speak entirely exception.) After 1900, however, there was a great increase in the from the Chinese standpoint. . . . Speaking plainly we hope to amount of local, independent missionary work done by Chinese see, in the near future, a united Christian Church without any Christians. Much attention has been paid to the development of denominational distinctions. This may seem somewhat peculiar denominational Christianity in China, but only in more recent to you, but, friends, do not forget to view years have scholars begun to look into the us from our standpoint, and if you fail to growth of Chinese indigenous Christian- do that, the Chinese will remain always as ity immediately after 1900.5 Daniel Bays, a mysterious people to you.”1 for example, reports that “the number Jingyi was a Chinese born in Beijing of Protestant Christian church members on September 22, 1881. His father was a grew rapidly, from 37,000 in 1889 to 178,000 pastor with the London Missionary Soci- in 1906.” He also notes, “In retrospect, the ety (LMS). Jingyi received education from most important feature of this period was LMS’s Anglo-Chinese College in Beijing the growth of the spirit of independence and theological training from LMS’s theo- in Chinese Protestant churches. This had logical school in Tientsin (Tianjin). Within hardly begun in the nineteenth century, two weeks of his graduation day in 1900, but it was a prominent theme after 1900.”6 Jingyi and his family became involved in the terrible experiences of the Boxer Indigenous Movements from outbreak. “Six times he had very narrow 1900 to 1949 escapes from death. His family was shut up in the British Legation quarter in Peking Chinese Christians exhibited a strong desire for two months, where they suffered ter- for independence after the outburst of the rible hardships, costing the life of his little Boxer incidents in 1900. Chinese Christians sister and permanent injury of his younger had long been accused of believing in a brothers.”2 These experiences had a great foreign religion (yang jiao).7 They were Cheng Jingyi, 1910 impact on Jingyi’s life. criticized for being protected by Western He went to England in 1903 to help missionaries and foreigners and for enjoy- George Owen of the LMS in the translation of the Union version ing a number of privileges as a result of religious court cases of the Mandarin Bible. Then from 1906 to 1908 he studied at the (jiaoan) that arose as a result of the so-called unequal treaties Bible Training Institute in Glasgow, Scotland. In the summer of made with Western governments.8 In order to avoid these accu- 1908 he returned to China and served as an assistant pastor at sations, a new consciousness arose among Chinese Christians the Mi-shi Hutong Church in Beijing. He returned to Scotland that sought a form of Christianity freed from the dominance of for the 1910 Edinburgh conference, then back to Beijing, where the foreign missionaries. Chinese Christians, including Cheng he was ordained as pastor of this church, which was associated and others, were seeking a new identity for themselves. They with LMS but was an independent Chinese church.3 Cheng wanted to demonstrate their independence, fostering a self-reliant was thus working on the front lines of promoting indigenous Christianity that was freed from foreign funding, from foreign Christianity in China. Some parts of China saw some “three- mission direction, and from foreign preaching and theology—that self” movements initiated by missionaries in the mid-nineteenth is, the churches should be self-supporting, self-governing, and century, including the development of the First and Second self-propagating.9 Amoy Church in Xiamen, as well as the self-governing pres- As early as 1902, two years after the Boxer incident, Pastor byteries under the English Presbyterian Mission in Swatow.4 Yu Guozhen and some Chinese Christians met in Shanghai and The movement was led to a second stage with the indigenous formed the Chinese Christian Union (Zhonghua Jidutuhui). Real- movements started by local Chinese Christians in response to izing the utmost importance of developing three-self Christian the Boxer movement. churches, in 1903 they started a quarterly magazine, the Chinese Throughout China in the nineteenth century, the Protestant Christian (Zhongguo Jidutubao),10 and in 1906 formed the Chi- nese Christian Independent Church (Zhonghua Yesujiao Zilihui), Peter Tze Ming Ng was a professor in the Depart- an independent, all-Chinese Christian organization. It was ment of Religion, the Chinese University of Hong clearly stated that this church was to be separate from all Kong (CUHK), from 1985 to 2008. He now serves as foreign missionary societies in order to demonstrate to the Honorary Research Fellow at the Centre for the Study Chinese people that they could run their own churches, hence of Religion and Chinese Society, Chung Chi College, becoming truly native and fully self-governing, self-supporting, CUHK. —[email protected] and self-propagating. By 1924 more than 330 local churches had joined the Chinese Christian Independent Church, with over 20,000 total members.11

14 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 In 1907 the Centenary Missionary Conference was held in more concerned with the development of a united Christian Shanghai, with the topic of the Chinese church high on its agenda.12 church in China that was freed from denominationalism. For There had already been suggestions as to how to establish three- the Christian churches to cooperate and to unite in China, they self, independent Chinese churches for indigenous Christianity needed to put aside the spirit of denominationalism. As a matter in China. They included proposals for uniting independent of fact, “denominationalism has never interested the Chinese churches and of organizing regional conferences in different mind. He finds no delight in it, but sometimes he suffers for parts of China.13 In 1910 a movement was started in North China it.”20 The statement “Your denominationalism does not inter- involving a comparable federation of independent churches. It was est Chinese Christians” has been often repeated and quoted.21 also called the Chinese Christian Independent Church, but with a It is striking that Cheng could make such a statement at the different Chinese name (Zhongguo Jidujiao Zilihui); Chang Po Ling 1910 conference. was appointed president.14 The federation centered in Beijing and As noted, some observers thought that Cheng’s speech Tianjin and soon was joined by independent Chinese churches was the best speech of the conference. Afterward he returned to from all over Shangdong and Shanxi Provinces, including Tsing- China and continued to work for the development of a united dao (1911), Jinan (1912), and Yantai (1919). These movements of Chinese Christian church along the lines he had envisioned. With the independent churches laid a substantial groundwork for a the support of John R. Mott and the China Continuation Com- series of regional conferences throughout China. The conferences mittee, Cheng traveled widely throughout China in 1912–13, led to the first national conference of the China Continuation working to promote interdenominational cooperation among Committee in Shanghai between the years 1912–13, and the later denominational churches, as well as to foster coordination development of the National Christian Council in China, which among individual Chinese Christians. He helped indepen- was formed by Cheng Jingyi in Shanghai in 1922.15 dent churches attain the goals of the three-self movement and Consider some interesting statistics. Between 1910 and 1920 promoted the idea of federation as a first step toward union the number of foreign missionaries grew from 5,144 to 6,204, an among the Chinese Christian churches. increase of 20.6 percent, whereas the number of Christian believ- When the China Continuation Committee met in 1913, ers more than doubled, from around 180,000 to 366,524. With it was attended by 1,100 representatives, one-third of whom the anti-Christian movements attacking missionary work in the were Chinese. Because of Cheng’s work among the indepen- 1920s, the number of missionaries dropped to 4,375 by 1928. Yet dent churches, when the committee convened again in 1922, the number of Christian believers continued to rise: to 446,631 the number of Chinese representatives had increased to more in 1928, then 536,089 in 1936, and then 834,909 in 1949.16 Western than half of the total attendance. At the second meeting, Cheng missionaries had obviously done much good work and laid a proposed broadening the work of the committee and renamed it substantial foundation for the subsequent growth of Christianity the National Christian Council (NCC, Zhongguo Jidujiao xiehui).22 in China. But the dramatic growth in the number of Christians in Cheng was appointed its general secretary. He also worked for the twentieth century witnesses also to the significant effort made the formation of the Church of Christ in China (CCC, Zhonghua by the various indigenous Christian groups and independent Jidujiao linhui), which began operating in 1927. The CCC soon Chinese churches, not to mention individual Chinese Christians, became the largest Protestant church in China, representing close for a Christianity that was truly self-propagating.17 to a quarter of China’s Protestant churches, including members from both denominational and independent churches. In short, The Quest for Indigenous Christianity Cheng had successfully labored to expand the work of the China Continuation Committee, not only for the promotion of coop- With this understanding of the development of indigenous eration and unity among denominational churches but also for Chris-tianity in China as background, we now turn to what C. the realization of his vision to institute the three-self principles Y. Cheng did at and after the Edinburgh conference in 1910. At and to accomplish the federation of Christian churches in China. the conference he made two speeches; one was at the debate of The federation was formed not only for the sake of cooperation Commission II on the topic “The Church in the Mission Field,” among the missionaries, but also for the sake of unity among the and the other, “Co-operation and the Promotion of Unity,” was Christian bodies in China, while at the same time maintaining part of the debate of Commission VIII.18 In his first speech Cheng cooperative links with the missionaries.23 declared with some urgency: “The problem in China is the independence of the Chinese Church.” He assured his audience that Conclusion the formation of a Christian church in China should be viewed as “a joy, not a burden.” And he made a strong appeal for sup- Cheng died on November 15, 1939, at the Lester Chinese Hospi- port of the development of indigenous churches in China, tal in Shanghai at the age of fifty-eight.24 He indeed understood saying: “I hope with all sincerity that this Conference will accurately the situation in China and saw the need not only recommend and take measures towards helping the Chinese for the pursuit of cooperation among missionary churches, but Church movement.”19 also for the development of indigenous, three-self churches. In his second speech, as quoted in the first paragraph of Despite his youth and his being a Manchu working among the this article, Cheng restated his hope of seeing a united Christian Han people, Cheng demonstrated great leadership in relation to church without any denominational distinctions whatsoever. the foreign missionaries and Chinese Christians and in moving While Western missionaries were thinking of unity as a means them toward a unified Christian church.25 Cheng was indeed a to the end of cooperation in mission, Cheng was saying that great man and a great prophet of his time.26 Much of what Cheng Christian unity—a united Christian church—should be the end said in Edinburgh and much of his subsequent work remained of mission work in China. Cheng could see that for the missionar- of immediate relevance for decades. To this day, the issues he ies, “unity” primarily applied to the denominations and various perceived as important in 1910 are central to the development mission boards. He made it clear that Chinese Christians were of Christianity in China.

January 2012 15 Notes 1. “Report of Commission VIII,” in Reports of Commissions I to VIII 15. See Wang Zhixin, Concise History of Chinese Christianity (in Chinese) and The History and Records of the Conference, 9 vols. (Edinburgh and (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council, 1959), pp. 255–57. London: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1910), 8:196. The Boston 16. For all these figures, see Jonathan Chao, “Seeing Church Growth Missionary Herald judged it “without question the best speech” from the Development of the Chinese Church” (in Chinese), in (106 [1910]: 354); see Brian Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, Essays on Christianity and Modern China (in Chinese), ed. Peter Chi Edinburgh 1910 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2009), p. 108. The picture of Ping Lin (Taiwan: Cosmic Light Publication, 1981), pp. 350–62. Cheng Jingyi on p. 14 is from U. W. Schreiber, ed., Die Edinburger Welt- 17. There were also other great evangelists in those years such as Shi Missions-Konferenz (Basel: Verlag der Basler Missionsbuchhandlung, Meiyu (Mary Stone, 1873–1954), Song Shangjie (John Sung, 1901–44), 1910), opposite p. 56. and Chen Chonggui (Marcus Cheng, 1884–1964). See, for reference, 2. C. L. Boynton et al., “Dr. Cheng Ching Yi: Resolution—Reminiscences,” Bays, Christianity in China, pp. 314–15. Chinese Recorder 70, no. 12 (1939): 691. 18. See “Report of Commission II” and “Report of Commission VIII,” 3. The Chinese church attained full independence, financially and in in Reports of Commissions I to VIII, 2:352–53 and 8:195–97. every other way, while maintaining the most friendly relations with 19. “Report of Commission II,” 2:352. Cheng further elaborated his the parent mission (ibid.). points in a subsequent article, “The Chinese Church in Relation to 4. See, for example, research work done by David Cheung (Chen Yi Its Immediate Task,” International Review of Missions 1, no. 3 (1912): Qiang), Christianity in Modern China: The Making of the First Native 381–92. John C. Gibson, who was an active leader in both the Protestant Church (Leiden: Brill, 2004), and George A. Hood, Mission Shanghai (1907) and the Edinburgh (1910) conferences, also had the Accomplished? The English Presbyterian Mission in Lingtung, South following remarks: “The time is well within the memory of working China (Frankfurt: Lang, 1986). missionaries when we had to labour with the Home Church and 5. See, for example, Daniel Bays, ed., Christianity in China: The Eighteenth persuade it to believe that there was such a thing as the Chinese Century to the Present (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1996); Church in existence. . . . It was now beyond doubt that the Chinese Jessie Lutz and R. Ray Lutz, Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Church was an important adjunct to the Christian Missions in Christianity, 1850–1900, with the Autobiographies of Eight Hakka China.” He also recalled: “When the Centenary Conference of 1907 Christians (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1998); and R. G. Tiedemann, met, the minds of missionaries were fully prepared for this recogni- “Indigenous Agency, Religious Protectorates, and Chinese Interests: tion. The organizers of the conference touched the core of the matter The Expansion of Christianity in Nineteenth-Century China,” when, in drawing up the programme, they set down as the first in Converting Colonialism: Visions and Realities in Mission History, topic: ‘The Chinese Church,’ and appointed a representative Com- 1706–1914, ed. Dana L. Robert (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008), mittee to deal with it and allotted to it the whole of the first day of pp. 206–41. the Conference work. . . . It was impossible that the Chinese Church 6. Bays, Christianity in China, p. 308. should any longer fail to be recognised as holding the foremost 7. “The Christian religion is the only one of the religions of foreign origin place among the forces which are now creating a Christian China” for which the Chinese reserve the designation ‘foreign religion.’ The (“The Part of the Chinese Church in Mission Administration,” foreign taste of Christianity is perhaps too strong for the Chinese Chinese Recorder 43, no. 6 [1912]: 347–49). people to like it” (C. Y. Cheng, “The Development of an Indigenous 20. Stanley, The World Missionary Conference, pp. 277–79. Church in China,” International Review of Missions 12 [1923]: 371). 21. See, for example, Chinese Recorder 70, no. 12 (1939): 689. 8. Reports of jiaoan (religious cases) can be found in Paul A. Cohen, China 22. Meanwhile, the editor of the Chinese Recorder commented, “Has the and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Christian movement in China during 1922 found a new pivot? Yes! Antiforeignism, 1860–1870 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1963), The transfer from missions and Western Christians as a pivot to the and Joseph W. Esherick, The Origins of the Boxer Uprising (Berkeley: Chinese Church and Chinese Christians has been made. The Survey Univ. of California Press, 1987). and Commission reports are set up mainly in terms of missions and 9. It should be noted that foreign missionaries had long been relying on the contributions of Western Christians. The outlook of the National the “unequal treaties” as guarantee and protection for all missionary Christian Conference and the National Christian Council, however, activities in China. It was extremely difficult for missionaries to together with their program are painted in colors of the Chinese understand the feelings of Chinese Christians, who demanded a Church and Chinese Christians” (“The Christian Movement in truly Chinese church independent of the foreign control. From the China During 1922,” Chinese Recorder 54 [1923]: 8). missionaries’ perspective, the Chinese were simply trying to seize 23. Both Cheng’s outlook and level of involvement can be seen in Cheng power. Ching-Yi, “The Continuation Committee Conferences in China: II. 10. There was much discussion among Chinese Christians, and their A Chinese View of the Conferences,” International Review of Missions opinions were expressed in this magazine. The Shanghai Municipal 2, no. 7 (1913): 507–12. Archives contains a full set of the magazine (in Chinese), nos. 2–60, 24. For further information on the life and ministry of Cheng Jingyi, see from 1904 to 1915 (U128-0-1 to U128-0-11). Nelson Bitton, “Cheng Ching-yi: A Christian Statesman,” International 11. See Duan Qi, “The Development of Christianity and the Independence Review of Missions 30, no. 4 (1941): 513–20; Howard L. Boorman and Movement in the Early Twentieth Century” (in Chinese), in Duan Richard C. Howard, eds., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China Qi, Historical Documents of the Indigenization of Chinese Christianity (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1967), 1:284–86; Cha Shi Jie, (in Chinese) (Taiwan: Cosmic Light Publication, 2005), pp. 127–32. “Cheng Jing Yi,” in Brief Notes on Characters of Chinese Christianity 12. Centenary Conference Committee, Records of the China Centenary (Taiwan: China Evangel Seminary Press, 1983), pp. 121–28; Francis P. Missionary Conference (Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, 1907). Jones, “Cheng Ching-yi,” in Concise Dictionary of the Christian World 13. Cheng had been so impressed by the movement that he wrote an Mission, ed. Stephen Neill, Gerald H. Anderson, and John Goodwin article for the Chinese Recorder even before he attended the Edinburgh (London: Lutterworth Press, 1970), pp. 120–21. conference: “What Federation Can Accomplish for the Chinese 25. Cheng also attended the International Missionary Council (IMC) Church,” Chinese Recorder 41, no. 2 (1910): 156–60. meeting at Williamstown, Massachusetts, in 1918; the IMC meeting 14. See Charles E. Ewing, “The Chinese Christian Church in Tientsin at Jerusalem in 1928, where he was elected a vice-chairman; and the (Tianjin),” Chinese Recorder 43, no. 5 (1912): 282–85. It should be noted IMC meeting at Madras, India, in 1939. He was the only Chinese to that before Cheng attended the Edinburgh conference in 1910, he had be present at all three of these great world missionary conferences. been working for two years as assistant pastor at the Mi-shi Hutong 26. At Cheng’s death an editorial in the Chinese Recorder commented, Church, in Beijing, where he would definitely have been involved in “Many times he [Cheng] had been likened to be a prophet—a really and influenced by this independence movement. This background true and great prophet like one of Old Testament times” (70, no. 12 helps explain his strong appeal at the Edinburgh conference. [1939]: 689).

16 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Matteo Ricci: Pioneer of Chinese-Western Dialogue and Cultural Exchanges Jean-Paul Wiest

The article that follows is a slightly edited version of a paper presented at the First Nishan Forum of World Civilizations, held September 26–27, 2010, in Qufu, China, the traditional birthplace of Confucius. —Editors

o commemorate the beginning of the third millennium At that time Western missionaries believed in the superiority Tand the opening of the twenty-first centurya.d ., the Chi- of European culture and brought along their own cultural patterns, nese government built a monument shaped like a sundial. Inside, which they imposed on people they considered uncivilized. This a long fresco celebrates individuals who have made significant attitude, unfortunately, endured among many until the middle contributions to the progress of civilization during the several of the twentieth century. During the sixteenth century, however, thousand years of Chinese history. In this impressive succes- a few individual missionaries, such as Bartolomé de Las Casas sion of important people, only two Westerners are represented: in South America, had already acknowledged the richness of Marco Polo (1254–1324), the man who made China known to local cultures. In Japan and China also, some experienced a the West, and Matteo Ricci (Li Madou) (1552–1610), the man who real conversion of the mind. Impressed by the achievements made the West known to China. Ricci is mentioned in the fresco they observed in Japanese and Chinese literature, politics, and as the promoter of cultural exchanges. With him, shown using philosophy, they decided to make this culture the foundation a telescope, are pictured two Chinese of the late Ming dynasty: of their missionary project. Valignano was the one who master- Li Shizhen, renowned for his medical discoveries, and Wang minded this new approach, which was based on the concept of Yangming, the famous Confucian philosopher who liberated a multipolar world whose center was no longer Europe. He in Chinese Confucianism from its rigid scholasticism.1 fact wrote the first comparative study of China, Japan, and India, At this Nishan Forum, celebrating the four hundredth anniver- entitled Historia del principio y progresso de la Companía de Jesús sary of the death of Matteo Ricci in Beijing, I consider it appropriate en las Indias Orientales, 1542–1564.3 The treatise provides insight to reflect on the person the Chinese government has deemed the into the Jesuits’ perception of Asian religions, societies, political symbol of the golden age of Sino-Western relations, representing systems, and everyday life. peaceful interaction, on an equal footing, between China and the Another of Valignano’s outstanding accomplishments, begin- West. Why and how were Ricci and the Jesuits who succeeded ning with his appointment as Visitor in 1573, was to assert his him at the court successful in gaining the confidence and respect spiritual authority above the political control of the Portuguese of the emperor and many Confucian scholars? Why were they able Padroado and the Spanish Patronato and, by the same process, to enter into a dialogue and an exchange among equals that still to achieve a measure of independence for the Jesuits in China.4 remain a viable and exemplary model for our times? From the start, he insisted on recruiting missionaries not deeply affected by the conquistador understanding of Christianity and Ricci’s Training and Formation the world. From his experience as novice-master, he knew that most young Italians trained in the Roman College of the Society Matteo Ricci was born in 1552 in the small town of Macerata in of Jesus were free from this infection, were imbued with the ideas the Marche region of Italy, near the Adriatic Sea. At the age of of the Italian Renaissance, and were intellectually well prepared. seventeen he journeyed to Rome to study law and two years later As a result, Ricci and many of the early China Jesuits, hand- entered the Society of Jesus (the Jesuits) at the Roman College, picked to pioneer Valignano’s new model for the church’s mission the future Gregorian University, where he made his novitiate and in Asia, were Italians. These were a distinct group of people raised studied philosophy and theology. While there he also received and nurtured in what Andrew Ross described as “the cultural training in music, mathematics, cartography, cosmology, and golden age of a specifically Catholic humanism.”5 According to astronomy. One of his teachers was none other than the renowned the new paradigm, Europe was no more the exclusive model for Jesuit father Christopher Clavius, a friend of Johannes Kepler and civilization and Christianity. Christianity should shed its Western Galileo Galilei.2 In 1577 Ricci’s superiors granted his request to garb and be clothed, equally well, in Chinese style. be sent on the missions in the Far East. After arriving at Goa, the Valignano required all Jesuits assigned to China to know capital of the Portuguese Indies, he worked there and at Cochin the language before he would let them enter the country.6 Upon as a missionary until the spring of 1582, when Father Alessandro arriving in Macao in August 1582, Matteo Ricci was therefore Valignano (Fan Li’an), who had been his novice-master in Rome assigned a Chinese tutor who taught him Chinese using the and now was in charge of all the Jesuit missions in the Far East, classic Confucian texts known as the Four Books. A year later, summoned him to Macao to prepare to enter China. Ricci and his fellow Jesuit Michele Ruggieri (Luo Mingjian), at the invitation of Wang Pan, the magistrate of Zhaoqing, then Jean-Paul Wiest is Research Director for the Beijing the administrative capital of the province of Guangdong, took Center for Chinese Studies, located on the campus of residence in that city. Thus began the amazing story of Matteo the University of International Business and Econom- Ricci in China until his death in Beijing in 1610. ics, Beijing, China. He is coeditor of The Catholic Church in Modern China: Perspectives (Orbis Matteo Ricci’s Relevance for Today’s World Books, 1993) and author of Maryknoll in China: A History, 1918–1955 (Sharpe, 1988). While Valignano was the one who taught his young Jesuits to —[email protected] think outside the box of European culture and to envision a new

January 2012 17 missionary model, Ricci clearly became the one who applied it on many miscellaneous details, such as the use of chopsticks.11 to the Chinese context. He successfully lived out a completely Most important, however, Ricci’s journal provided Western fresh approach for the West in its engagement with China. In readers with a carefully written and reasoned description of the the pursuit of this goal, Ricci had at his disposal not only his attainments of this great civilization on the other side of the world. training as a Jesuit but also an impressive array of physical and The journal also spoke of Ricci’s efforts to win the good will of intellectual attributes. He was impressive in physical appearance, the Chinese people “little by little” and by living an exemplary life. with blue eyes and a voice like a bell; he was endowed with a As a religious man, it seemed clear to him that, through the wise facility in foreign languages and a photographic memory; and he men of China’s past, God had continuously sustained the devel- was keen in his ability to grasp the essentials of Chinese culture opment of Chinese culture and society. To his friend Xu Guangqi, and to discern the means of entry into a sophisticated culture Ricci confided that on his way to China he had passed through like that of China. many countries and found none that could compare with China, The invitation to this Nishan Forum states: “Confronted with whose Confucian and music rituals he found the most brilliant in critical challenges and dilemmas in human society, many have the entire world. But when Xu asked why China remained at the begun to realize that the most effective solution lies in recognition mercy of natural disasters, Ricci suggested that China’s scientific of the diversity of world cultures, and the conducting of continu- knowledge in some areas was still insufficient and lagging behind ous dialogue between different civilizations, to promote mutual when compared to that of the West. So Xu, who had already helped understanding and trust among countries and nations.” Some Ricci in the publication of several religious books, proposed that four hundred years ago Matteo Ricci had already adopted such they publish some books on European science. a program. While in China he displayed a profound respect for Xu belonged to a group of late Ming officials and scholars who the diversity of cultures, promoted mutual understanding, and were worried about the state of the country and sought concrete was a master of dialogue on an equal footing. From a Chinese ways to save it from decay. Their search was in reaction against viewpoint, the Italian missionary’s attitude and behavior might, the intuitionist movement from the Wang Yangming school, however, sound more like a distant echo of Confucius himself. which advocated that principles for moral action were to be found Long before Ricci set foot in the country, China’s great thinker entirely within the mind and heart. Xu and his colleagues instead and educator advocated “harmony as the most precious thing” looked for “solid learning” or “concrete studies” (shixue). This and stressed that “one could always learn from others,” thus quest is to a large extent the reason for Xu’s proposal; over the affirming that harmony could coexist with diversity. years it resulted in a unique interaction between many Chinese It is also important to realize that, to a large extent, Ricci’s literati and Ricci and the Jesuits who followed him. way of life was as much, if not more, the “result of [his] reaction to Ricci’s response to Xu’s request was that they ought to trans- what China was and who the Chinese were” as it was the “proac- late Euclid’s Elements of Geometry before any other scientific work tive and creative elaboration” of “a conscious and well-defined because, Ricci insisted, the understanding of Euclid’s geometry policy conceived by Valignano.”7 In other words, Ricci became was actually the key for understanding the logic of the West. At who he became because his being in China and his encounters that time in China, Western logic was practically unknown. So with a number of Confucian scholars encouraged him, both as Ricci explained the various points of the Elements, Xu often directly and indirectly, to rethink and reshape his own identity. found it difficult to understand what the missionary meant and to translate it into Chinese. Shifting from the Chinese way of Ricci’s Respect for the Diversity of Cultures thinking, which was in terms of images, to Western-style deduc- tive logic required a thoroughgoing revolution of the reasoning Ricci’s journey into China is therefore a journey into the minds process. The two men had to go beyond the mere translation of and hearts, language and culture, symbols and sensibility of those words, sentences, and equations to make compatible two differ- with whom he came in contact. This way of life accounts in great ent systems of logic. part for the fascination with his achievements, which extends well Ricci passed away after they had translated six of the beyond church circles. He became thoroughly familiar with the thirteen books of the Elements (Jihe yuanben). Yet Ricci’s verbal long history of this rich culture, its classics, and its philosophy. explanations and Xu Guangqi’s written accounts of Euclid’s Ele- In 1594 he translated extensive parts of the Four Books into ments were sufficient to open for future generations a bridge in Latin and developed the first system for Romanizing Chinese. East-West cultural exchange that crossed the language barrier. He tested the effectiveness of his work as teaching material on In addition, the new Chinese terminology, which Xu Guangqi newly arrived European Jesuits. For this accomplishment of had to invent for point, curve, parallel line, acute angle, obtuse allowing two different cultures to communicate with each other angle, and so forth—concepts alien to Chinese mathematics and on the basis of the Confucian classics, Ricci should be considered therefore with no words for them—soon became a standard part the founder of Western sinology.8 of Chinese mathematics. Ricci also set aside standard traditional European mapmak- ing when, in a map he prepared in 1602, he placed China instead Ricci’s Promotion of Mutual Understanding of Europe near the center of the world. This work is one of his many accomplishments that show his thoughtfulness and great At first it might seem odd that the first book Ricci published admiration for the empire that called itself the Middle Kingdom. in Chinese was not a tool to preach the Christian religion but One of his comments, placed on the map just south of the Tropic rather a small volume based on his recollection of what Greek of Capricorn, declares: “I am filled with admiration for the great and Latin authors had written on the subject of friendship. This Chinese Empire, where I am treated with friendly hospitality far book, entitled Jiaoyoulun (On friendship, 1595), was for the mis- above what I deserve.”9 sionary a way to publicize his program to the Chinese, stating Ricci’s China journal was taken to Europe and published in that friendship as a partnership among equals would be at the Latin by Nicholas Trigault (Jin Nige).10 It confirmed that Marco root of his communication strategy.12 Polo’s “kingdom of Cathay” was indeed China, and it reported Ricci wrote the book because of what China had taught him.

18 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 From the day he arrived he discovered the importance of true how he pursued dialogue.”16 He responded to the curiosity of the and influential friends to maintain his presence in the country. Chinese intelligentsia about the Christian God in Tianzhu shiyi The concept of guanxi, or personal relationship, has always (The true meaning of the Lord of Heaven, 1603).17 The book is not been central to any understanding of Chinese social structures. conceived as a typical catechism in the form of short questions It denotes an essential part of network-building within Chinese followed by short answers that are to be memorized by Christian social life. The many difficulties encountered by Ricci and his neophytes. Rather, it is a work meant to dispose readers to the companions in trying to establish a residence in various cities reception of the Gospel. Ricci wrote it as a dialogue between a were often due to their lack of personal connections. Confucian scholar and a sage from the Occident; as such, it is “the At the same time, Ricci’s decision to write Jiaoyoulun was also first attempt by a Catholic scholar to use a Chinese way of think- likely influenced by his discussions with late Ming scholars, for ing to introduce Christianity to Chinese intellectuals.”18 Many of whom the word “friendship” had become something of a code the aphorisms found in the Tianzhu shiyi have a familiar ring, as word for the promotion of a Chinese society where relationships if they were taken out of the Analects of Confucius: would be among equals and entered into by personal choice. The book was widely circulated and gained Ricci a measure of fame The virtuous person speaks little or not at all. and many visitors. Nothing is more conducive to a better life than to examine our conscience and discover our faults. For a person whose early attempts at winning converts among The rich miser is more unhappy than the poor beggar. the common people had ended in frustration, the success of the By foolishly trying to discover the future, a man incurs book reinforced his decision to shift to a top-down approach by misfortune. “whispering to powerbrokers”13 rather than preaching to the masses. He determined that he would have more success through Because Ricci valued Chinese respect for a philosophical quiet consultations with scholars and officials. This decision consideration, explanation, or proof of God; the nature and act proved to be correct. Because of his great learning and personal of creation; and the differences between the human soul and the probity, these conversations eventually led some to inquire about souls of birds and animals, he discussed these topics, as well as his religion. By pointing out that many of his faith’s main tenets the question of the goodness of human nature. In doing so, he could be found in the Confucian classics, Ricci was able to bring strove to “expound Catholic thought with the aid of China’s several high-ranking officials to embrace Christianity.14 He used existing cultural heritage.”19 By the same token, he displayed his to tell his Chinese visitors that “the law of God was in conformity deep confidence in the human ability to communicate with one with the natural light [of reason] and with what their first sages another in truth and mutual respect with the help of reason and taught in their books.”15 the natural and acquired talents at one’s disposal. Throughout After the Confucian temple built in Qufu, the birthplace of the book, friendship and trust are both the starting point and the Confucius, the Confucius temple of Beijing is the second largest fruit of the dialogue. in all of China. Next to it is the Imperial College, where the civil From a Christian perspective, Ricci’s approach to non- service examinations for the highest rank of jinshi took place every Christians resembled in many ways that of the early Christian three years. The names of the jinshi graduates were inscribed on church. He went to China to spread the Catholic religion, but he commemorative stone monuments still on display in the temple carefully avoided the pitfalls of cultural confrontation. Instead, courtyard. These names include those of three influential schol- he followed a policy of cultural accommodation in an effort to ars who were converted to Catholicism by Ricci and his fellow reconcile two disparate systems of faith and thought. In 2009, in Jesuits. Commonly known by Chinese Catholics as the “three a message sent to the bishop of Macerata, the hometown of Ricci, pillars,” they are Yang Tingyun, who passed the examination in Pope Benedict XVI wrote: “What made his apostolate original 1592; Li Zhizao, who became a jinshi in 1598; and Xu Guangqi, and, we could say, prophetic was the profound sympathy he who passed the examination in 1604 and later rose to some of nourished for the Chinese, for their cultures and religious tradi- the highest positions in the Ming government. tions. . . . Even today, his example remains as a model of fruitful On the one hand, Ricci and his fellow Jesuits were able to encounter between European and Chinese civilization.”20 reassure these three scholars and many others who followed suit Just as his use of the science and instruments he brought that they indeed treated Chinese friends as equals and that the with him from the West dazzled Chinese intellectuals, so did Christian message they brought was respectful of China’s own his mastery of the Chinese language and cultural tradition. culture and national dignity. On the other hand, without the Ricci was thus reengaging with the theological tradition of the welcoming and questions of friends like Xu Guanqxi and their Greek Fathers, such as Clement of Alexandria, who brought the passion in revealing to Matteo Ricci Chinese ways of thoughts heritage of Homer and Plato to the service of Christian thought. and cultural treasures, there probably would not have been For a while it looked as if Ricci’s successors might bring about a the Ricci I am describing here. The interaction between these successful implanting of Christianity within the Chinese context two—the genial Renaissance missionary and the earnest Confu- when, a few decades after his death, the Kangxi emperor issued cian scholar—is a fascinating chapter in the history of scientific, an edict allowing the preaching of the Christian religion in the cultural, and spiritual encounters. I believe that this enduring empire. But history did not repeat itself, because the popes and friendship based on equality in partnership serves as model for most of Christian Europe of that time failed to endorse Ricci’s meaningful relationships among individuals, as well as, on a method of cultural accommodation. Pope Clement XI in 1704 and larger scale, for peaceful and fruitful interactions between China 1715 and again Pope Benedict XIV in 1742 rejected this approach and the rest of the world. and forbade its practice “for all time to come.” Not until 1939 did the Vatican finally acknowledge that it had made a mistake Ricci as a Pioneer of Dialogue and commend Ricci’s method. Today, attempts are under way at renewing the dialogue Ricci’s most enduring legacy may be his strategy in engaging with between Christianity and China begun by Ricci 400 years ago. The a culture so different from his own. “He was very determined in Vatican has given its full support to Ricci’s approach. The author

January 2012 19 of the booklet On Friendship is being hailed as a missionary who are today considered by foreign diplomats and business people undertook “a farsighted work of inculturation of Christianity in China to be textbook negotiating strategy. in China by seeking constant understanding with the wise men Ricci’s usual demeanor, far from being confrontational, of that country.”21 placed great emphasis on harmonious relationships. He knew how to display patience, tolerance, and kindness with his visitors. Conclusion His good manners, understanding, and respect for the Chinese people and culture, combined with his outstanding scholarship, Reflecting on Matteo Ricci’s accomplishments, Wolfgang Franke, enabled him to adapt himself to the Chinese environment and one of the leading sinologists of the twentieth century, rightly to gain the confidence and friendship of many Chinese literati. called him “the most outstanding cultural mediator between As a result, a number of these were also drawn to the Christian China and the West of all times.”22 Indeed, Matteo Ricci’s methods message he brought with him. Notes 1. The stated goal of this and subsequent Nishan Forums is, on the 12. Jiaoyoulun, or De Amiticia, was published in Nanchang in 1595. It was basis of values and insights shared by Confucianism and major recently translated into English by Timothy Billings, On Friendship: world religions, to build toward universal cooperation by celebrating One Hundred Maxims for a Chinese Prince (New York: Columbia Univ. diversity in a spirit of responsibility, faith, tolerance, and harmony. Press, 2009). For a list of twenty-two works that Ricci published 2. For more details on Ricci’s training, see Gianni Criveller, “The in Chinese, see http://padrematteoricci.it/Engine/RAServePG Background of Matteo Ricci: The Shaping of His Intellectual and .php/P/253210010409/L/1. Scientific Endowment,”Chinese Cross Currents 6, no. 4 (2009): 72–93. 13. James T. Areddy coined the expression in his article “Whispering 3. Josef Wicki, ed., Historia del principio y progresso de la Companía de Jesús Preacher Set Diplomatic Course,” Wall Street Journal, digital edition, en las Indias Orientales, 1542–1564 (History of the commencement August 13, 2010. and development of the Society of Jesus in the East Indies) (Rome: 14. On this subject, see in particular Jonathan Spence, To Change China: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1944). Western Advisers in China, 1620–1960 (New York: Penguin Books, 4. By the Treaty of Tordesillas of June 1494, Portugal and Spain divided 1980), pp. 3–33. their claims to lands discovered and to be discovered outside Europe 15. P. M. D’Elia, ed., Fonti Ricciane (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1949), along a meridian 950 miles from the Cape Verde Islands. In these 1:195. This is one of the passages that was obscured by Ricci’s Latin territories both crowns had to support and “protect”—hence the translator Nicholas Trigault, or perhaps by Trigault’s German edi- names Padroado and Padronato (“patronage” in Portuguese and tors, by a long theological addition about “the innate light of nature,” Spanish)—the expansion of Christians missions. and adding to the natural law the supernatural law, as taught by 5. Andrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and China, “God become man.” Gallagher, in his translation of Trigault, further 1542–1742 (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1994), p. 206. distorts it by reading “inner light” as conscience, not reason (China 6. See Valignano, letter from Goa, December 23, 1588, to Don Theotonio in the Sixteenth Century, p. 156). For further information on the de Bragança, archbishop of Evora, in Cartas que os Padres e irmaos da subject, see Paul A. Rule, “What Were ‘The Directives of Matteo Companhia de Jesus escreverão dos Reynos de Japão e China (Evora, 1598), Ricci’ Regarding the Chinese Rites?” Pacific Rim Report (Univ. of San 2:170: “When I was in Japan, I determined that two of the fathers Francisco), no. 54, May 2010. [Ruggieri and Ricci] who were in Amacao, the Portuguese port of 16. Claude Haberer, chairperson of Association Ricci, in “Whispering China, should devote themselves to nothing else but learning the Preacher Set Diplomatic Course,” Wall Street Journal, digital edition, language and literature of China, and be given masters and everything August 13, 2010. else necessary. And it happened that they made great progress in 17. Tianzhu shiyi was known in Europe by its Latin title De Deo verax the language, so when I returned from Japan, I appointed them to disputatio (True argumentation about God). The book was authored this great enterprise of entering China.” between 1593 and 1596, and its draft was widely distributed before 7. See Nicholas Standaert’s interesting article “Matteo Ricci: Shaped publication. Feng Ying Jing attempted to publish the book in 1601 but by the Chinese,” in Thinking Faith: The Online Journal of the British was financially unable to do so. It was finally published in Beijing in Jesuits, May 21, 2010. 1603. The work consists of two books, eight volumes, and 174 items 8. Regrettably, Ricci’s translation has been lost. in dialogue form. For a publication with both Chinese text and an 9. A rare copy of this map is on permanent display at the James Ford English translation, see Douglas Lancashire, Peter Kuo-chen Hu, and Bell Library of the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Edward Malatesta, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven = T’ien-chu 10. The original manuscript, in Italian, is entitled Della entrata della shih-i (Chinese and English parallel text) (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Compagnia di Giesù e Christianità nella Cina. A recent reprint of this Sources, 1985). original can be found at Quaderni Quodlibet, Milan, 2000. Nicholas 18. True Meaning, preface, p. xiv. The Chinese scholar explains tradi- Trigault’s Latin translation of Ricci’s journal, which is not always tional Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism of China, and the accurate, appeared first in Augsburg in 1615 under the title De European scholar quotes the classical works of the early Confucianists Christiana expeditione apud Sinas sucepta ab Soc. Jesu. Louis Gallagher to explain the doctrines of Christianity, using Scholasticism, the translated and commented on Trigault’s Latin text under the English traditional philosophy of European Catholicism. title China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matteo Ricci, 19. Ibid. 1583–1610 (New York: Random House, 1953). 20. “Matteo Ricci: A Model of Dialogue and Respect for Others,” Vatican 11. In a letter dated August 24, 1608, Matteo Ricci appraised his brother, Information Service, May 18, 2009. Canon Anton Maria Ricci, of some of his findings: “It is now certain 21. Ibid. that China is this great kingdom that our predecessors called the 22. L. Carrington Goodrich and Chaoying Fang, eds., Dictionary of Ming Great Cathay and that the king of China is the Great Can and that Biography (1368–1644) (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1976), the city of Pekin is Canbaluc” (Matteo Ricci, Lettere dalla Cina, 1580– p. 1144. 1609, ed. Piero Corradini [Macerata, Italy: Quodlibet, 2001], p. 589.)

20 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Trinity is “raising leaders and influencing communities. – Seblewongel (Seble) Denneque” PhD student in Educational Studies

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Trinity Evangelical Divinity School | 2065 Half Day Road, Deerfield, IL 60015 | www.teds.edu Attrition Among Protestant Missionaries in China, 1807–1890 Jessie G. Lutz

ttrition narratives for almost every Protestant mission said, frequently centered on recent departures of ill colleagues, Arepresented in China between 1807 and 1890 paint very the death of a newborn, or the sickness of a friend. More than similar pictures.1 Consider a number of representative accounts one missionary perceived a relationship between early departure drawn up by contemporary observers and later historians: and despondency over health problems and the lack of converts. William Lennox of Peking Union Medical College, who in 1918–19 It is estimated that it requires at least five years of residence and made a statistical study of the health of missionary families in study for a missionary to become fully effective in China, and China, concluded that a significant number of missionaries left only one of the missionaries of the M. E. [Methodist Episcopal] China because of “neurasthenia,” or nervous breakdown.9 At Church, South, who went out prior to the Civil War remained as the time, “departure for health reasons” often covered mental long as this. After a promising start and the baptism of the first health as well as physical health. Since the records rarely mention convert in 1851, health difficulties began to beset the mission.2 mental health, however, the precise proportion of those departing Of the [first] fifty-three missionaries sent out . . . by theCIM because of mental problems cannot be determined. Biographies [China Inland Mission], only twenty-two adults (and eighteen of individual missionaries do reveal that many missionaries children) remained in the mission, and of these only four or five experienced depression. Elijah Bridgman, Dr. Peter Parker, and men and three or four women were much good.3 Tarleton Crawford, for example, often were plagued by weeks or months of despondency. In the course of 1848 James Legge of the Health problems . . . held a special urgency since the health of London Missionary Society experienced the death of his father, mission personnel in other areas had been disastrous—forty- his infant daughter, a close friend, and his wife, in childbirth. five deaths abroad since the founding of the American Board [of His translation work appears to have provided a refuge from Commissioners for Foreign Missions], plus fifty-three returnees, the sorrows of his personal life.10 thirty-one of which were for reasons of their health or the health of members of their families.4 Periods of ill health that made active evangelism impossible were common, especially in South China, where malaria To say that twenty-seven missionaries and missionary wives and intestinal parasites undermined the health of missionaries arrived in Foochow between the beginning of 1847 and the end while the hot, humid summers depleted their energy. In North of 1851 could give a misleading impression of the size of the mis- China missionaries were more apt to suffer from respiratory ill- sionary force. . . . The fact is that the missionaries had serious health problems, and casualties were heavy. By the end of 1853, only fifteen of the twenty-seven who had arrived between 1847 and 1851 remained in the field; the rest had either died or left.5 More than one missionary

Although the Oberlin Band [of student volunteers for foreign perceived a relationship missions] were joined by two more couples in 1884—a total of between early departure eleven, five married couples and a single man—it remained a “feeble Mission” that at one point was down to three members.6 and despondency over health problems and the Of the three hundred and thirty-eight missionaries named in the list [of Protestant missionaries to China by 1867], the aggregate term of lack of converts. service in China has been 2,511 years, giving an average of nearly seven and a half years to each. . . . These numbers include the time that missionaries have been absent on visits to their native lands or nesses, including tuberculosis. Home furloughs at approximately elsewhere, generally on account of their health.7 seven-year intervals helped to restore health, but sometimes the Of the eleven [women] who pioneered these stations [in Shanxi] furloughs had to be extended to two or three years before the in 1886–87, two died young, one committed suicide, two were missionary was well enough to return to China. Morbidity was sent home to die, and two died at the hands of the Boxers. Only high, and missionaries were frequently unable to operate at full four survived past 1900.8 capacity. In his 1850 report on the American Episcopal Church mission in Shanghai, Elijah Bridgman noted that, on account of Inevitably the prevalence of health breakdowns and deaths ill health, fellow missionary Bishop William J. Boone, Sr., was influenced the mood and effectiveness of those who remained. unable to sit with the Committee of Delegates and had been It is not surprising that the early missionaries often seemed to forced to restrict his preaching to infrequent services at the be preoccupied with death and sickness. Conversations, it was schoolhouse chapel.11 Boone’s condition was far from unique among the missionaries. In 1851 Karl Gützlaff persevered in his Jessie G. Lutz is Professor Emerita of Chinese preaching activity among the people of Hong Kong, the boat History, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New people, and Hakka villagers on neighboring islands although Jersey. Her publications include (with R. R. Lutz) edema so hindered his walking that he had to crawl up hills.12 Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, Peter Parker suffered a physical and mental breakdown that 1850–1900 (M. E. Sharpe, 1998) and Opening China: lasted for months; he even despaired of his life.13 Karl F. A. Gützlaff and Sino-Western Relations, One self-protection developed by the missionaries might 1827−1852 (Eerdmans, 2008). be called the martyr complex. There are numerous examples of —[email protected] missionaries who died early on the field but who expressed joy

22 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 over giving their life for the Christian cause. Missionaries on their education, publishing, and even medical work—if they were deathbed did not necessarily give way to sorrow or to regret that not accompanied by evangelism. Elijah Bridgman was under they had chosen to come to China to bring the Gospel. Rather, constant pressure from the American Board of Commissioners they looked forward to reward in heaven for bringing the Good for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) to discontinue his editing of the News to the damned. Missionaries often attempted to explain Chinese Repository, the journal he had started in 1832 to draw a death as the will of God. Bridgman, in commenting upon the death of a missionary who had appeared to have a most promising future career, could only conclude: “In the mysterious providence Converts were few and of God it was ordered otherwise.” He, like other missionaries, assumed that colleagues, “having finished their course below, far between; missionaries are now witnesses before the throne of God and the Lamb in needed a strong faith if the heavenly world.” The trials of the missionary life had their purpose: “Such afflictions are doubtless designed, while they they were to persevere. teach us our frailty, to incite us to greater diligence and purer devotion.”14 Most missionaries found such arguments sufficient; they were able to retain their faith in the cause. Some, however, together information about conditions in China. The demands of were devastated and had to leave the field. his medical work left Peter Parker with no time for evangelism, causing him pangs of guilt and eventually leading the ABCFM Costs and Tensions to discontinue its support for him. On more than one occasion the secretary of the London Missionary Society cautioned James The cost in morale, health, and the lives of missionaries who Legge against giving so much time to translating the Chinese were in their prime was deplorable; most of those who died classics that he neglected evangelistic work.16 were between the ages of twenty-five and forty-five. From the viewpoint of the home board, there was also a monetary cost. Decline in Attrition To recruit, outfit, and transport a missionary couple entailed a very considerable outlay of funds by the board. In addition, By the 1870s the attrition rate began to decline. In a report there was the expense of their settling in a home and hiring a published in 1907 the Southern Presbyterian Mission recorded language tutor. As James Cannon stated, if the young missionary of its presence in China that, “in round numbers, during forty died less than five years after reaching China, he enjoyed a very years out of 120 missionaries nearly one-third (thirty-eight) have short period of effective evangelism.15 To become proficient in a died or left the Mission, and over two-thirds (eighty-two) are in spoken Chinese dialect was neither easy nor quick and generally the harness.”17 This was almost a direct reversal of the statistics required a minimum of two years of diligent application. Pioneer for the years before the 1870s. And the Southern Presbyterian missionaries had Robert Morrison’s Chinese grammar and his Mission was not alone in experiencing a decline in the attrition dictionary, but few other aids for learning the language. The rate of its missionaries. A number of factors contributed to the usual method was to hire a Chinese tutor, none of whom knew decrease in attrition and the increase in the average years of any English or had experience in teaching a language. Western- active service. As the numbers of missionaries grew, so did the ers had had no previous exposure to a tonal language and often numbers of medical missionaries. Several Western-style hospitals found mastering the tones challenging. It was said that James were founded, one in Canton and one in Shanghai, for example. Legge, the great translator of the Chinese classics, never became Thus better and more accessible medical care became available. adept in spoken Chinese because he did not have a musical ear. Greater knowledge about the sources of malaria and intestinal Learning Chinese, therefore, could be a disheartening experience, parasites led to greater emphasis on protections such as mos- and more than one missionary suffered bouts of despondency quito netting and prophylactics in the one case and sanitation before becoming capable of preaching in Chinese. and hygiene in the other. Also, vaccinations for such diseases Westerners had initially thought that missionaries would as smallpox and typhoid fever were becoming available by the convert a few Chinese and then these converts would carry the end of the century. promise of salvation throughout China; the Gospel would be With the greater number of missionaries came the formation gladly received, and China would become a Christian nation of mission enclaves, wherein missionaries adopted a Western liv- within a relatively short period of time. Such a view had quickly ing style insofar as possible. Although the missionaries are often proved to be a pipe dream. Most Chinese were indifferent to the criticized for isolating themselves from the Chinese, the enclaves Christian message and offended by its exclusivism. Adding Jesus did make for a healthier environment. Learning Chinese, even if to their pantheon of deities was a possibility, but few Chinese still difficult, became less daunting as aids were composed. And could be persuaded to abandon their Daoist, Buddhist, and toward the end of the nineteenth century, missionaries began to Confucian beliefs and practices, most especially veneration of establish summer retreats in the cooler hills and mountains so the ancestors. Converts were few and far between. Missionaries that they could escape the debilitating heat present in summer. faced a disillusioning and in many ways unrewarding career. They needed a strong faith if they were to persevere. Tracking Missionary Attrition The high attrition rate coupled with the low conversion rate affected home supporters as well as the missionaries. Disap- In this article missionary attrition and early departure are defined pointment on the field at the paucity of converts was echoed as leaving or removal from the field of missionary service for any at home. Mission boards regularly requested reports of conver- reason (such as ill health, death, the ill health or death of a spouse sions from the missionaries as proof that their investment was or family member, resignation, personal or doctrinal conflict, or yielding results. They were often critical of missionaries who change of vocation or ministry; see table 1 on following page) engaged in activities other than direct evangelizing—for example, before old age dictated retirement.

January 2012 23 Despite the general consensus that the attrition rate among ports. Thus the number of missionaries for the period 1807–46 China missionaries was high during the first three quarters of was small, only 264 (I have data on 113 women and 151 men), the nineteenth century and began to decline during the fourth and most of them arrived during the 1840s. quarter, exact figures are lacking. I have tried to bring a degree During this period guidelines for evangelism to be done by of exactitude to this widespread impression by examining the the missionaries were lacking, and mission boards knew so little careers of 1,579 Protestant missionaries who came to China about conditions on the field that they could offer little specific between 1807 and 1890, 665 women and 914 men. One set of advice. Communication was slow, leaving missionaries largely statistics lists the length of service separately for women and free to develop their own methodology. It might take a year for men. A second set lists the causes for termination of service. an exchange of communications to occur, and missionaries often These figures represent the majority of the missionaries who complained of being neglected by the home board. When mis- arrived in China between 1807 and 1890, but not the total num- sionaries itinerated outside the treaty ports, they had to rely on ber. Furthermore, the information concerning the reason for Chinese housing and food. Medical facilities and knowledge of departure is incomplete in some cases. I think, however, that the importance of sanitary practices were lacking. That the attri- there are sufficient numbers and data to lend some specific- tion rate during this period should be exceptionally high is to be expected. That prob- Table 1. Reason for Termination lems of morale were common is not Death Ill Retirement/ Other Conflict: Withdrawal/ surprising. Ill of health of resignation employ- personal/ Retire- resignation/ Incomplete During the sec- Death health spouse spouse of spouse ment Finances doctrinal ment marriage data ond period, 1847–60, the number of mis- Period 1, 1807–46: Women (113), Men (151) sionaries coming to China increased. I Women % 46.0 14.2 11.5 3.5 15.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 6.2 0.0 3.5 have data on 146 Men % 31.8 41.4 3.9 3.3 0.0 3.3 2.6 2.0 5.6 0.0 6.0 women and 204 men, a total of 350. As new Period 2, 1847–60: Women (146), Men (204) treaty ports were

Women % 35.6 15.8 10.3 4.8 14.4 0.7 0.7 2.1 4.8 2.8 10.3 opened to foreign Men % 26.0 34.8 2.0 2.9 0.0 4.9 1.0 2.0 7.4 3.9 15.2 residence and trade, evangelism in inte-

Period 3, 1861–76: Women (141), Men (266) rior China became possible. The cause Women % 24.1 22.7 7.8 1.4 12.8 0.0 0.0 1.4 7.1 2.1 20.6 of the China field had Men % 25.6 31.2 1.1 3.4 0.0 2.3 0.8 1.9 7.5 0.0 26.3 been popularized at home by both mis- Period 4, 1877–90: Women (265), Men (293) sionaries and mission boards. Mis- Women % 23.8 26.8 4.2 0.0 18.5 0.4 0.0 0.8 17.4 5.7 2.6 sion societies had Men % 28.0 30.7 0.7 1.4 0.0 3.1 0.0 1.7 24.9 3.4 5.1 strengthened ties Note: Because of rounding, percentage totals in the rows may not equal 100. with church groups, while women’s missionary associations ity to the general impression of high attrition. More complete had begun to take up the cause of China missions. Although information would probably indicate an even higher attrition medical missionaries were among the new arrivals, conditions in rate, since the missionaries with short careers are the ones more the field still left much to be desired; medical care was minimal. likely to be missing from the records. The attrition rate remained high. In order to trace the changes in attrition rates, I have divided By the third period, 1861–76, the home base for China mis- the era into four periods: 1807–46, 1847–60, 1861–76, and 1877–90. sions was becoming quite well organized. A framework for (The figures and percentages in the accompanying tables show the recruiting missionaries and soliciting funds was in place. The length of service and reason for termination of service according China field had been well publicized. As a result of the Second to the missionaries’ arrival date. The term of service of a mission- Opium War, 1856–60, China had become more open and the ary who arrived during one period would frequently extend number of Western evangelists increased. I have records for 407 into or beyond the following period.) The period from 1807 to missionaries, of whom 141 were women and 266 men. As mis- 1846 embraced the pioneering years. It began with the arrival sion enclaves were established and medical care became more of Robert Morrison, the first Protestant missionary to China. readily available, attrition rates, though still high, slowly began During most of this time, Christian evangelism was illegal in to decline. The proportion of missionaries who lived to old age China; it was illegal as well for Chinese citizens to convert to becomes significant for the first time. Christianity. Quite a few missionaries worked among the Chinese The fourth period, 1877–90, saw a rapid increase in Protestant in Southeast Asia in anticipation of the opening of China, when missionaries arriving in China, and after 1890 the number grew they would transfer their residence. It was only after China’s so large as to make the task of gathering statistics overwhelming. defeat in the First Opium War, 1839–42, that China was forced Kenneth Scott Latourette gives 1,272 for the number of mission- to grant tolerance to Christian evangelism and conversion. Even aries who arrived in China between 1888 and 1897, although he then, Westerners were permitted to reside only in five treaty admits that it is difficult to determine precise numbers for the

24 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 second half of the nineteenth century.18 I have, therefore, ended my (6.2 percent) remained for 31 to 40 years (see table 3). Of the male study at 1890. During this fourth period, attrition rates declined missionaries, five (3.2 percent) stayed on the field over 40 years, more rapidly, while careers lengthened. Increasing numbers lived while nine (5.7 percent) served 31 to 40 years. It was not until to old age or retirement. Fewer missionaries withdrew or resigned the third period, 1861–76, that more than a few missionaries in because of the death or ill health of a spouse. I have statistics on China lived to retire at a normal retirement age of 65. By the fourth 265 women and 293 men, for a total of 558. period, 1877–90, significant numbers were surviving for longer The specific statistics in the tables give substance to the periods: thirty women (11.3 percent) and thirty-four men (11.6 above generalizations. percent) served 31 to 40 years, while twenty-three women (8.6 percent) and thirty-one men (10.5 percent) were in China for over Differences in Attrition Rates 40 years. It was also not until the fourth period that the number of retirees became significant. There were a few exceptions, that is, During the first period, 1807–46, almost 15 percent of the women missionaries who had relatively long careers that started before and over 13 percent of the men died or left the field during 1860. Robert Morrison died in harness after a career of 27 years; their first year of service while 44 percent of the women and Elijah Bridgman served for 31 years; the independent missionary 43 percent of the men remained in China for five years or less Karl Gützlaff was active for 23 years. But such long careers were (see table 2). Well over half of the men (58.2 percent) and nearly unusual, and even so, Morrison and Gützlaff died in their early two-thirds of the women (64.6 percent) served ten years or less. fifties, and Bridgman at the age of sixty. If we correlate the length of service with the death rate and the Noteworthy during the early periods is the dependence of prevalence of health breakdown, it becomes clear that a high the women on their husband’s career. Between 1807 and 1846, proportion of the missionaries left before they had become pro- thirty-four (30.0 percent) of the women left the field because ficient in Chinese and could be effective evangelists. For those their husband retired, resigned, died, or was in poor health. Few women remained in China after the death or departure of Table 2. Percentage of Missionaries Serving Ten Years or Less their husband. They had been in China for such a short period before their loss that the West, not China, seemed like home. Years Served For males the same was not true. Only 7.3 percent of the males 0–1 >1–2 >2–5 >5–10 withdrew because of the poor health or death of their wife. If the wife died, the husband was apt to find a second wife, and Period 1, 1807–46 even third wives were not exceptional. Especially during the Women 15.0 7.1 22.1 20.4 early decades, the life of a widow or a single Western woman Cumulative 15.0 22.1 44.2 64.6 in China was not easy. She was not permitted to have a home of her own; rather, she was expected to live with a married Men 13.3 10.5 19.2 15.2 couple, compatible or not. Wives were not recognized as full Cumulative 13.3 23.8 43.0 58.2 missionaries, and neither single women nor wives had a say at mission conferences or church vestry meetings. Accord- Period 2, 1847–60 ing to Chinese mores, single women and wives were not Women 17.1 7.6 18.5 18.4 supposed to associate with males in public, nor could they Cumulative 17.1 24.7 43.2 61.6 travel freely in the countryside. As might be expected, there were a few women who ignored the rules. Mary Aldersley, Men 10.0 6.2 17.6 17.2 Cumulative 10.0 16.2 33.8 51.0 an independent missionary, operated a school in Ningbo for almost twenty years, from 1843 to 1861. Lottie Moon of the

Period 3, 1861–76 Southern Baptist Foreign Mission Board evangelized in rural Shandong for almost forty years until her death in 1912. But Women 9.9 4.4 11.9 17.8 these women were unique until the late nineteenth century. Cumulative 9.9 14.3 26.2 44.0 By the 1870s, however, quite a few women had lived in China Men 7.0 7.0 7.7 24.2 long enough to feel at home, and some remained to continue Cumulative 7.0 14.0 21.7 45.9 their work even after the death of their husband. Also, the restrictions on women lessened as mission boards began to Period 4, 1877–90 commission single women missionaries.

Women 9.4 9.1 12.1 16.2 Reasons for Attrition Cumulative 9.4 18.5 30.6 46.8 Men 5.5 11.4 12.0 16.6 Other than for poor health and death, reasons for termina- Cumulative 5.5 16.9 28.9 45.5 tion of service were relatively minor. A few men withdrew; whether because of frustration over the difficulty of learning the language or disillusionment over the paucity of converts is not stated. In one instance a man who had worked who left before the age of forty, attrition was overwhelmingly in China for twenty-four years was dismissed because he had due to death or ill health of the missionary or of a spouse. Not never become proficient in Chinese. Even though friction in the until the third period, 1877–90, did the attrition rate during the missionary community occurred and could become sharp when first ten years fall below 50 percent (44.0 percent for women matters of principle or doctrine were involved, only a small num- and 45.9 percent for men). ber left because of personal or doctrinal conflicts. In 1871 Jesse During the first period, 1807–46, none of the women mis- Hartwell returned home to the United States from Tengchow, sionaries were on the field for 41 years or more, and only seven in Northeast China, following the death of his wife, apparently

January 2012 25 leaving the field clear for his longstanding sparring partner and service officer, but after retiring from China in 1877, he became fellow Baptist missionary Tarleton Crawford. The following year, professor of Chinese language and literature at Yale University. however, he returned, having remarried, and the highly personal His famous work The Middle Kingdom was the most widely conflict between the two men resumed.19 A number of mission- read introduction to China in the second half of the nineteenth aries left the CIM, although not China, because they had been century. Later than the period covered in this study, Kenneth forbidden by the head of CIM, Hudson Taylor, to associate with Scott Latourette likewise served briefly in China (only 1910–12) the liberal missionary Timothy Richard.20 Most of the others who and then returned to the United States because of ill health. It left because of personal conflict appear to have been Episcopal took him two years to recover sufficiently to accept a part-time missionaries working under Bishop William J. Boone, Jr., whose teaching position at Reed College, in Portland, Oregon, but he paternalistic rule of his diocese was not appreciated by some of went on to become Sterling Professor of Missions and Oriental the missionaries under him.21 During the American Civil War, History at Yale University. His History of Christian Missions in Southern mission boards were often strapped for funds, and as China, published in 1929, was the standard work on the subject a result some missionaries had to support themselves by other for decades and is still useful as a reference work. Other returned employment. Others left the service. missionaries served as pastors in their homeland or accepted A few former missionaries accepted employment with positions on the boards of mission societies. A few went to Japan the British, American, or Chinese government. For example, to open mission work there. Peter Parker became chargé d’affaires and then commissioner Overall in China, the leading causes of death were dys- plenipotentiary for the United States. Young J. Allen, who had entery, diarrhea, typhoid fever, respiratory diseases including arrived in China in 1860, worked as a translator at the Jiangnan tuberculosis, and cancer. CIM evangelists apparently had a Arsenal and published Wanguo gongbao (The globe magazine) to somewhat higher death rate than missionaries of other societ- promote China’s modernization. W. A. P. Martin became president ies. CIM missionaries did not receive a regular salary and were expected to live frugally. Often they were traveling evangelists Table 3. Overall Length of Service who stayed at and ate in Chinese inns. After a CIM missionary committed suicide, a member of the Oberlin Band who had Years Inadequate befriended her remarked: “I only wish they [CIM missionaries] 0–10 11–20 21–30 31–40 41–50 >50 data could have thought it their duty to live in more comfort, but they lived just about as the poorer Chinese do. I feel sure if she Period 1, 1807–46 had taken better care of herself and lived in a more homelike way with good nourishing food, she could have stood it much Women % 64.6 20.4 6.2 6.2 0.0 0.0 2.7 22 Men % 58.2 17.7 7.6 5.7 3.2 0.0 8.2 longer here.”

Period 2, 1847–60 Children and Families

Women % 61.6 15.8 6.8 5.5 4.8 0.0 5.5 I have not attempted to include infants and children in this study Men % 51.0 14.7 6.9 7.8 7.4 0.0 12.3 of attrition, even though the high death rate among children cer- tainly affected the morale of the missionary community. Annie Period 3, 1861–76 Crombie, who had lost three babies, lamented: “I often feel the grave to be very near indeed, yet many of the young and strong Women % 44.0 23.4 9.2 1.4 0.0 0.0 21.3 have gone to rest, and I am here to suffer, or to stand still and Men % 45.9 12.4 10.2 7.5 9.0 0.0 15.2 wait, not to do.”23 She was not alone. William Lennox in his Health of Missionary Families in China: A Statistical Study focused much Period 4, 1877–90 of the discussion on children. Although his data come from a Women % 46.8 20.8 12.5 11.3 7.5 1.1 0.0 later period, they are still useful for the study of attrition among Men % 45.5 22.8 10.8 11.6 8.3 2.2 0.0 missionaries in China. In 1918–19 Lennox sent out questionnaires to 2,200 missionaries and received 1,300 replies. Based on the Note: Because of rounding, percentage totals in the rows may not equal 100. answers, he reported that the birth rate among China missionaries was higher than among college graduates in the United of the Tongwenguan, China’s first Western-language school, States: 3.5 births per missionary woman, as compared with 2.2 established in 1862, and subsequently was head of the Imperial per graduate of all-female Bryn Mawr College in Pennsylvania. University. Joseph Edkins and Dr. Melancthon W. Fish joined the Most of the women answering the questionnaire had suffered Imperial Maritime Customs. S. Wells Williams resigned from the at least one miscarriage. Mortality among missionary children ABCFM in 1857 and joined the U.S. legation in Beijing, where was less than one-third that of Chinese children, but three times he worked for over a decade. Numerous missionaries acted higher than among children in the English countryside. Major temporarily as interpreters and advisers in treaty negotiations. causes of death were dysentery, diarrhea, and respiratory illnesses. Asian studies in the West benefited from the early depar- With the introduction of vaccines, other causes of death became ture of certain missionaries. For example, Samuel Kidd, who readily preventable: smallpox, typhoid fever, scarlet fever, and returned to Britain in 1832 after eight years in China, became the diphtheria, for example. The purpose of Lennox’s book was to first professor of Chinese language and literature at University encourage missionary parents to take steps, especially vaccina- College, London. After three decades of service, James Legge tion and improved sanitation, that would reduce attrition among returned to Scotland in 1873 to continue his translation of the their children. Chinese classics and then in 1875 was appointed to teach Chi- The tables do not show as great a difference between nese at the University of Oxford. S. Wells Williams did have a men and women in their rates of attrition as might have been long career in China, first as a missionary and then as a foreign- expected from the literature. This may be partially because

26 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 of the women missing from or passed over in silence in the 1861, however, the attrition percentiles at the end of ten years records. After a decline between the first and second periods, on the field were almost identical for men and women. the total percentages of men and women who left the service By the fourth period both men and women were serving because of either death or ill health did not diverge greatly. longer in China. A significant minority of both sexes remained on The principal difference was that, in the first two periods, the the field for between twenty-one and forty years, and there were percentage of those who died was higher for women, while even a few who served over fifty years. Men consistently lived the percentage of those who left China for health reasons was longer than women, but women (17 percent) and men (nearly 25 greater for men throughout the century. In the case of women, percent) were increasingly living to old age. Despite the decline a significant source of attrition was departure after the death or in the rate of attrition between 1807 and 1890, however, that rate resignation of their husbands. By contrast, men often remained still remained high. Even during the fourth period, the service on the field after the death of a wife. As for length of service, of over 45 percent of both the men and the women terminated the proportion who terminated their career during the first year short of ten years, usually for health reasons or because of death. was higher for women than for men in all four periods; after Mission work in China remained a costly and risky career.24

Notes 1. Before China was open to Christian evangelism, quite a few Missionaries in East Shantung (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. missionaries went to the Straits Settlements, often to work among Press, 1976), pp. 12–58; for Hartwell’s departure and return, see the Chinese in southeast Asia. Many would transfer to China in the pp. 20 and 26. 1840s once it was open. I have included these missionaries in my 20. Between 1881 and 1895 more than fifty CIM missionaries in Shanxi, survey. I also wish to note my gratitude to Frederick H. Gregory for Richard’s home province, resigned; they either joined other societies help with the tables that accompany this article. or became independent. See Austin, China’s Millions, p. 268. 2. James Cannon, History of Southern Methodist Missions (Nashville: 21. Mei-mei Lin, “The Episcopalian Missionaries in China, 1835–1900” Cokesbury Press, 1926), p. 97. (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Texas at Austin, 1994), pp. 85–156. 3. Alvyn Austin, China’s Millions: The China Inland Mission and Late Qing 22. Eva Jane Price, China Journal, 1889–1900: An American Missionary Society, 1832–1905 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2007), p. 136. Family During the Boxer Rebellion (New York: Scribner’s, 1989), 4. From “Report on the Return of Missionaries, 1838,” ABC Subcom- p. 69, cited in Austin, China’s Millions, p. 277. mittee Reports, no. 2, pp. 4–5, cited in Edward V. Gulick, Peter Parker 23. Annie Crombie, cited in Austin, China’s Millions, p. 136. and the Opening of China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 24. In addition to the works already cited, much data on Protestant 1973), p. 48. missionary attrition in nineteenth-century China can be gathered from 5. Ellsworth C. Carlson, The Foochow Missionaries, 1847–1880 (Cam- the following works: Gerald H. Anderson, ed., Biographical Dictionary bridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ., East Asian Research Center, 1974), of Christian Missions (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998); Edward p. 11. Band, Working His Purpose Out: The History of the English Presbyterian 6. Austin, China’s Millions, p. 275. Mission, 1847–1947 (Taipei: Ch’eng Wen Publishing,1972; original 7. Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese: ed., 1948); Alfred Bonn, Ein Jahrhundert Rheinische Mission (Barmen: Giving a List of Their Publications and Obituary Notices of the Deceased, Verlag des Missionshauses, 1928); A. J. Broomhall, Hudson Taylor with Copious Indexes (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, and China’s Open Century, 3 vols. (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1867; new ed., Taipei: Ch’eng-wen Publishing, 1967), p. iv. 1981–82); G. G. Findlay and W. W. Holdsworth, The History of the 8. Austin, China’s Millions, p. 388. Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, 5 vols. (London: J. A. Sharp, 9. William G. Lennox, The Health of Missionary Families in China: 1921–24); Jane Hunter, The Gospel of Gentility: American Women A Statistical Study (Denver: Univ. of Denver, [1921?]), p. 95. Missionaries in Turn-of-the-Century China (New Haven: Yale Univ. 10. Norman J. Girardot, The Victorian Translation of China: James Legge’s Press, 1984); Thoralf Klein, Die Basler Mission in der Provinz Guang- Oriental Pilgrimage (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2002), dong (Südchina), 1859–1931 (Munich: Iudicium, 2002); Walter N. pp. 48–49. Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism (New York: Abingdon- 11. E. C. Bridgman, “What I Have Seen in Shanghai,” Chinese Repository Cokesbury, 1948); Michael C. Lazick, E. C. Bridgman, 1801–1861: 19 (June 1850): 338. America’s First Missionary to China (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen 12. Jessie G. Lutz, Opening China: Karl F. A. Gützlaff and Sino-Western Press, 2000); Richard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Relations, 1827–1852 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008), pp. 245–46. Society, 1795–1895, 2 vols. (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1899); 13. Gulick, Peter Parker, pp. 68–69. C. F. Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the Society for the Propagation of the 14. Bridgman, “What I Have Seen in Shanghai,” pp. 332, 335, and 337. Gospel in Foreign Parts: An Historical Account of the SPGFP, 1701– 15. Cannon, History of Southern Methodist Missions, p. 97. In the period 1900 (London: SPGFP, 1901); Records of the General Conference of the Cannon is discussing, the pronoun “he” applies. Only males were Protestant Missionaries in China Held at Shanghai, May 10–24, 1877 considered missionaries; wives did not count and there were very (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878); Wilhelm Schlatter, few single female missionaries. Geschichte der Basler Mission, 1815–1915, vol. 2, Die Geschichte der Basler 16. Girardot, Victorian Translation of China, pp. 63–64. Mission in Indien und China (Basel: Basler Missionsbuchhandlung, 17. “Presbyterian Church in the U. S. (South),” in A Century of Protestant 1916); James Sibree, comp., London Missionary Society: A Register Missions in China, 1807–1907: Being the Centenary Conference Historical of Missionaries, Deputations, etc. from 1796 to 1923, 4th ed. (London: Volume, ed. D. MacGillivray (Shanghai: American Presbyterian LMS, 1923); Milton T. Stauffer, ed., The Christian Occupation of Mission Press, 1907), p. 401. See also G. Thompson Brown, Earthen China (1922; repr., San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1979); Vessels and Transcendent Power: American Presbyterians in China, Eugene Stock, The History of the Church Missionary Society: Its 1837–1952 (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1997). Environment, Its Men, and Its Work, 4 vols. (London: CMS, 1899–1916); 18. Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christian Missions in China Sophie B. Titterington, A Century of Baptist Missions (Philadelphia: (London: SPCK, 1929), p. 406. American Baptist Publication Society, 1891); so-called Vinton 19. The conflict between Hartwell and Crawford is examined in Irwin T. Books, with short ABCFM biographies, www.archive.org/stream/ Hyatt, Our Ordered Lives Confess: Three Nineteenth-Century American vintonbookafrica01vint#page/n95/mode/2up, pp. 28–78.

January 2012 27 Christianity 2012: The 200th Anniversary of American Foreign Missions

his two-page report is the twenty-eighth in an annual by 2100. This is a compelling reason for Christian-Muslim rela- Tseries in the IBMR. The series began a few years after tions to be at the top of missiological priorities in coming years. the publication of the World Christian Encyclopedia (WCE, Oxford ˇ Univ. Press, 1982). Its purpose was to lay out, in summary form Missionary Deployment on a single page, an annual update of the most significant global and regional statistics presented in the WCE. The WCE itself was Line 50 shows that in 2012 there are approximately 417,000 foreign expanded into a second edition in 2001 and was accompanied missionaries (i.e., missionaries working in a country other than their by an analytical volume, World Christian Trends (WCT, William own). When examined at the country level, our data (WCD) show Carey Library, 2001). In 2003 an online database, World Christian that the 42 least-evangelized countries in the world, comprising Database (WCD, later published by Brill), was launched, updating 958 million people, make up 14 percent of the world’s population most of the statistics in the WCE and WCT. The Atlas of Global but receive only 3.5 percent of the world’s foreign missionaries Christianity (Edinburgh University Press, 2010), based on these (fewer than 15,000). Similarly, the world’s 4,400 least-evangelized data, was featured throughout 2010, most notably at the centen- peoples (1.7 billion, or 25 percent of the world’s population) receive nial celebrations of the World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh only about 7.5 percent of the world’s foreign missionaries (about 1910 (Tokyo in May, Edinburgh in June, Cape Town in October, 30,000). It should be noted that about the same proportion—7.5 and Boston in November). percent—of national missionaries (those crossing cultural boundaries within their own countries) work among the least-evangelized 200 Years of American Foreign Missions peoples, and a much lower portion (perhaps less than 1 percent) of all national workers (Christians working among their own peoples) This year is the two-hundredth anniversary of the ordination work among these same least-evangelized groups. (February 5, 1812) and sailing (February 19), from Derby Wharf in Salem, Massachusetts, of the first American foreign missionaries. One New Country From February 5 to 20, 2012, a series of commemorative conferences are planned in and around Salem. Accordingly, we have On July 9, 2011, Southern Sudan became an independent coun- added data to the table for all categories for the year 1800. This try, leaving the remainder of Sudan to consider itself a “second provides a two-hundred-year horizon for comparing statistics republic.” Our team has produced detailed tables on the religious related to Christian mission. For example, line 22 shows that 22.7 demographics of the two new republics (see www.lausanne.org/ percent of the world was Christian in 1800, rising to 34.5 percent analysis). The first thing to notice is that Sudan (Northern) has been by 1900. A closer examination of the data (country by country), at least 85 percent Muslim for the past 100 years. Over that same however, reveals that, in Kenneth Scott Latourette’s so-called period, animists (or ethnoreligionists) have declined from almost Great Century (1815–1914), the reason for the global growth of 15 percent to less than 3 percent. A significant Christian minority Christianity was primarily its expansion in the Americas and exists in the North, mostly in Khartoum and the Nubia mountains, lower death rates among Christians in Europe. Ironically, it was consisting mainly of Roman Catholics and Anglicans, many of during the period in which the global percentage of Christians them transplants from the South. Southern Sudan, in contrast, was declining (to 32.5 percent by a.d. 2000) that the number and was largely animistic in 1900 but gradually has become majority proportion of Christians in Africa, Asia, and Latin America greatly Christian over the course of the century. The bulk of the growth increased (but was not quite able to stem the tide of losses in has been over the past forty years, even in the face of civil wars Europe). Early in the twenty-first century, growth of Christianity and the deaths of perhaps as many as 2 million people in the South. in the Global South is exceeding the losses in the Global North. Despite the conflict, trials, and seemingly poor outlook of life By 2012 the percentage of Christians globally grew to 33 percent in Sudan, the church has made great gains there in recent decades. and is expected to rise to over 34 percent by 2025 (and on to 36 Progress began during the nineteenth century when Christians, percent by 2050). Today, American missionaries join a host of with slave-trade guilt, began a mission in Sudan, though with few others from nearly every country of the world, including many converts to report. Roman Catholic work in Sudan began in 1842, from Burma/Myanmar—the eventual destination of those first though much of it was focused on Khartoum. Anglicans started in American missionaries in 1812! 1899, also initially based in Khartoum. Christianity did not begin Another interesting observation is that, in 1800, Christians to grow significantly until the twentieth century; all missionaries and Muslims together accounted for just under 33 percent of the were expelled in 1956 at the start of the First Sudanese Civil War, world’s population (lines 1, 10, and 11). By 1900 this figure had followed by genocide and displacement. Despite the strife, the increased to 47 percent, and by 2000 it was 53 percent. We project church grew. The Episcopal Church of the Sudan is the fastest- it to be 58 percent by 2025, and it could rise to 66 percent by 2100. growing church in the Anglican Communion; this is apparent This means that these two religions, which made up a third of even in refugee camps scattered throughout Southern Sudan. the world’s population in 1800, will likely make up two-thirds Conflict will likely continue in the new context. The return of refugees to an already underdeveloped country will undoubtedly This report was prepared by Todd M. Johnson, David B. Barrett†, and Peter put great strain on the nation’s scant resources. In addition, the F. Crossing at the Center for the Study of Global Christianity, Gordon- situation in Southern Sudan is arguably one of the worst health Conwell Theological Seminary, South Hamilton, Massachusetts. Samples crises in the world. The nation has essentially no health-care from the Atlas of Global Christianity, as well as footnotes for the “Status system and is home to a combination of deadly, untreatable, of Global Mission” table, can be found at www.globalchristianity.org. and unique diseases.

28 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Status of Global Mission, 2012, in the Context of AD 1800–2025

1800 1900 1970 mid-2000 Trend 24-hour mid-2012 2025 % p.a. change GLOBAL POPULATION 1. Total population 903,650,000 1,619,625,000 3,696,189,000 6,122,770,000 1.18 229,000 7,052,132,000 8,002,979,000 2. Urban dwellers (urbanites) 36,146,000 232,695,000 1,342,451,000 2,849,489,000 2.02 200,000 3,620,811,000 4,549,674,000 3. Rural dwellers 867,504,000 1,386,930,000 2,353,738,000 3,273,281,000 0.39 29,000 3,431,321,000 3,453,305,000 4. Adult population (over 15s) 619,000,000 1,073,646,000 2,312,042,000 4,272,601,000 1.61 228,000 5,175,954,000 6,087,748,000 5. Literates 123,800,000 296,153,000 1,476,151,000 3,275,110,000 2.17 252,000 4,238,241,000 5,131,500,000 6. Nonliterates 495,200,000 777,493,000 835,891,000 997,491,000 -0.51 -24,000 937,713,000 956,248,000 WORLDWIDE EXPANSION OF CITIES 7. Megacities (over 1 million population) 1 20 161 402 1.92 – 505 650 8. Urban poor 18 million 100 million 650 million 1,400 million 3.10 172,000 2,020 million 3,000 million 9. Urban slum dwellers 3 million 20 million 260 million 700 million 3.35 96,000 1040 million 1,600 million GLOBAL POPULATION BY RELIGION 10. Christians (total all kinds) (=World C) 204,980,000 558,131,000 1,229,238,000 1,991,602,000 1.30 83,000 2,325,507,000 2,727,153,000 11. Muslims 90,500,000 199,818,000 577,039,000 1,279,859,000 1.79 78,000 1,583,783,000 1,951,389,000 12. Hindus 108,000,000 202,973,000 463,215,000 821,948,000 1.39 37,000 969,602,000 1,108,202,000 13. Nonreligious (agnostics) 300,000 3,029,000 542,632,000 666,060,000 -0.06 -1,100 661,288,000 636,826,000 14. Buddhists 69,400,000 126,956,000 235,095,000 418,963,000 1.03 13,400 473,818,000 546,590,000 15. Chinese folk-religionists 310,000,000 380,174,000 228,822,000 434,638,000 0.60 7,700 467,216,000 479,302,000 16. Ethnoreligionists 92,000,000 117,437,000 168,801,000 234,664,000 1.00 7,300 264,552,000 256,530,000 17. Atheists 10,000 226,000 165,506,000 140,001,000 -0.20 -800 136,642,000 132,342,000 18. New-Religionists (Neoreligionists) 0 5,986,000 39,382,000 61,321,000 0.25 400 63,220,000 64,108,000 19. Sikhs 1,800,000 2,962,000 10,678,000 20,542,000 1.51 1,000 24,585,000 29,326,000 20. Jews 9,000,000 12,292,000 15,045,000 13,744,000 0.69 300 14,921,000 16,004,000 21. Non-Christians (=Worlds A and B) 698,670,000 1,061,494,000 2,466,951,000 4,131,168,000 1.13 146,000 4,726,625,000 5,275,826,000 GLOBAL CHRISTIANITY 22. Total Christians as % of world (=World C) 22.7 34.5 33.3 32.5 0.11 – 33.0 34.1 23. Affiliated Christians (church members) 195,680,000 521,683,000 1,119,824,000 1,886,698,000 1.33 80,000 2,209,645,000 2,607,894,000 24. Church attenders 180,100,000 469,303,000 885,777,000 1,359,420,000 1.04 44,000 1,539,066,000 1,760,568,000 25. Evangelicals 25,000,000 71,728,000 95,106,000 228,231,000 2.25 18,000 298,016,000 393,478,000 26. Great Commission Christians 21,000,000 77,924,000 276,680,000 603,989,000 1.20 23,000 697,089,000 837,687,000 27. Pentecostals/Charismatics/Neocharismatics 10,000 981,000 62,634,000 460,108,000 2.41 40,000 612,314,000 828,427,000 28. Christian martyrs per year (10-year average) 2,500 34,400 377,000 160,000 -3.84 270 100,000 150,000 MEMBERSHIP BY 6 ECCLESIASTICAL MEGABLOCS 29. Roman Catholics 106,430,000 266,566,000 664,987,000 1,043,333,000 1.09 35,000 1,187,637,000 1,323,199,000 30. Protestants 400,000 103,028,000 208,304,000 353,401,000 1.71 20,000 432,896,000 532,301,000 31. Independents 30,980,000 7,931,000 84,622,000 271,426,000 2.35 23,000 358,611,000 496,164,000 32. Orthodox 55,220,000 115,855,000 144,497,000 257,109,000 0.62 5,000 276,891,000 291,712,000 33. Anglicans 11,910,000 30,578,000 47,408,000 74,892,000 1.52 4,000 89,716,000 112,983,000 34. Marginal Christians 40,000 928,000 11,121,000 29,009,000 1.97 2,000 36,679,000 50,821,000 MEMBERSHIP BY 6 CONTINENTS, 21 UN REGIONS 35. Africa (5 regions) 4,330,000 8,736,000 115,879,000 357,109,000 2.61 35,000 486,695,000 681,825,000 36. Asia (4 regions) 8,350,000 20,774,000 91,330,000 274,792,000 2.26 22,000 359,373,000 484,433,000 37. Europe (including Russia; 4 regions) 171,700,000 368,254,000 466,987,000 547,998,000 0.21 3,000 562,087,000 560,961,000 38. Latin America (3 regions) 14,900,000 60,027,000 262,793,000 477,058,000 1.18 18,000 549,075,000 612,812,000 39. Northern America (1 region) 5,600,000 59,570,000 168,372,000 208,650,000 0.63 4,000 224,930,000 239,752,000 40. Oceania (4 regions) 100,000 4,323,000 14,464,000 21,092,000 1.21 1,000 24,356,000 28,111,000 CHRISTIAN ORGANIZATIONS 41. Denominations 500 1,600 18,700 34,100 1.95 2.3 43,000 55,000 42. Congregations (worship centers) 150,000 400,000 1,416,000 3,400,000 2.80 360 4,738,000 7,500,000 43. Service agencies 600 1,500 14,100 23,000 1.95 1.5 29,000 36,000 44. Foreign-mission sending agencies 200 600 2,200 4,000 1.71 0.2 4,900 6,000 CONCILIARISM: ONGOING COUNCILS OF CHURCHES 45. Confessional councils (CWCs, at world level) 20 40 150 310 1.25 – 360 600 46. National councils of churches 0 19 283 598 1.50 – 710 870 CHRISTIAN WORKERS (clergy, laypersons) 47. Nationals (citizens; all denominations) 900,000 2,100,000 4,600,000 10,900,000 0.98 328 12,249,000 14,000,000 48. Men 800,000 1,900,000 3,100,000 6,540,000 0.92 185 7,302,000 8,000,000 49. Women 100,000 200,000 1,500,000 4,360,000 1.06 143 4,947,000 6,000,000 50. Aliens (foreign missionaries) 25,000 62,000 240,000 420,000 -0.06 -1 417,000 550,000 CHRISTIAN FINANCE (in US$, per year) 51. Personal income of church members 40 billion 270 billion 4,100 billion 17,000 billion 5.38 87 billion 31,890 billion 50,000 billion 52. Giving to Christian causes 1 billion 8 billion 70 billion 300 billion 5.47 1.6 billion 569 billion 890 billion 53. Churches’ income 950 million 7 billion 50 billion 120 billion 5.44 620 million 227 billion 350 billion 54. Parachurch and institutional income 50 million 1 billion 20 billion 180 billion 5.49 940 million 342 billion 540 billion 55. Cost-effectiveness (cost per baptism) 7,500 17,500 128,000 330,000 7.22 151 762,000 1,470,000 56. Ecclesiastical crime 100,000 300,000 5 million 18 billion 5.87 100 million 35 billion 60 billion 57. Income of global foreign missions 25 million 200 million 3 billion 17 billion 5.54 90 million 32 billion 50 billion 58. Computers in Christian use (numbers) 0 0 1,000 328 million 5.45 93,000 620 million 1,300 million CHRISTIAN LITERATURE (titles, not copies) 59. Books about Christianity 75,000 300,000 1,800,000 4,800,000 3.67 700 7,400,000 11,800,000 60. Christian periodicals 800 3,500 23,000 35,000 4.30 7 58,000 100,000 SCRIPTURE DISTRIBUTION (all sources, per year) 61. Bibles 500,000 5,452,600 25,000,000 53,700,000 2.91 207,000 75,800,000 110,000,000 62. Scriptures including gospels, selections 1,500,000 20 million 281 million 4,600 million 1.07 14 million 4,960 million 6,000 million 63. Bible density (copies in place) 20 million 108 million 443 million 1,400 million 1.97 96,000 1,770 million 2,280 million CHRISTIAN BROADCASTING 64. Total monthly listeners/viewers 0 0 750,000,000 1,830,000,000 1.11 64,000 2,090,000,000 2,400,000,000 CHRISTIAN URBAN MISSION 65. Non-Christian megacities 1 5 65 226 1.08 – 257 300 66. New non-Christian urban dwellers per day 500 5,200 51,100 119,000 0.21 0.7 122,000 125,000 67. Urban Christians 5,500,000 159,600,000 660,800,000 1,230,131,000 1.62 66,300 1,492,262,000 1,819,232,000 GLOBAL EVANGELISM (per year) 68. Evangelism-hours 600 million 5 billion 25 billion 165 billion 0.02 450 million 165 billion 300 billion 69. Hearer-hours (offers) 900 million 10 billion 99 billion 938 billion 1.92 3.2 billion 1,178 billion 3,000 billion 70. Disciple-opportunities (offers) per capita 1 6 27 153 0.72 0.5 167 375 WORLD EVANGELIZATION 71. Unevangelized population (=World A) 674,350,000 880,122,000 1,653,168,000 1,832,151,000 1.01 57,000 2,066,504,000 2,261,675,000 72. Unevangelized as % of world 74.6 54.3 44.7 29.9 -0.17 – 29.3 28.3 73. World evangelization plans since AD 30 160 250 510 1,500 2.84 0.2 2,100 3,000

January 2012 29 David B. Barrett: Missionary Statistician Todd M. Johnson

n 1982 Time magazine called David Barrett (1927–2011) Union’s Missionary Research Library, with its 100,000 volumes Ithe “Linnaeus of religious taxonomy” and dubbed his and vast archives, Barrett earned his Ph.D. in 1965 in a joint magnum opus “a miracle from Nairobi” and a “bench mark program between Union Theological Seminary and Columbia in our understanding of the true religious state of the planet.”1 University. His two main faculty advisers were Marxists, but Against all odds, for the prior fourteen years the Rev. Dr. David they supported his research into 6,000 schismatic movements B. Barrett had traveled to nearly every country in the world, in Africa. Barrett’s dissertation was later published by Oxford compiling information on the religious status University Press and today is considered of “every soul on earth.” The result was the one of the classics on the subject.2 World Christian Encyclopedia (WCE), a thou- A confirmed bachelor until age forty- sand-page oversized volume listing 20,000 five, Barrett married fellow British mis- Christian denominations and recounting the sionary Pam Stubley in 1972. The new Mrs. history of Christianity in every country from Barrett brought an outgoing and friendly the time of Christ to the present. Barrett also hospitality to Barrett’s researcher persona. provided a detailed snapshot of the status of She also helped her new husband organize all religious affiliations, the first time such a his overwhelming collection of papers, comprehensive treatment had been achieved. letters, maps, and photos piling up in the In the years that followed, the WCE was cited Nairobi office. Together they hosted hun- extensively in both Christian and secular dreds of Christian leaders in their home in publications. Consequently, Barrett is largely Africa and later in Virginia. They had three responsible for launching the modern field of children: Claire, Luke, and Timothy. religious demography. In 1985, after the WCE had been pub- David Brian Barrett was born on August lished, Barrett (still under appointment as an 30, 1927, in Llandudno in northern Wales in the Anglican missionary) left Nairobi for Rich- United Kingdom. As a teenager, Barrett cycled mond, Virginia, and a position as a research with school friends around secret airfields, consultant at the Foreign (now International) making models of new wartime secret aircraft. David B. Barrett, 1982 Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Con- Following receipt of his B.A. in aeronautics vention, where he remained until 1993. Until from Cambridge University, Barrett began his career at Britain’s his death Barrett continued as an independent researcher of global Royal Aircraft Establishment in 1948. (He would receive his M.A. Christianity through the World Evangelization Research Center from Cambridge in 1952.) in Richmond and its successor, the Center for the Study of Global He was ordained a deacon in the Church of England in 1954 Christianity (established in 2003 by Todd Johnson at Gordon- and a priest in 1955 and appointed as a missionary to Kenya Conwell Theological Seminary, in South Hamilton, Mass.). through the Church Missionary Society in 1956. “Forget science Barrett’s contributions to the field of religious demography completely,” his bishop advised. But Barrett could not. are extensive, and his published research continues to influence Upon arrival in Kenya Barrett found that a massive ecclesi- both Christian missionary effort and secular understanding of astical schism was under way and that it included the seven Luo religious adherence. He spent more than ten years compiling priests with whom he was assigned to work. Although warned and serving as editor of the World Christian Encyclopedia (1982), to have nothing to do with these schismatics, Barrett befriended which was followed in 2001 by a second edition (with coeditors them and was given access to rare documents and interviews. George Kurian and Todd Johnson) and the companion volume After learning Luo and Swahili, he began to compile the history World Christian Trends (coauthored with Johnson). He was also a of their movement. longtime contributor of statistics on global religious adherence In 1962 Barrett was on leave in Britain, where he worked to the Britannica Book of the Year and the International Bulletin of with famed Anglican evangelist Bryan Green. That same year Missionary Research. The reliability of his estimates was acknowl- he was invited to Union Theological Seminary in New York edged in 2008 by a group of Princeton scholars studying data on as a fellow in a twenty-member ecumenical studies program religious affiliation.3 with Pitney Van Dusen, Kenneth Scott Latourette, and others. In one of the great ironies of Barrett’s career, it was his place- He went on to take doctoral studies in the social-scientific ment as a missionary in Africa that helped him see significance study of religion. There he discovered that his schism experi- in counting religionists. In the United States and Europe, leading ence among the Luo was not unique. Working extensively in sociologists were predicting the imminent demise of religion,4 celebrating its passing as a sign of man’s ability to overcome Todd M. Johnson is Associate Professor of Global superstition. Barrett, however, saw a different future and boldly Christianity and Director of the Center for the Study set forth his own views in a seminal article in 1970 that projected 5 of Global Christianity at Gordon-Conwell Theologi- 350 million Christians in Africa by the year 2000. cal Seminary, South Hamilton, Massachusetts. He is Barrett had a dry but playful sense of humor. On one occa- coeditor of the Atlas of Global Christianity (Edin- sion he was asked to address a crowd of wealthy donors on the burgh University Press, 2010) and coauthor of World most effective means of evangelization. He had been studying Christian Encyclopedia, 2nd ed. (Oxford University Christian martyrdom, so he presented the idea that martyrdom Press, 2001). —[email protected] might be the most effective means of evangelization. After an

30 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Asbury Seminary: renewing our vision by engaging the global Church!

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!LIMITEDNUMBEROFSCHOLARSHIPSAREAVAILABLEFORQUALI½EDAPPLICANTS!PPLYTODAY awkward pause, one of the donors ventured, “Dr. Barrett, what 80 percent of the people groups our missionaries serve among is the second most effective means of evangelization?” are unreached.”7 Barrett was very concerned with the use of Christian resourc- Perhaps David Barrett’s greatest achievement is that his es in evangelization. In the late 1980s he decided to investigate the research continues after his death. He gathered younger scholars deployment of the missionary forces of various agencies—which around him and modeled an unbending commitment to pursue turned out to be one of his most unpopular projects. The results this research whether or not it was popular in the academy or showed that, while most agencies claimed to be evangelizing among church leaders. Barrett treated younger colleagues as the world, few had workers among the unevangelized.6 Like equals, always interested in their ideas and perspectives and often so much of Barrett’s work, this analysis eventually produced changing his own ideas as a result. He pioneered a “reconnaissance some remarkable results. Shortly after Barrett’s death in 2011, perspective” in mission, in which research is seen as essential the International Mission Board reported, “When David Barrett for strategic planning. The impact of his methods and findings came to the Foreign Mission Board as a consultant in 1985, less reverberates around the world, as young researchers continue than 3 percent of our mission force was deployed to this last to use and develop his much-treasured scientific and biblical frontier. Today, as a result of Barrett’s prophetic push, more than perspectives to understand and pursue world evangelization.

Selected Bibliography

An extensive collection of David Barrett’s correspondence, articles, and Univ. Press. 1,010 pp., 1,500 photographs, 24-page atlas. books is housed at the Center for the Study of Global Christianity, at Resulted in 350 book reviews. Second edition in 2001 with Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, South Hamilton, Massachusetts. George T. Kurian and Todd M. Johnson. In addition, over one million documents collected by Barrett and his 1983 “Silver and Gold Have I None: Church of the Poor or Church colleagues documenting the global spread of Christianity are filed there. of the Rich?” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 7, no. 4 The collection also includes thousands of photographs, drawings, maps, (October): 146–51. and other forms of media. 1988 (with James W. Reapsome) Seven Hundred Plans to Evangelize the World: The Rise of a Global Evangelization Movement. The AD 2000 Ten Seminal Books and Articles by David B. Barrett Series. Birmingham, Ala.: New Hope. 123 pp. 1965 (with James S. Lawson and B. B. Ayam) The Evangelization of 1989 (with T. John Padwick) Rise Up and Walk! Conciliarism and the West Africa Today: A Survey Across 21 Nations and 150 Tribes. African Indigenous Churches, 1815–1987. Nairobi: Oxford Univ. Yaoundé, Cameroon: DWME/AACC. 39 pp. Press. 111 pp. A sequel to Schism and Renewal in Africa (1968). 1968 Schism and Renewal in Africa: An Analysis of Six Thousand 1990 (with Todd M. Johnson) Our Globe and How to Reach It: Seeing the Contemporary Religious Movements. Nairobi: Oxford Univ. Press; World Evangelized by AD 2000 and Beyond. The AD 2000 Series. 2nd printing, 1970. 363 pp., with foldout map. Resulted in Birmingham, Ala.: New Hope. 136 pp. Official Data Book of seventy book reviews, 1968–72. NARSC/Indianapolis 1990 and ICCOWE/Brighton 1991. 1970 “AD 2000: 350 Million Christians in Africa.” International 1995 (ed., with Todd M. Johnson) AD 2000 Global Monitor: Keeping Track Review of Mission 59, no. 233 (January): 39–54. Issue “Sixty Years of World Evangelization. Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library. After Edinburgh.” Background paper, in French and English, Consolidated volume, first forty monthly issues, 1990–94, with for Abidjan Assembly, All Africa Conference of Churches, extensive full index. September 1969. 2001 (with Todd M. Johnson) World Christian Trends, AD 30–AD 2200: 1982 World Christian Encyclopedia: A Comparative Survey of Churches Interpreting the Annual Christian Megacensus. Pasadena, Calif.: and Religions in the Modern World, 1900–2000. Nairobi: Oxford William Carey Library. 952 pp.

Notes 1. Richard Ostling and Alistair Matheson, “Counting Every Soul on year 2000, “religious believers are likely to be found only in small Earth: Miracle from Nairobi; The First Census of All Religions,” Time, sects, huddled together to resist a worldwide secular culture” (“A May 3, 1982. Bleak Outlook Is Seen for Religion,” New York Times, April 25, 1968, 2. Schism and Renewal in Africa: An Analysis of Six Thousand Contemporary p. 3). Religious Movements (Nairobi: Oxford Univ. Press, 1968). 5. “AD 2000: 350 Million Christians in Africa,” International Review of 3. See “Estimating the Religious Composition of All Nations: An Mission 59, no. 233 (January 1970): 39–54. Empirical Assessment of the World Christian Database,” by Becky 6. The results were first published in June 1991. See the consolidated Hsu, Amy Reynolds, Conrad Hackett, and James Gibbon, Journal for volume AD 2000 Global Monitor: Keeping Track of World Evangelization the Scientific Study of Religion 47, no. 4 (2008): 678–93. (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1995). 4. See, for example, Peter Berger’s statement in April 1968 that by the 7. See www.bpnews.net/bpnews.asp?id=35901.

New Perspectives on Accountability in Mission The Korean and English editions of Accountability in Missions: Korean and Western Case Studies (© 2011 Word of Life Press and Wipf & Stock Publishers) were published in November 2011. This book is based on case studies and presentations made at the Korean Global Mission Leadership Forum, February 10–14, 2011, at the Overseas Ministries Study Center. Edited by Jonathan J. Bonk and associate editors Geoffrey W. Hahn, Sang-Cheol (Steve) Moon, A. Scott Moreau, Yong Kyu Park, and Nam Yong Sung, the 343-page book (available from OMSC, Wipf & Stock, and Word of Life) includes Bible studies on Samuel and Paul by Christopher J. H. Wright; a case study of the SaRang Community Church, Seoul, Korea, by Seung Kwan (David) Yoo; an analysis of mission administration accountability by Jerry Rankin; and a conference summary by Sang–Cheol (Steve) Moon.

32 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Lydia Mary Fay and the Episcopal Church Mission in China Ian Welch

ydia Mary Fay was born in Bennington, Vermont, in and for the last year or two she was the only foreigner in the L1804 and died in Chefoo (today Yantai) in Shandong house which she occupied.)”11 Province, North China, in October 1878.1 Her death followed Mary Fay focused her affections on her students, whom she a long series of age-related illnesses; from the mid-1860s she invariably referred to as her “young ladies” or her “boys.” She required extended breaks from her work in Shanghai, which seems to have had no close friendships with other women of the she spent either in her room at the mission school or in foreign kind experienced by, for example, the Anglican women missionar- sanatorium towns in China.2 ies of Fujian Province or Catholic women’s orders.12 Toward the Most of Mary Fay’s early life was spent in or within twenty end of her life she summed up her life’s work: “Teaching is my life miles of Albany, New York, but her education and wide reading and my delight.”13 It is worth reflecting on the balance between gave her a Eurocentric literary worldview.3 Her life story exem- “delight” and necessity when assessing missionary idealism.14 plifies people who find purpose for their lives (i.e., a vocation) Many teachers will identify with her fear of being forgotten by in a teaching career underpinned by strong religious faith, a her students. “I know [it] is the common lot of teachers, to spend combination that eventually took her to the mission field at the our lives, the best that we can give of our hearts and bodies for age of forty-six, this in an era when the average age of new mis- those who have as little thought or concern, and think every debt sionaries was about twenty-five. She had become a governess/ of gratitude is cancelled when our salaries are paid.”15 teacher in the 1820s, and by the time of her death she had worked with young people for over fifty years.4 She was a missionary Preparation for twenty-seven years when the average length of service by American Episcopal missionaries in China was around five years. Mary Fay’s initial employment in Virginia was as a governess Like so many people, she is at best a “shadowy figure in narra- with the prominent Episcopalian Dulany family near Alexandria, tions of religious and general history.”5 As an ancient Hebrew and she subsequently worked for the Carter family, with whom writer observed, “There are some who have no memorial, who the Dulanys were linked by marriage.16 Originally a Presbyte- have perished as though they had not lived; they have become rian, Mary Fay decided early in her stay in Virginia to become as though they had not been born” (Sir. 44:9 RSV). an Episcopalian. On July 12, 1840, she was confirmed by Bishop By the 1890s a majority of female English-speaking mis- William Channing Moore in Christ Church, Alexandria. She had sionaries were single women undertaking traditional “female” taken her first Anglican Communion on March 8, four months nurturing roles in education, health, and social welfare, while before her formal confirmation.17 An English minister, speaking men ran the ecclesiastical and mission administration at home at her memorial service in Shanghai, described her Episcopalian and abroad. Women found it almost impossible to overcome the identity in these terms: “If I were to try and say what type our “cult of domesticity,” which, for women such as Lydia Mary Fay, late friend bore, I should say that her character was moulded required home, husband, and family as evidence of a “normal” and fashioned in the Anglican pattern. Quiet, careful, reverent, female life.6 not caught up by passionate revivals and the gospel of hysterics, but equable and calm and thoughtful. . . . Her letters were full of Focus quotations from the older and more learned Divines.”18 Mary Fay’s pastor at Christ Church, Alexandria, was Missionary history has tended to overlook the personal lives Charles B. Dana (rector 1834–61).19 Her very deep feelings for him and deeper longings of missionaries, male or female, married were revealed in many letters but most dramatically in a letter or single.7 Mary Fay described her life as a “path of loneliness in October 1847.20 In that year, after about eight years of work as and lowliness of service.”8 At a function celebrating a quarter a governess in northern Virginia, she moved to Warrensburg, in of a century in China, Dr. John Macgowan, a contemporary, upstate New York, where an unchaperoned visit by Dana upset declared, “Her life is sacrificed not for father, mother, husband, her father.21 She had received six letters from Dr. Jefferson Minor friend, or even for her own people, but for a far off and ancient of Miller’s Tavern, Virginia, seeking her services for his Midway people.”9 The emotional and social isolation indicated by Mac- Female Academy, opened a year or so earlier, in 1845 or 1846, and gowan reflected her life in America and in China. Julia Emery some distance from Alexandria and Dana.22 Minor believed that reported that Mary Fay’s letters were written from a “lonely Mary Fay could provide the leadership the school needed, and room.”10 The missionary who knew her best was Robert Nelson, she finally accepted. It is obvious that she had nursed hopes of who observed that her prodigious appetite for learning was a marrying Charles Dana and that she decided to leave America product of “many a lonely hour of day and night. (For, during a when that door closed. large portion of her missionary life, she kept her solitary table; Midway Female Academy was a small private girls’ school near Miller’s Tavern, a village about thirteen miles from Tap- 23 Ian Welch, a former secondary school teacher, uni- pahannock, Virginia. The academy enrolled forty girls as versity lecturer, and senior public servant, worked boarders and day students, with at least two full-time teachers on Australian national curriculum programs. He is in addition to Mary Fay. In 1848 an advertising leaflet named now researching missionary history at the Australian Mary Fay as the principal, declaring that she is “so well and National University, Canberra. favorably known and has given such general satisfaction as to —[email protected] render comment or eulogy unnecessary.”24 Her only personal visitors at the school from 1847 to 1850 were the local Episcopal assistant minister (later rector) Henry Waring Latane Temple

January 2012 33 and his wife, from St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, Miller’s Tavern. revelation. But Oh! with tastes and feelings so perverted and Mary Fay wrote to Dana that “Mr. Temple’s sermons generally thrown away upon trifles how slow must such a work be, and put my mind out of frame” and that his services were dreary what patience, direction, discrimination, firmness and wisdom and “Methodistical.”25 Her social environment in Virginia was does it require in a teacher.”28 restricted, for the greater part, to relationships with parents, Jocelyn Murray might have been describing Mary Fay when some of whom openly rejected Christianity.26 Mary Fay was she wrote the following of potential female missionaries: “She not impressed with the almost pagan, hedonistic lifestyle of her should be ‘a sensible middle-aged person with strong decision “young ladies” but did succeed in transforming the school’s of character’; good health and good temper are ‘indispensible,’ religious character.27 A religious education program centered and she should of course be ‘devoutly religious.’ A lady who on an opening prayer and a “short Bible lesson each day.” It had been a governess would, if she had these attributes, ‘answer was no easy task to “persuade the young ladies to twist up extremely well.’”29 their curls, cut them off, put on plain dresses, lay aside their ornaments, and try and look and act a little more like school Devoted Service in China girls, and when they are composed enough for quiet, patient study, try to cultivate their taste for the really beautiful and When Mary Fay arrived in Shanghai in early 1851 there were true, their love of science and of truth, as it is in nature and forty boys in the Boys’ Boarding School, established a few years Noteworthy Announcing in Early African Pentecostalism,” the conference will bring “Commemorating the Past—Embracing the Future” is the together scholars working on three continents to examine theme for a daylong bicentennial missions celebration to be “transnational dimensions of the origin and life of Christ held February 6, 2012, at Tabernacle Church, Salem, Massa- Apostolic Church in both Nigeria and Ghana.” According to chusetts, and Park Street Church, Boston, to honor Adoni- Dale T. Irvin, NYTS president and professor of world Chris- ram Judson and the seven other missionaries who traveled tianity, the conference will advance understanding of global with him in 1812 from Salem to Burma. Judson and his party Pentecostalism and transnational and diasporan African were commissioned by the American Board of Commission- church life. For details, contact [email protected]. ers for Foreign Missions. The program includes lectures by The American Society of Missiology (www.asmweb.org) Paul Borthwick (“Endurance Personified as Seen in the Life will hold its 2012 annual meeting June 15–17 at Techny Tow- of Adoniram Judson”), senior consultant for Development ers, Techny, Illinois, with the theme, “Prophetic Dialogue: Associates International, and Todd Johnson (“North Ameri- Practice and Theology.” Roger Schroeder, S.V.D., professor can Missions from the Judsons to Global Christianity”), of intercultural studies and ministry at Catholic Theological director of the Center for the Study of Global Christianity, Union, Chicago, is ASM president. The deadline for propos- Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary. The program con- als of papers for the meeting’s parallel-track sessions is Feb- cludes at Park Street Church with “Confessions at Midnight: ruary 1. E-mail a topic with an abstract (150–200 words) and The Story of Adoniram Judson,” a dramatic monologue by a brief biography to Robert J. Priest ([email protected]), profes- David Flynn, national director of Perspectives on the World sor of mission and intercultural studies, Trinity Evangelical Christian Movement, U.S. Center for World Mission, Pasa- Divinity School, and ASM second vice president. The Asso- dena, California. For details, go to www.crossgloballink.org/ ciation of Professors of Mission and the Academy for Evan- missionsbicentennial. Several other commemorations and gelism in Theological Education will conduct their annual seminars will be held in the Boston area February 5–20, end- meetings in tandem with ASM. ing with a “Harbor-Sending Reenactment” at Salem Harbor. The 2012 conference of the Yale-Edinburgh Group on Merged. CrossGlobal Link and The Mission Exchange, the History of the Missionary Movement and World Chris- by a resolution approved by their members, October 1, 2011, tianity will be held at the University of Edinburgh, June at the annual business meeting of both mission associations, 28–30. “Religious Movements of Renewal, Revival, and Revi- the final day of the North American Mission Leaders Confer- talization in the History of Missions and World Christianity” ence, in Scottsdale, Arizona. The merger forms a body rep- is the theme. For details and the call for papers, go to www resenting 35,000 evangelical missionaries deployed in every .library.yale.edu/div/yale_edinburgh/2012theme.htm. The country by more than 190 agencies and churches. Marv New- Yale-Edinburgh conference is cosponsored by the Centre for ell, executive director of CrossGlobal Link, and Steve Moore, the Study of World Christianity at the University of Edin- president and CEO of The Mission Exchange, stated that a burgh, Yale Divinity School, and the Overseas Ministries new name for the agency will be announced in February at Study Center. the bicentennial missions celebration reported in the previ- The European Association for South Asian Studies ous paragraph. (www.easas.org) is sponsoring “Christians, Cultural Interac- New York Theological Seminary (http://nyts.edu), tions, and South Asia’s Religious Traditions,” a panel at the Joseph Ayo Babalola University (www.jabu.edu.ng/z/), twenty-second European Conference on South Asian Studies, and the Institute for Research on the African Diaspora in to be held at ISCTE–Lisbon University Institute, July 25–28, the Americas and the Caribbean (http://web.gc.cuny.edu/ 2012. Panel conveners Richard Fox Young, Princeton Theo- iradac) are sponsoring a conference on transnational for- logical Seminary ([email protected]), and Chad M. mations in early African Pentecostalism to be held January Bauman, Butler University ([email protected]), encour- 16–18, 2012, on the campus of Joseph Ayo Babalola Univer- age “intercultural studies scholars, mission studies scholars, sity in Ikeji Arakeji, Osun State, Nigeria. With the theme and religious studies scholars who address any of the many “The Wind Blows Where It Will: Transnational Formations phenomena associated with the historical emergence and

34 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 earlier by Bishop William Jones Boone, the first Episcopalian (and August 25. Rose at 5 o’clock. At 6.30 o’clock rang the bell for the Anglican) bishop in China.30 As had been the case in Virginia, her boys to commence their usual morning studies in Chinese. Dis- tasks involved considerably more than classroom responsibilities: missed them at 7 o’clock. At 8.15 o’clock the Bishop conducted “I have been engaged in teaching various English branches, in the morning prayers of the school, at which I am always present a large boarding-school of Chinese boys, of which Mr. Points31 with the pupils. At 8.15 o’clock went with them again to their Chinese books. At 9 o’clock the Bishop visited and examined the is now the superintendent and teacher of the first class; but the Second Department, while I recorded the progress each pupil ‘maternal care’ of the school is divided between Miss Tenney and had made since his last visit, two weeks before. . . . myself; she has one half, and I the other, which accounts for the expression, ‘my boys,’ whom I have taught when they were well, September 6. After the usual morning duties were over and the nursed when they were sick—bought, and made, and mended pupils at their English lessons, went to my Chinese studies, their clothes (though in this I have the assistance of a tailor).”32 commenced the “Shoo-King,”34 or “Historical Classic.” . . . As it In another letter she wrote: “The exhausting routine of duties is is included in the course of studies pursued in our school, I am essentially the same all the year round. . . . I consider [this school] anxious to read it before the larger boys commence studying it, my family, and my greatest responsibility.”33 that I may better judge of their progress. . . . Her report to Bishop Boone covering the months of August to November 1854 describes a school routine set by the clock. September 25. Retired at 12 o’clock last night, and rose at 4 this

contemporary character of South Asian Christianities” to contributing editor, on September 1, 2011, with the annual submit proposals for papers. Marianist Award from the University of Dayton (Ohio). The award honors “a Roman Catholic whose work has made a Personalia major contribution to intellectual life.” The citation praised Appointed. Andrew F. Walls as research professor of world Sanneh’s “work on world Christianity, helping an age-old Christianity, Africa International University, on September tradition to understand and embrace its present, and to move 14, 2011, at the university’s campus in Karen, Nairobi, Kenya. confidently into the life and the future to which the Spirit is His installation address was “World Christianity: The Last inviting the Church.” Five Hundred Years.” Walls, an IBMR contributing editor, Died. Anthony Bellagamba, I.M.C., 84, Italian Catho- joined AIU’s Centre for World Christianity; he will guide lic missionary, educator, and administrator, August 11, 2011, Ph.D. students for the school’s Intercultural Studies pro- in Nairobi, Kenya. Educated in Italy and the United States, gram. For details, see worldchristianityaiu.wordpress.com. Bellagamba went to Kenya as a missionary in 1958; there he Appointed. Larry Miller, former general secretary of became professor of pastoral theology at the Catholic Uni- the Mennonite World Conference (www.mwc-cmm.org), versity of Eastern Africa in Nairobi and later was regional as secretary of the Global Christian Forum (www.globalchr vice-superior of Consolata missionaries in Kenya. In 1974 istianforum.org), as of January 1, 2012. The GCF, formed he was appointed the executive director of the United States in 1998, is an initiative that seeks to bring leaders of all Catholic Mission Council in Washington, D.C., which in 1981 Christian churches together to foster mutual respect and to became the U.S. Catholic Mission Association. In 1985 he address common challenges. The MWC Executive Commit- returned to Kenya, there serving as the first national direc- tee appointed César García of Bogotá, Colombia, as gener- tor of the Pontifical Missionary Societies. In 1993 he was al secretary to succeed Miller. He was chair of the Iglesias elected regional superior of the Consolata missionaries in Hermanos Menonitas de Colombia (the Mennonite Brethren North America. He then served as vice–general superior of Churches of Colombia) from 2002 to 2008, and he served as the Consolata missionaries in Rome from 1999 to 2005, when secretary of the MWC Mission Commission. he returned to Kenya. Appointed. Titus L. Presler as principal of Edwardes Died. Cecil Richard Rutt, 85, missionary, Korean stud- College, Peshawar, Pakistan, effective May 2011. Edwardes, ies pioneer, Anglican bishop, Roman Catholic priest, July an undergraduate and graduate institution affiliated with 27, 2011. Born in England, from 1954 Rutt served in Korea the Anglican Diocese of Peshawar, was started by the Church as an Anglican priest, for many years living alone in remote Mission Society. Formerly president of the Seminary of the rural villages. In 1966 he was appointed assistant bishop in Southwest, Austin, Texas (2002–5), and vice president of the Diocese of Daejeon, and two years later he became bish- General Theological Seminary, New York (2005–9), Presler op. In 1973, deciding that the time had come for Koreans to served as professor of mission and world Christianity at both take charge of their portion of the Anglican Communion, institutions. Raised in India, Presler was a missionary at Bon- Rutt offered his resignation. In 1974 he returned to England da in Zimbabwe in the 1980s. He is the author of Going Global and became suffragan bishop of the Diocese of Truro. Five with God: Reconciling Mission in a World of Difference (2010). years later he was named bishop of Leicester and, as such, in Honored. Dana L. Robert on September 21, 2011, at the 1985, was introduced into the House of Lords. Rutt retired in dedication of her endowed chair as the Truman Collins Pro- 1990 and moved to Falmouth, Cornwall. In 1994 he became fessor of World Christianity and History of Mission at Boston a Roman Catholic, and the following June he was ordained University School of Theology. Robert is an IBMR contrib- a Catholic priest. In 2009 he was made a prelate of honor by uting editor. Gerald H. Anderson, IBMR senior contributing Pope Benedict XVI, and he was an honorary canon of the editor and BUSTh class of 1955, chaired the alumni commit- Plymouth Cathedral of St. Mary and St. Boniface. A member tee for the celebration. of the Association of Korean Studies in Europe and the Brit- Honored. Lamin Sanneh, professor of missions and ish Association for Korean Studies, Rutt is coauthor of Korea: world Christianity, Yale Divinity School, and an IBMR A Historical and Cultural Dictionary (1999).

January 2012 35 morning. Have spent the whole day and evening (with the excep- From the outset of its work in China, the Episcopal Church tion of teaching two hours) in visiting and waiting upon the sick.35 pursued the American commitment to higher education as the best means of empowering individuals and inculcating ethical Mary Fay was on duty around the clock. The “domestic” tasks and social responsibility. Almost half of all American mission- of the boarding school were undertaken with efficiency—and a aries in China worked in higher education, and their emphasis complete lack of enthusiasm. She wrote: “I fear I have little voca- was on the educational reconstruction of China rather than the tion. It is still a dragging, wearying duty, and I am . . . willing conversion of individuals. American universities brought Western at any time to give it up to a more competent person, or to any learning to wealthier young Chinese and, perhaps unconsciously, one who may fancy the life of a missionary teacher is not one of laid a foundation for a challenge to China’s cultural tradition self-denial, self-discipline, and self-sacrifice.”36 and subsequently the role of foreigners in China, including mis- We get occasional glimpses of the curriculum, which included sionaries.41 One of the most famous universities was St. John’s in reading, spelling, writing, composition, geography, and theol- Shanghai, sponsored by the Protestant Episcopal Church.42 Mary ogy, together with Bible reading and translation into English.37 Fay was the key person in the Episcopal Boys’ Boarding School, Although St John’s University subsequently neglected Chinese which later became Duane Hall (1876), a foundational element language skills, they were taught systematically when Mary Fay of the later university.43 was in charge.38 This brief survey of Mary Fay’s life and work must mention the Linguistic Ability and Discipline reordering of gender outlooks during the nineteenth century as single women took active roles in missions parallel to those She proved to have exceptional skills in translating Chinese of men.44 In 1860, after a decade of playing “second fiddle” to written texts. As a proof of these qualities, Miss Fay is honorably males, Mary Fay indignantly resigned from the Boys’ Boarding mentioned by a celebrated Chinese author, in his book called in School because the bishop transferred the role of superinten- English “Pencil Sketches of Things Heard and Seen.” “She alone dent to a newly arrived and inexperienced male teacher; as of modern sinologues,” says the friend quoted above, “has been the bishop wrote, “I have always thought the school needs the thought worthy of notice by Chinese scholars.” Tsi-Wing, the strong hand of a male superintendent.”45 From 1860 and for Chinese writer, discourses of Miss Fay as follows: “I am told, seven years during the American Civil War, when funds from by a learned friend, that there is a foreign lady named Fay, who America dried up and the Episcopal Mission nearly collapsed, has a school in Hong Kew. She is of middle age, and unmarried, Mary Fay found work with the English Church Missionary yet with a face as fresh as a peach or an almond blossom, and a Society and preserved the Boys’ Boarding School by taking nature cold as ice, and pure as the falling snow. She loves Chinese the students with her into a school sponsored by the Church books, and has the Scholar Tsang Chu-Kwei for her teacher. She Missionary Society. Her leadership was in no doubt when she speaks Chinese, having mastered the tones and combinations returned, with “her boys,” to the Episcopal Mission in 1867.46 of sounds, daily increasing her knowledge by the study of the After twenty-five years, however, the humiliation had not eased. ‘Imperial Dictionary’ (Kanghi). Living thus, her pure nature and She wrote to Miss Julia Emery, the women’s secretary of the love of study supersede all family ties and joys. This is a woman Episcopal Mission, that an English clergyman said that “my to be reverenced. To this true lover of study, Lady Fay, praise can work seemed all granite . . . it seemed a man’s work done by a add no more.”39 Late in her life her Chinese reading skills were woman!”47 Just two years before her death, the Boys’ Boarding recognized when she was asked to edit the proof pages, with her School became Duane Hall, a theological training center; it was Chinese teacher Tsang Chu-Kwei, of Samuel Wells Williams’s said that Miss Fay “now hands over her school to the Mission Syllabic Dictionary.40 she has served so well.”48

Notes 1. The history of the Fay family in this article is indebted to the research well-being. On the autonomy and work of single women, see Ian of Linda Fay Kaufman, a family historian. Welch, “Women’s Work for Women” (2005), at http://anglicanhistory 2. This overview of Mary Fay’s contribution to Christian missions .org/asia/china/welch2005.pdf, which describes experiences of in China is part of a wider study on the history of the Protestant single women missionaries in Fujian Province, China, in the 1890s. Episcopal Church Mission in China and the Chung Hua Sheng Kung See also Carol Lasser, “‘Let us be sisters forever’: The Sororal Model Hui (the Holy Catholic Church in China, formed 1912), which in 1930 of Nineteenth-Century Female Friendship,” Signs 14, no. 1 (Autumn became an autonomous province of the Anglican Communion. 1988): 160. 3. Her full name was Lydia Mary Fay, but she used Mary as her everyday 7. For a typical missionary hagiography, see Mrs. J. T. Gracey [Annie name. In mission archival material she is invariably referred to as Ryder Gracey], Eminent Missionary Women (New York: Eaton & Miss Fay. Mains, 1898). 4. Her fellow missionary Robert Nelson knew her when she first came to 8. Lydia Mary Fay to William Jones Boone, Spirit of Missions 24 Virginia and knew her own account of her early years and education (October 1859): 469. Spirit of Missions was published by the Domestic in Albany, N.Y. See Robert Nelson, “Letter,” Southern Churchman and Foreign Missions Committee of the Protestant Episcopal (Alexandria, Va.) 44, no. 48 (November 28, 1878). Church. Personal loneliness is a characteristic of single missionary 5. William R. Hutchinson, Errand to the World: American Protestant correspondence. A male Australian working with the China Inland Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1993), Mission, the largest Protestant mission in China, wrote of “a regular p. 2. struggle against the feeling of loneliness” (Frank Burden, Sunday, 6. See discussion of the American Baptist missionary Ida Pruitt in August 5, 1894, Papers of Frank R. Burden and Joanne Turner Marjorie King, “American Women’s Open Door to Chinese Women: Webster, 1887–1899, Mss, National Library of Australia). The subject Which Way Does It Open?” Women’s Studies International Forum 11, of missionary emotional isolation demands more attention. no. 4 (1999): 369–79. King highlights Pruitt’s mental and practical 9. J. MacGowan, “Address in Honor of Miss Fay on Inauguration of separation from the everyday Chinese, who represented, in cultural Duane Hall (Divinity School), Shanghai, November 8, 1876,” Spirit and physical terms, a continuing threat to her own and her family’s of Missions 42 (November 1877): 87.

36 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 10. Julia A. Emery, “Miss Fay,” Spirit of Missions 44 (January 1879): 47. 30. The most comprehensive survey of Boone’s life is Muriel Boone, 11. Nelson, “Letter.” The Seed of the Church in China (Philadelphia: United Church Press, 12. See discussion of “sisterhood” friendship in Elsie Marshall, “For 1973). His Sake”: A Record of a Life Consecrated to God and Devoted to China 31. John T. Points was a schoolteacher from Staunton, Va. (see Charles (London: Religious Tract Society, 1903). See also Lasser, “Let us be Jones Boone, Annual Report to Foreign Missions Committee, sisters forever,” p. 162. February 13, 1849, in Foreign Committee of the Domestic and Foreign 13. Lydia Mary Fay, “The Chinese Teachers in Duane Hall,” Spirit of Missions Committee of the Protestant Episcopal Church, An Historical Missions 42 (March 1877): 165. Sketch of the China Mission of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the 14. For discussion of single women’s roles in early nineteenth-century U.S.A. [New York, Foreign Committee, 1885], p. 21). Points was one America and the light they shed on Fay’s dependence on Charles of several males, in China short-term, whose appointment over Mary Dana, discussed below, see Nancy F. Cott, “Young Women in the Fay angered her. Second Great Awakening in New England,” Feminist Studies 3, nos. 32. Lydia Mary Fay, “Journal, August 25–November 5, 1855,” Spirit of 1–2 (Autumn 1974): 15–29. Missions 21 (April 1855): 225. 15. Lydia Mary Fay to Mary Ann De Butts Dulany, from Midway 33. Lydia Rodman Church, “Life of Lydia Mary Fay,” in Gosley’s Book Academy, Essex County, Va., n.d. (Mss1 D3545 a 419–475, item 415, and Magazine 99 (December 1879): 594. De Butts Family, Papers 1784–1962, sec. 12, Virginia Historical Society, 34. The Shoo-King, later translated into English by Walter Gorn Old Richmond). under the title The Shu king; or, The Chinese Historical Classic (New 16. Ibid. See also Nelson, “Letter.” York: John Lane, 1904), compiled information on Chinese religion, 17. Fay’s confirmation is recorded at Christ Church (Episcopal) philosophy, customs, and government “from the earliest times.” Alexandria, Parish Register, 1828–1845, p. 61, and her first Anglican 35. Lydia Mary Fay, “Journal from August 25th to November 5th, 1855,” Communion is noted at p. 75 (courtesy of Julia Randle, Virginia Spirit of Missions 21 (April 1855): 225–26, 227, 231–32. Theological Seminary Library, Alexandria). 36. Lydia Mary Fay to William J. Boone, Shanghai, March 4, 1858, Spirit 18. Charles Henry Butcher, Church Missionary Society, Shanghai, Spirit of Missions 23 (July 1858): 339–42, 396–97. of Missions 44 (March 1879): 120. 37. Lydia Mary Fay, “Journal, July 29, 1857,” Spirit of Missions 22 (June 19. John Frank Waukechon, “Charles B. Dana and Virginia Evangelical 1857): 279. Episcopalianism: His Family, Career, and Sermons, 1810–1860” 38. J. Liggins, “Letter, September 1, 1857,” Spirit of Missions 23 (February (M.A. thesis, Univ. of Texas at Austin, 1992). 1858): 87–88. See also Edward Yihua Su, “Liberal Arts Education in 20. Lydia Mary Fay to Charles B. Dana, from Midway Academy, Octo- English and Campus Culture at St. John’s University,” in China’s ber 16, 1847; located in Dana (Charles Backus) Papers, 1802, 1820– Christian Colleges: Cross-Cultural Connections, 1900–1950, ed. Daniel 1881, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of H. Bays and Ellen Widmer (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, Texas; henceforth Fay to Dana, with location and date noted. 2009), pp. 107–24. 21. Ethan Allan Fay’s disapproval would have been greater still had he 39. Church, “Life of Lydia Mary Fay,” p. 594. known that his daughter was hoping to meet Dana, if only briefly, in 40. S. Wells Williams, A Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language Washington before going to Midway Academy. She wrote to Dana, (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874). “I shall have nothing to do but count the minutes or hours until I see 41. On the impact of the social gospel in China, see Jun Xing and you, and do for once call up your gallantry or kindness or compassion Chun Hsing, Baptized in the Fire of Revolution: The American Social and not keep a lady waiting too long” (Fay to Dana, from Albany, Gospel and the YMCA in China (Bethlehem, Pa.: Lehigh Univ. Press, N.Y., September 27, 1847). 1996). 22. For a history of secondary education in neighboring counties, see 42. Xi Yuhua, “St John’s University, Shanghai, as an Evangelising Agency,” Russell Benjamin Gill, “Secondary Education in King and Queen Studies in World Christianity 12, no. 1 (2006): 23–49. County, Virginia, 1691–1938” (M.A. thesis, Univ. of Virginia, 1938); 43. MacGowan, “Address in Honor of Miss Fay,” Spirit of Missions 42 Gill states that the school operated until about 1855. (February 1877): 84. See Bays and Widmer, China’s Christian Colleges, 23. Mary Virginia Haile, Biography of an Old Country Church, St. Paul’s, and Arthur Lewis Rosenbaum, ed., Yenching University and Sino- 1838–1971 (Privately printed, 1971), pp. 5, 7. American Interactions, 1919–1952, special volume of the Journal of 24. Richmond Enquirer, December 25, 1849 (Virginia Historical Society). American–East Asia Relations (14 [March 2009]). See also “Duane Hall In personal correspondence, Lee Shepard of the Virginia Historical and Divinity School: A Quarter of a Century in China,” reprinted from Society suggests that Minor had previously run a tavern to augment Shanghai Evening Courier, November 9, 1876 (Ian Welch Collection). his income. See Shepard, A History of St. Paul’s Episcopal Church 44. Jane Haggis, “‘A heart that has felt the love of God and longs for (Richmond: privately printed, 2001). others to know it’: Conventions of Gender, Tensions of Self, and 25. Fay to Dana, from Midway Academy, January 1, 1848. Henry Temple Constructions of Difference in Offering to Be a Lady Missionary,” and John McGuire, his predecessor and first rector at St. Paul’s, were Women’s History Review 7, no. 2 (1998): 172. in the Low Church Anglican tradition and were influenced by the 45. Lydia Mary Fay to W. J. Boone, Shanghai, June 13, 1860; W. J. Boone Second Great Awakening. to L. M. Fay, Shanghai, August 7, 1860 (both letters in Virginia 26. Ibid., April 1849. Historical Society). 27. Ibid., October 16, 1847. See Richard D. Shiels, “The Second Great 46. For an overview of the early 1850s through the eyes of one of the Awakening in Connecticut: Critique of the Traditional Interpreta- American missionaries, see Edward W. Syle, “American Mission tion,” Church History 49, no. 4 (December 1980): 401; Fay to Dana, in Shanghai,” Colonial Church Chronicle, and Missionary Journal 4 from Midway Academy, All Saints Day and Thanksgiving Day (July 1850): 20–25, repr. at http://anglicanhistory.org/asia/china/ [November 22], 1849 (Univ. of Louisiana Library, Special Collec- syle_shanghai1850.html. On her transfer to the Church Missionary tions); Fay to Dana, from Midway Academy, January 6, 1848, and Society, see Lydia Mary Fay, “Letter to Foreign Committee, Shanghai, May 26, 1848. January 8, 1862,” Spirit of Missions 27 (April 1862): 122; 27 (May 28. Fay to Dana, from Midway Academy, October 16, 1847. 1862): 149. 29. Jocelyn Murray, “Anglican and Protestant Missionary Societies in 47. Lydia Mary Fay to Julia A. Emery, from Shanghai, January 28, 1876, Great Britain: Their Use of Women as Missionaries from the Late Spirit of Missions 41 (August 1876): 422–24. Eighteenth to the Late Nineteenth Century,” Exchange 21, no. 1 (April 48. Charles Henry Butcher (Anglican Church), Opening of Duane Hall, 1992): 12. Spirit of Missions 42 (February 1877): 86.

January 2012 37 Eugene A. Nida: Theoretician of Translation Philip C. Stine

hen the history of the church in the twentieth cen- Nida’s methods can be seen in translations such as the Good Wtury is written, the name of Eugene Nida will figure News Bible, the French Français Courant, the German Die Gute prominently. Nida brought about a revolution in the field of Bible Nachricht, and the Spanish Versión Popular, translations with translation, which resulted in millions of people in hundreds of which he had some direct involvement. But most contemporary languages gaining access to the Bible in an unprecedented way. translations such as the NRSV or NIV also show his influence. The resulting impact on the growth and Translators in hundreds of languages have development of the church will continue to similarly produced Bibles that are easily be felt throughout this century. understood throughout a language-speaking Born November 11, 1914, in Oklahoma area. City, Oklahoma, Eugene A. Nida passed away August 25, 2011, in Madrid. He is survived Formation and Schooling by his second wife, Dr. Elena Fernandez- Miranda, whom he married in 1997. His At the tender age of four, Nida acknowledged first wife, Althea, had passed away in 1993. a call to be a missionary. Later at the University Through his numerous books and pub- of California, Los Angeles, where he studied lications and extraordinary lecture schedule, Greek and Latin, he thought he might work Nida was able to help scholars, translators, in Bible translation in Africa, so he studied and specialists in Christian missions find new the work of the linguists Edward Sapir and ways to think about effective communication. Leonard Bloomfield. He graduated in 1936 William Smalley noted, “The promotion of summa cum laude, a member of Phi Beta Kappa, professional expertise, the development earning one of the highest ratings or GPAs of translation theory and of translation in the university’s history. procedures based on such theory, began At a Bible club at UCLA he learned of when Eugene A. Nida joined the American the work of Cameron Townsend, founder Bible Society staff in 1943.”1 For more than of Wycliffe Bible Translators. In 1936 Nida Eugene A. Nida fifty years, Gene Nida was the leader of the studied and also taught at Townsend’s sum- translation program of the American Bible mer camp and then went briefly to Mexico to Society, and subsequently the intellectual leader of the global undertake translation himself. Poor health forced him to return program of the United Bible Societies, as well as consultant to to California, where in 1939 he completed a master’s degree at that organization. the University of Southern California in New Testament Greek. Before Nida, Bible translations were primarily produced He subsequently studied linguistics under Charles C. Fries at the by missionaries, whose approach was generally to produce a University of Michigan, where he completed his Ph.D. in 1943. formally equivalent translation, sometimes based on the original His dissertation, “A Synopsis of English Syntax,” presented the languages, but often based on translations available in European first full-scale analysis of any major language using a theory languages such as English or French. Their work was sent to known as Immediate Constituent Analysis. London, Amsterdam, or New York for checking before being Also in 1943 Nida was ordained by the Southern California published. Association of the Northern Baptist Convention, he married Nida realized that for readers and listeners to understand the Althea Lucille Sprague, and he joined the American Bible Society Bible, they needed translations that, as much as possible, were translation department. Initially this appointment was part-time, produced by native speakers; furthermore, he knew that these as he continued to spend every summer until 1953 teaching at translations had to be checked in the field with the translators. the Summer Institute of Linguistics. As he traveled and consulted with translators, using concepts from linguistics, cultural studies, communication sciences, and Translation Secretary and Communicator psychology, he developed a practical approach to translation that he called dynamic equivalence or functional equivalence, the goal Nida was an extraordinarily effective communicator, and he of which was to make the translation clear and understandable as trained many translators himself. All along he published prodi- well as accurate. In addition, he developed a pedagogic method giously. The most complete presentations of his theory are in his so that translators from a wide range of educational backgrounds Toward a Science of Translating (1964) and, coauthored with Charles could learn how to apply the method. Taber, The Theory and Practice of Translation (1969). “Good missionaries have always been good anthropologists,” Philip C. Stine was director for translation, production, Nida wrote in the preface of Customs and Cultures. He realized and distribution services for the United Bible Socie- that good translation, which after all was good communication, ties (UBS) from 1992 to 1998. Previously he was the required a solid understanding of the culture of the people. In UBS translation services coordinator (1984–92) and order to help missionaries work on their tasks more effectively, served in Africa (1968–82). He is the author of Let Nida wrote Customs and Cultures (1954) and Message and Mission: the Words Be Written: The Lasting Influence of The Communication of the Christian Faith (1960). In addition, in Eugene A. Nida (Brill, 2005). 1953 he helped found and edit the journal Practical Anthropol- —[email protected] ogy. Through this journal, Nida and his Bible Society colleagues

38 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 demonstrated how important it is for the Gospel to be deeply Nida’s theory and approach, valuable as they were, would connected with the culture of a particular people. They showed not have carried the day if he had not dedicated himself to clearly that, when this connection takes place, the church is spreading these ideas through years of travel and teaching, and bound to grow. through building up teams of consultants and teachers. He had Nida, who recognized the need for translators to have the an amazing ability to inspire people, inspiration that came in very best base texts to work from, led major projects on both the part from the convincing facts he presented, and in part from Greek New Testament and the Hebrew Old Testament. He was the energy of his presentations and his skill as a communicator. also responsible for a new approach to lexicography. By focus- But what always drove him was a deep conviction that, if the ing on different meanings of words according to their varied Scriptures were accessible to people, they would hear God’s voice semantic contexts, the two-volume Greek-English Lexicon of the and have an encounter with Christ that would lead to transfor- New Testament: Based on Semantic Domains, which he prepared mation. Recognizing that his work had helped bring this about with Johannes Louw, helped translators understand how best was clearly what gave Gene the greatest joy. to render words with multiple meanings.2 Notes 1. William A. Smalley, Translation as Mission: Bible Translation in the 2. Johannes P. Louw and Eugene A. Nida, eds., Greek-English Lexicon Modern Missionary Movement (Macon, Ga.: Mercer Univ. Press, 1991), of the New Testament: Based on Semantic Domains, 2 vols. (New York: p. 28. United Bible Societies, 1988).

The Waning of Pagan Rome: A Review Essay Alan Kreider

lan Cameron’s study The Last Pagans of Rome is a mas- Symmachus expressed an urbane, pliable perspective that was Asively authoritative book, the product of a lifetime of characteristic of the aristocrats’ approach to religion: “There must study of fourth-century pagan and Christian literature. Cameron’s be more than one way to such a secret” (p. 37). The aristocrats’ interests range over the Roman Empire, but his central preoc- resistance reached a climax when the usurper Eugenius revolted cupation is with the aristocrats of Rome. The paganism that he against the Christian emperor Theodosius I, who in 394 defeated observes waning and, by the century’s end, virtually disappear- Eugenius at the Battle of the Frigidus and used force to implement ing is the civic paganism of Rome, with recent legislation. In this view Roman its aristocrat-led sacrifices and festivals. The Last Pagans of Rome. paganism ended suddenly, with a bang. Cameron’s book is a response to In Cameron’s view, this combatively many scholars who argue that fourth- By Alan Cameron. New York: durable paganism is a romantic myth. He century Roman paganism was combat- Oxford Univ. Press, 2011. devotes his book to a careful, leisurely ively durable in the face of Christian Pp. xi, 878. $85 / £55. study of the alleged components of the advance. According to these scholars, so-called pagan revival, and he finds late in the century there was a pagan repeatedly that these components lead “revival” or “cultural offensive” that had to different conclusions. For example, numerous dimensions, three of which he devotes 75 pages to an examination were the correction and transmission of earlier pagan texts; the of the “correctors and critics” of pagan texts and concludes that writing of new texts with pagan themes, notably Microbius’s the late antique preoccupation with the accuracy of the written Saturnalia; and the commissioning of works of visual art using word had roots that were Christian, not pagan, and that most pagan iconography. In this reading, a network of aristocrats of the scholars involved in textual transmission were Christians. associated with the Roman senator Symmachus lay at the heart How about the showcase text of the pagan “cultural offensive,” of pagan resistance to Christianity. Because of his influence and Macrobius’s Saturnalia? In Cameron’s view, it was not a fevered widespread connections, Symmachus in 382 led a delegation to attempt in the 380s to advocate pagan practices; instead, it was a Emperor Gratian I to appeal for the restoration of the Altar of relaxed antiquarian discussion of former pagan rites that a Chris- Victory, which had recently been removed from its customary tian wrote in the 430s. And late-fourth-century art that draws on position in the Senate House in Rome. In his speech to Gratian, pagan myths? Cameron sees this not as part of a religiously driven pagan reaction but as an aesthetically motivated appropriation of Alan Kreider is Professor of Church History and traditional Roman themes by a nondogmatic aristocracy that was Mission (retired), Associated Mennonite Biblical open to a “middle ground we now call secular” (p. 697). As to Seminary, Elkhart, Indiana. His most recent book, Symmachus and the other aristocratic pagans, in Cameron’s view which he wrote with Eleanor Kreider, is Worship and they were not “last ditch champions of the old order” (p. 377). To Mission After Christendom (Herald Press, 2011). be sure, they did hold pagan priesthoods, but that was not the —[email protected] heart of their identity; it was a part of their aristocratic lifestyle (along with estate management, socializing, and politicking). Their scholarship was unimpressive (Symmachus’s learning was

January 2012 39 grossly exaggerated by moderns), and they were not willing to perhaps ironic, though Cameron did not note it as such, that by be seriously inconvenienced for their beliefs. Cameron points out the late fourth century, Christian leaders were developing forms that in 385, after his unsuccessful appeal for the Altar of Victory, of symbiotic relationship between religion and imperial power Symmachus gave up the struggle, retired from public life, and that were new to Christianity and that in due course would make devoted himself to writing perfectly groomed, uncontroversial the church vulnerable to external pressure. letters to prominent correspondents. So from Cameron’s perspec- Second, the nature of conversion. Cameron traces the stories tive, in the 390s, when Theodosius defeated Eugenius, the battle of aristocrats from pagan families who went over to Christianity. was driven by personal ambition rather than religion (Eugenius But he does not discuss the effects of these conversions on their was probably a Christian). Indeed, by the 390s Roman paganism lives or on the church. To become a Christian seems to have had had already lost the will to live. Most aristocrats gradually went a sociological cost: Cameron mentions Marinus Victorinus, who over to Christianity, not because of coercion and not because of delayed his “coming out” as a Christian because his elite culture deep inner conviction, but because the church represented the saw Christianity as socially disreputable. But were there other future, and the only way they could maintain their position in places at which Christian catechesis clashed with traditional society was by joining it. According to Cameron, Roman pagan- aristocratic values? Cameron refers to Volusian, who almost ism petered out gradually, with a whimper. two decades after the Battle of the Frigidus told Augustine that Cameron’s case is formidable. His reading of the literary texts he hesitated to convert to Christianity because “baptism was of the fourth century is expert and exhaustive; it represents three- incompatible with the demands of a public career”(p. 196), (e.g., fifths of his book’s almost 900 pages. Many of these pages are the use of military violence). Augustine reassured Volusian. And primarily of interest to students of the literature of late antiquity, this seems to have been the pattern: Christian leaders helped the but at significant points Cameron’s treatment addresses issues church inculturate itself in the social milieu of the aristocrats so that interest missiologists and students of the history of Christian the aristocrats, in converting to Christianity, would not need mission. I point to three of these issues. to change. As Cameron puts it, “Short of participation in the First, the vulnerability of state-supported religion. As Cam- old cults, most other aspects of the traditional aristocratic life- eron tells the story, the civic paganism of Rome was dependent style had now been embraced by their Christian descendents” on its symbiotic relationship with the urban and imperial power (p. 204). It is possible that to some extent this, as Michele Salzman structures. So when imperial laws, beginning with the reign of has expressed it, “aristocratized” Christianity.1 Constantine I, ordered the desecration of temples and the ban- Finally, the rapid spread and social breadth of Christianiza- ning of public animal sacrifices, these measures (whether or not tion. According to Cameron, the Roman population in the 390s they were always enforced) had a devastating effect on civic was “overwhelmingly Christian” (p. 204), but he provides no paganism and the inner certainties of its aristocratic priests. evidence of this. If he had spent less time looking at the texts of When Gratian in 382 prohibited the cults from receiving financial the elite and given more attention to the archaeology and artifacts subsidies, it was “the blow from which they never recovered” that betray the convictions of the Roman lower classes, he would (p. 245). Paganism, it seems, was vulnerable because it was a find that there were plebeian “last pagans” centuries after the “state church.” Roman paganism was not rooted in the convic- last aristocrats had submitted to baptism. As Ramsay MacMullen tions of communities of people that gave it resources to survive has pointed out,2 in festivals, gestures, apotropaic rituals, and when the state withdrew approval and subsidies. Indeed, its tomb-side meals, paganism found a stubborn, subterranean life traditions prepared its elite leaders to adapt to the emperor’s that aristocratic bishops, no doubt like their aristocratic pagan new religion rather than to resist it. Christianity, in contrast, was forbears, found it difficult to understand. If Cameron had focused shaped in opposition, had a martyr tradition, and could draw on the common Romans as well as the elite, he would have given strength from the deep convictions of its socially diverse mem- deeper meaning to “the last pagans.” He also would have writ- bers, whose beliefs and practices were formed in catechesis. It is ten another book. Notes 1. Michele Renee Salzman, The Making of a Christian Aristocracy 2. See Ramsay MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2002), p. 201. Eighth Centuries (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1997).

Worldwide Increase in Catholic Population, Deacons, Priests, and Bishops According to the Statistical Yearbook of the Church, published during 2009, Pope Benedict established ten new dioceses, by the Vatican, the worldwide Catholic population increased bringing to 2,956 the number of dioceses and church jurisdic- in 2009 by 15 million or 1.3 percent, slightly outpacing tions in the world. Some other statistics from the yearbook the global population growth rate of 1.1 percent. Also include:

• The number of Catholics worldwide was 1.18 billion, up 15 million from the 1.16 billion reported a year earlier. • Only 13.6 percent of the world’s people, but 49.4 percent of all Catholics, live in the Americas. • The number of bishops in the world increased to 5,065 from 5,002; the number of priests increased from 405,178 to 410,593. • The number of permanent deacons reported—38,155—was an increase of more than 1,000 over the previous year, with 98 percent of them living in the Americas or in Europe. • The number of women in religious orders fell by almost 10,000 in 2009, despite increases in their numbers in Asia and Africa, to a new total of 729,371 members.

40 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1

Twenty-Three Countries with Catholic Populations over 10 Million

Country Catholics % Catholic Priests Parishes

Brazil 164,900,000 84.5% 19,999 10,210 Mexico 98,831,000 91.9% 15,985 6,572 Philippines 75,370,000 81.8% 8,753 3,134 United States 69,609,000 22.7% 43,417 18,154 Italy 57,434,000 95.4% 48,335 25,706 France 46,875,000 74.9% 19,877 15,837 Spain 42,470,000 92.5% 25,010 22,674 Colombia 42,456,000 94.4% 8,758 4,123 Argentina 37,203,000 92.7% 5,861 2,725 Congo, Democratic Republic 36,807,000 52.6% 5,268 1,354 Poland 36,640,000 96.0% 29,593 10,303 Peru 25,132,000 86.3% 3,111 1,533 Germany 25,118,000 30.7% 17,418 11,649 Venezuela 24,923,000 87.8% 2,695 1,346 Nigeria 23,039,000 15.5% 5,592 2,768 India 18,573,000 1.6% 25,452 9,683 Canada 14,594,000 43.3% 8,180 4,388 Uganda 13,475,000 44.0% 1,918 477 Tanzania, Republic of 12,826,000 30.6% 2,480 926 Ecuador 12,788,000 91.3% 2,174 1,327 Chile 12,532,000 74.0% 2,327 947 Guatemala 11,376,000 81.2% 1,058 471 Kenya 10,530,000 26.7% 2,232 829

The Roman Catholic Church Worldwide (Changes from 2004 to 2009)

Region 2004 2009 Change

Africa Catholic population 148,817,000 179,480,000 +20.6% Priests (diocesan and religious) 31,259 36,766 +17.6% Catholics per Priest 4,761 4,882 North America Catholic population 80,400,000 84,218,000 +4.7% (excluding Mexico) Priests (diocesan and religious) 55,371 51,608 -6.8% Catholics per Priest 1,452 1,632 Central America Catholic population 153,535,000 160,940,000 +4.8% (including Mexico Priests (diocesan and religious) 21,915 23,511 +7.3% and Caribbean) Catholics per Priest 7,006 6,845 South America Catholic population 315,003,000 336,854,000 +6.9% Priests (diocesan and religious) 44,378 47,448 +6.9% Catholics per Priest 7,098 7,099 Asia Catholic population 113,489,000 125,860,000 +10.9% Priests (diocesan and religious) 48,222 55,441 +15.0% Catholics per Priest 2,353 2,270 Europe Catholic population 278,736,000 284,030,000 +1.9% Priests (diocesan and religious) 199,978 191,055 -4.5% Catholics per Priest 1,394 1,487 Oceania Catholic population 8,568,000 9,283,000 +8.3% Priests (diocesan and religious) 4,798 4,764 -0.7% Catholics per Priest 1,786 1,949 WORLDWIDE Catholic population 1,098,366,000 1,180,665,000 +7.5% Priests (diocesan and religious) 405,891 410,573 +1.2% Catholics per Priest 2,706 2,876

Reprinted from The CARA Report 17, no. 1 (Summer 2011): 5, 7–8; used by permission.

January 2012 41 Book Reviews

Allah: A Christian Response.

By Miroslav Volf. New York: HarperOne, 2011. Pp. 326. $25.99; paperback $15.99.

Anyone who works in the field of it can encourage resistance to idolatries the history of reflection on such issues in Christian-Muslim relations knows that associated with national and religious connection with the missionary encounter the question “Do Christians and Muslims identity; it can provide the possibility of of Christians with Muslims—think of the worship the same God?” is asked with life together in politically plural societies; work of Kenneth Cragg and others—or in great regularity. In this wise book, the fruit and it can lead to a common struggle the writings of Arabic-speaking Christians of a lifetime’s experience but especially against extremist violence. The real who, already in the early Islamic centuries, of encounters, dialogue, and reflection differences between Christian and Islamic knew God as Allah and had to defend occasioned by the document “A Common God-discourse are not “deal-breakers” but their Trinitarian faith in an Islamic context. Word Between Us and You” (2007) and rather invitations to deeper reflection— But these are minor complaints about its responses, Miroslav Volf tackles the beautifully exemplified in Volf’s chapters a book from which I learned on every question head-on. After seeking insight (8–9) on God’s mercy and “eternal and page. With it, Volf has not only provided from the encounters with Islam of Nicholas unconditional love.” a meticulous theological analysis; he has of Cusa and Martin Luther, Volf argues, This is an ambitious book that aims given us a vision of a peaceful future in a in precise, step-by-step fashion, that to reflect on a wide range of difficult world that Christians share with Muslims. Christian and Islamic descriptions of issues in an inviting and accessible way. Furthermore, he makes a very timely God and God’s commands, while by no Naturally, the discussion of some topics appeal to his Western Christian readers means identical, are sufficiently similar to could be expanded. Volf’s presentation to be consistent disciples of Jesus, avoiding allow the affirmation that Christians and of the doctrine of the Trinity (chap. 7) the temptation to make religion into an Muslims (at least, those who represent their tends toward the formal and abstract, identity marker and heeding the command traditions well) do worship the same God. while the complex political issues tackled to love one’s neighbor—including in our (As Volf points out, the somewhat parallel in chapter 12 (“Two Faiths, Common theological analyses. case of divergent Christian and Jewish God, Single Government”) could use a —Mark N. Swanson descriptions of God is instructive here.) book of their own. Readers of the IBMR Furthermore, this result has important may be surprised by the suggestion that Mark N. Swanson, the Harold S. Vogelaar Professor consequences for Christians and Muslims: serious attempts to address the “same of Christian-Muslim Studies and Interfaith Relations it can allow for respectful, mutual witness God” question are mostly a post–9/11 at the Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, is to their faith, as well as joint witness to phenomenon, at least in the West (p. 111). the author of The Coptic Papcy in Islamic Egypt, the true source of human flourishing; And I missed any acknowledgment of 641–1517 (American Univ. in Cairo Press, 2010).

Christianity and Chinese Culture. are fostering the unity and healthy development of the nation” (p. xvi). Edited by Miikka Ruokanen and Paulos Huang. This is no exaggeration. Across China’s Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010. Pp. xx, 384. affluent cities, students, intellectuals, Paperback $40. professionals, and entrepreneurs are embracing Protestantism in ever greater This timely book emerges from a 2003 sym- state-approved temples, mosques, and numbers. They are using their newfound posium in Finland entitled “Christianity churches. With two million baptisms a wealth—a “gift from God”—to extend and Chinese Culture: A Sino-Nordic Con- year, China will soon surpass America as Christian charity and pastoral training into ference on Chinese Contextual Theo- the center of evangelical Protestantism. the still-impoverished countryside, even logy.” In it, Chinese academicians and During the past decade, a framework as pseudo-Christian sects and non–Three- church leaders assess their efforts to called “Reconstruction of Theological Self Christians preach millennial visions encourage postdenominational Chinese Thinking” (RTT) has guided “patriotic” of distributive justice, which foment Protestantism to “contribute more actively Three-Self Protestants in developing an antigovernment unrest in many villages. and positively” to a “new spiritual “authentic Chinese way of biblical inter- It is clear that RTT can succeed only culture” in the search for a durable moral pretation” as they shed their missionary if the government continues its policy compass for twenty-first-century China. origins and, in dialogue with resurgent of limited tolerance of the “patriotic” Contrary to Marxist expectations, China’s Chinese religions, address the life-altering church, while pursuing its two-thousand- growing prosperity in its globalizing challenges of hypermodernization. year practice of subordinating religion economy sees more, not fewer, Chinese Supported by Three-Self leaders, academic to the state and encouraging China’s embracing religion. Today, forty years experts on religion, and the government’s religions today to contribute to building after the Cultural Revolution, one in Religious Affairs Bureau, RTT seeks a “harmonious” society. (The conference three Chinese acknowledges a personal to integrate China’s “moral ethics did not discuss the problematic relations religious inclination. Some eighty million of benevolence” with Christianity’s between the unregistered house churches Protestants (compared with 750,000 in “religious ethics of love” into the basis and the government.) 1949) are the fastest-growing segment of of the country’s new moral foundation. As headlong modernization exacts the estimated 200 million worshippers in According to the editors, “Christians an escalating toll on Chinese society, the

42 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 church’s challenge is to preach biblical outreach, which required the study of or crisis was the main reason for relapses principles and exercise its prophetic voice, Amerindian languages and ways of life. by neophytes (pp. 36–61). even while remaining within the confines From this engagement arose the concept The strict focus on Jesuit missionary of the state’s very narrow parameters of of reductions, which became the signature scientists in Latin America is a strength religious freedom. Jesuit way of doing mission there, notably as well as a limitation of this study, which —P. Richard Bohr in Paraguay (pp. 29–35). The reductions cries out for comparison with like efforts also served as “contact zones” for exchange elsewhere, notably in China. P. Richard Bohr is Professor of History and Chair of of information about the natural world, —Christoffer H. Grundmann Asian Studies at the College of Saint Benedict and especially the medicinal properties of Saint John’s University in Minnesota. plants and minerals, the intelligent use of Christoffer H. Grundmann is the John R. Eckrich which by missionaries proved vital for the University Professor in Religion and the Healing success of their enterprise, since recourse Arts at Valparaiso University, Valparaiso, Indiana. to shamanic treatment in cases of disease

Missionary Scientists: Jesuit Science in Spanish South America, RECENT BOOKS from Eerdmans 1570–1810. FOR THE COMMUNION OF THE CHURCHES By Andrés I. Prieto. Nashville: Vanderbilt The Contribution of the Groupe des Dombes Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. x, 287. $59.95. Catherine E. Clifford, editor This book—though not a missiological “A useful resource for teaching, exploring ecumenical history, and treatise proper—is a good read and providing resources for church leaders in their response to Christ’s highly instructive for everyone interested in the history and cultural impact of prayer that they all may be one.” — Jeffrey Gros, FSC Christian missions in Latin America, in ISBN 978-0-8028-6532-8 · 231 pages · paperback · $30.00 particular the scholarly and scientific impact of Jesuit missionaries in the then Spanish viceroyalty of Peru (at times CHRIST JESUS AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE TODAY stretching down to what is today Chile, New Explorations of Theological Interrelationships Argentina, and Paraguay). The author, Philip A. Cunningham, Joseph Sievers, Mary C. Boys, professor of Spanish and Portuguese at the University of Colorado at Boulder, Hans Hermann Henrix, and Jesper Svartvik, editors intends to document the neglected Foreword by Walter Cardinal Kasper “contributions to the study of nature “This work is a bold step forward in Catholic searching for a closer made by Jesuits working in the Spanish theological bond to Judaism without giving up the differences between American missions” (p. 2) until their expulsion in 1767. Prieto first outlines the the two faiths. . . . Offers the cutting edge of Christian theological views development of Jesuit missionary work of Judaism.” — Alan Brill on that continent (pp. 13–87) and then ISBN 978-0-8028-6624-0 · 334 pages · paperback · $36.00 describes the institutional network that enabled the personal relationships that sustained Jesuit missionaries in the pur- WALK HUMBLY WITH THE LORD suit of scientific quests, even when working Church and Mission Engaging Plurality in remote areas (pp. 91–140). In part 3 he Viggo Mortensen and Andreas Østerlund Nielsen, editors compares seminal publications on the (natural) history of the New World by “A marvelous collection of reﬂ ections on mission that will be especially Jesuit authors of the period (pp. 143–220). helpful to Christians committed to living faithfully and missionally in An epilogue (pp. 221–28) addresses the today’s pluralistic world.” active involvement of displaced Jesuits — Stephen Bevans, SVD from Latin America, notably from Chile. ISBN 978-0-8028-6630-1 · 322 pages · paperback · $45.00 While part 2 tells about the flow of scientific information within the CHRISTIANITY AND CHINESE CULTURE Society of Jesus in those days and part 3 traces the arguments advanced in Miikka Ruokanen and Paulos Huang, editors explaining (strange) natural phenomena “This is a most timely publication on the current issues and research by recourse to Aristotelian-informed on Christianity and Chinese culture in the PRC. . . . This book should Thomistic theology, in which all Jesuits were trained, it is part 1 that deserves the be on the shelf of any scholar interested in the subject.” special attention of missiologists. In it the — Edmond Tang author explains the significant differences ISBN 978-0-8028-6556-4 · 404 pages · paperback · $40.00 between Jesuit missionary endeavors in Spanish South America and those in Europe. In general, Jesuits were to run At your bookstore, schools and institutions of higher learning or call 800-253-7521 1024 in urban areas. In the Spanish viceroyalty www.eerdmans.com of Peru, however, they were forced to do parish work (doctrina) and missionary

January 2012 43 The History of the Catholic Church weakness of the Latin American church in in Latin America: From Conquest producing its own clergy and in sending to Revolution and Beyond. missionaries to its unevangelized areas, much less to other regions of the world, By John Frederick Schwaller. New York: New will seem symptomatic of deeper prob- York Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. ix, 318. $35. lems, but the underlying disease is only hinted at. This volume traces the major themes and priest’s rebellion against Cortés during Another weakness of the book is its issues in the history of the Catholic Church the conquest of Mexico, to the Bourbon treatment of the Catholic Charismatic in Latin America from Columbus to the monarchs’ showdowns with the Jesuits, Renewal (CCR), which receives only present, a difficult task for a region today to Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet’s one paragraph of attention, compared to comprising eighteen nations, each with confrontations with Cardinal Raúl Silva several pages for recent progressive forms its own distinctive history. Understanding Hénriquez, the relationship between of Catholicism such as liberation theology that he cannot be encyclopedic, John the church and secular powers has had and base ecclesial communities. As Andrew Frederick Schwaller presents a “general profound implications for the direction Chesnut and Edward Cleary have shown, framework” designed to help readers and stability of Latin American society. the CCR is the fastest growing part of the make sense of a long and complicated Given the centrality of the church in Catholic Church in Latin America and the history by paying particular attention to Latin America, the ongoing struggle for only movement within the church that the political and economic influence of priestly vocations detailed throughout seems able to compete with the juggernaut Catholicism in the region. the book strikes a slightly discordant of Pentecostalism. Despite these lacunae, There is little doubt, argues Schwaller, note. That a region heavily evangelized this is a clear, fair, and intelligent treatment that the Catholic Church is the “central in the sixteenth century still depended of a complicated subject that would work institution” in the history of Latin heavily on foreign priests in the twentieth well in an introductory-level course on America. He demonstrates convincingly century—with some countries still having Latin America or World Christianity. that church-state relations have usually a majority of foreign priests—begs for more —Todd Hartch been one of the most important issues, explanation than Schwaller chooses to if not the single most important issue, in give. Especially for readers interested in Todd Hartch teaches Latin American history at any given viceroyalty or nation. From a the missionary aspects of Christianity, the Eastern Kentucky University, Richmond, Kentucky.

God’s Empire: Religion and ecclesiastically organized, directed and Colonialism in the British World, maintained, representing the culmination c. 1801–1908. of the colonial missions movement, was “achieved only with the eradication of the By Hilary M. Carey. Cambridge: Cambridge native population” (p. 370). God’s Empire Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. xviii, 421. £60 / $99. reminds us that empire building, even in God’s name, was a divisive, disturbing “Why does the mere idea of empire “Protestant nation” expanded to become business. now attract division,” asks Hilary M. a “Christian empire” over the course of —J. Edmund Heavens Carey, “when over a hundred years ago, the nineteenth century (p. 40). The second imperial church gatherings . . . captivated examines the objectives of the various J. Edmund Heavens teaches American history at the London metropole?” (p. xiii). God’s colonial missionary societies and the the University of Cambridge and the University Empire traces the waxing and waning planting of a sectarian network of churches of East Anglia. in the cohesive strength of the “dense throughout Greater Britain. The third focuses imperial religious networks” developed by upon the nature of the colonial clergy and the churches that ministered to the needs notes that Parliament found questions of the British diaspora colonizing “Greater of their patriotic loyalty and theological Britain” during the nineteenth century orthodoxy sufficiently irritating as to (p. 68). Empire created transnational legislate for their regulation in 1874. The final Korean Diaspora and Christian opportunities for the development of part explores the “systematic” or religious Mission. religious missions to both the indigenous colonization, which sought to address the and the colonizing peoples of the British late-Victorian debate over the morality of Edited by S. Hun Kim and Wonsuk Ma. world, but Carey seeks to understand why colonization and its generally disastrous Oxford: Regnum Books International, 2011. the former enterprise is still celebrated results for the indigenous inhabitants of Pp. xviii, 339. £31.99 / $35. today, while the latter has almost been colonized territories (p. 308). forgotten. Although her theoretical touch Carey concludes that the colonial With the growing interest in non-Western is light, with only a passing mention Christian consensus was gradually mission movements in the past few de- of hegemony or postcolonial theory, undermined by the centrifugal cultural cades, there has also emerged an aware- the author explicitly focuses upon the dynamics of religious sectarianism, ness of the role of diaspora Christians “Christian consensus which supported the colonial nationalism, and internationalism. as both missionaries and subjects of expansion of the British world through the By the turn of the century, it was the souls mission. Korean Christians present an planting of religious institutions in every of the heathen, rather than those of the especially interesting example of how conceivable corner of the Empire” (p. xiv). colonists, that occupied the metropolitan the diaspora can be utilized in mission. This excellent book is organized in missionary mind. This book provides an With the second-largest number of inter- four parts. The first discusses terms such honest answer to its author’s primary national missionaries in the world, South as “Greater Britain” and traces how the question: even the colonization that was Korean churches have a keen interest in

44 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 cross-cultural mission, although at times introduction to the life of Jan Tzatzoe, Missionary Society (LMS) and with it has been hindered by the monocultural who helped bring together the worlds of British colonial officers in the nineteenth background of its missionaries. Outside of Africa and Europe into a new South African century. With creative imagination, Levine South Korea, millions of Koreans dwell reality, and in its discussion of the crucial tells the missionary story in Xhosaland in large numbers in such countries as the roles of Africans as agents of cultural and by exploring closely the life of Tzatzoe, United States, Japan, China, and Brazil. intellectual change in a world of swart focusing on his success as “a religious, The Korean diaspora communities have gevaar (Afrikaans for “black threat”) in linguistic, and intellectual innovator in the been the subject of mission, but many Xhosaland in the nineteenth century. regimented setting of European missions within them are now playing an active Divided into three well-crafted and the more syncretic settings of various role as missionaries. parts, the book presents the geography, Xhosa communities” (p. 5). Korean Diaspora and Christian Mission, history, politics, and lifestyle of the Xhosa Roger Levine transcends the stereo- edited by S. Hun Kim and Wonsuk Ma, is people and their interaction with the typical narrative history of missionary the first book to focus on this fascinating European missionaries from the London work in Africa. He argues that, because and multidimensional subject. The first part, “Foundations,” examines the theological, historical, and social elements of the Korean diaspora and the concept of diaspora in general. The second section, “Setting the Stage,” considers the Word Made Global emergence of migrant mission and some of the cultural barriers that inhibit the growth of Korean cross-cultural evangelism. The final part, “Korean Diaspora in Mission,” Stories of African Christianity in New York City delves into some existing and planned projects set up for migrants in South Korea Foreword by Andrew F. Walls and the Korean diaspora. Throughout the work true enthusiasm is displayed about Mark R. Gornik Afterword by Emmanuel Katongole the potential of Korean diaspora mission. There is a disappointing lack of in- depth examination of existing diaspora ministries both within and outside of South Korea, with some exceptions, such as Steve Sang-cheol Moon’s “The Korean Diaspora Models of a Missional Church” and David Chul Han Jun’s “A South Korean Case Study of Migrant Ministries.” This shortcoming, however, follows from the view of a number of authors within the book that a fully functioning Korean diaspora mission is still more of a vision than a present reality. While Korean Diaspora and Christian Mission covers a wide variety of topics, “Mark Gornik’s fascinating, in-depth look at African Christianity the reader will come away with a greater in New York City should be read by anyone concerned to awareness of the Korean diaspora and migrant ministries within South Korea, understand the future of the new, global Christianity, and as well as an enhanced knowledge of the especially by those doing urban ministry. . . . This is the kind Korean missionary movement. —Amy Mormino of analysis sorely needed today.” — Timothy Keller

Amy Mormino is Professor of Missiology and Church History at St. Petersburg Seminary in Florida. “This unique and illuminating study, based on extensive religious ethnography, is indeed a vital contribution to our understanding of the dynamics, mission, and vitality of new African Christianity in New York City. It will assume a significant reference point for future research in a relatively nascent field. It is a must-read!” A Living Man from Africa: Jan Tzatzoe, Xhosa Chief and — Afe Adogame Missionary, and the Making of Nineteenth-Century South Africa. ISBN 978-0-8028-6448-2 · 368 pages · paperback · $30.00 By Roger S. Levine. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. xiii, 291. $30.

This book will doubtless be hailed as a At your bookstore, landmark in the study of Christianity or call 800-253-7521 1047 among the Xhosa people of South Africa. www.eerdmans.com It does double duty both as an excellent

January 2012 45 Tzatzoe lived on the margins between but also adapted to and mobilized African Protestant missionary movement on East Christianity and his African roots, he had influences, while Africans in turn ignored, Asia in the pre-Edinburgh period, and credibility among both the missionaries acknowledged, absorbed, and confronted Xinping Zhuo argues that Christianity and his fellow Xhosa citizens. Tzatzoe was European civilization. Tzatzoe traveled in China has played an important role in a man of faith and an intermediary, and he back and forth between his African roots politics, although its sociocultural role personified the hybrid nature of the new and Christianity, which meant that he was has been limited. self created by the colonial encounter with crossing vast political, cultural, spiritual, As regards China, John T. P. Lai Africans in South Africa. and ideological chasms. examines the Christian literature ministry A Living Man from Africa will strength- A Living Man from Africa is richly in China and Japan, highlighting the en mission scholarship, and its contribu- researched and splendidly written. It is a different ways of distribution and policies tions to the production and dissemina- welcome and innovative addition to the of self-support. Kevin Xiyi Yao argues that tion of Christian knowledge in narrative growing interest in narrative missionary fundamentalism in the region was a local history of mission will be far-reaching. history. but international movement, showing The author has resurrected the story of —Caleb O. Oladipo a marked variation: in China, it was the missionary encounter with the Xhosa major and apolitical; in Korea, major and people, showing a conflicted relationship Caleb O. Oladipo is the Duke K. McCall Professor political; and in Japan, minor. Peter Tze characterized by mutual acceptance and of Mission and World Christianity at the Baptist Ming Ng and Yongguang Zhang explore rejection. The colonial authorities critiqued Theological Seminary, Richmond, Virginia. the impact of Christian education on nationalism and modernization. In Japan it was “an enemy”; in Korea, “a promoter”; and in China, “a mediating tool for dialogue” between nationalism and cosmopolitanism (pp. 71–72). According Culture, Inculturation, and to Jiafeng Liu, unlike in Japan, Christian Theologians: A Postmodern socialism in China was a minor and Critique. short-lived movement. Comparing Sino theology with the Mukyokai movement, By Gerald A. Arbuckle. Collegeville, Minn.: Pan-chiu Lai views it as “a cultural rather Liturgical Press, 2010. Pp. xxiv, 200. than religious movement” (p. 103). Paperback $24.95. With reference to Japan, Thomas G. Oey’s essay on John Liggins reveals In Culture, Inculturation, and Theologians, cultural hybridization and discontent—is that resistance to Christianity forced this the distinguished Marist anthropologist the nature of this universe. The Gospel does pioneer to do mission work indirectly Gerald Arbuckle returns to themes he not take us out of this world but orients us rather than directly. Yuko Watanabe’s traced in his 1990 book Earthing the Gospel. in a life lived toward death, the ultimate article on the Chinese YMCA in Tokyo But where his former book was a practical chaos. Given this chaos, in Arbuckle’s view, sheds light on the internationalization of handbook to help missioners and pastoral the church’s role is one of helping human missionary efforts in the early twentieth workers think about cultural systems beings embrace the paschal mystery of century. Naoto Tsuji scrutinizes how in their everyday work, Arbuckle’s death and life as Christ did, not to struggle to theological views, conservative and liberal, most recent book seeks to clarify our restore or create an imaginary, pristine Eden. dominated the landscape of Christian situation today in which terms such as God’s call is into an increasingly intercultur- education. “cultural” and “multicultural” have al drama and to being light in darkness. Concerning Korea, Chong-ku Paek’s become ubiquitous—without careful —William R. Burrows article on John Ross, a China missionary attention being given to what they mean working for China and Korea, shows how in a rapidly changing world. William R. Burrows, a contributing editor of the missionary work in one nation could be Arbuckle succeeds in clarifying the IBMR, is Research Professor of Missiology, Center for mobilized for a neighboring country. field of anthropology and drawing out its World Christianity, New York Theological Seminary. Ji-il Tark investigates Canadian missions, implications for understanding an almost which worked in Japan, Manchuria, and universal judgment by the educated, Korea but concentrated mainly on one namely, that “metanarratives” are tools to ethnic group, the Koreans. Examining dominate others. This is a profoundly theo- the Holiness mission and church in the logical book rooted in a biblical outlook, but region, Jong-hyun Park investigates how it shows great awareness that churches and Christian Presence and Progress their seemingly apolitical doctrine of the mission bodies are often guilty of passing in North-East Asia: Historical and second coming of Christ was interpreted off particular, culturally derived principles Comparative Studies. politically by the indigenous governments. as biblical and universally mandatory. Byung-tae Kim considers the effect of the Accordingly, the question that Edited by Jan A. B. Jongeneel et al. Frankfurt: Korean War on the development of Chinese underlies everything in this superb book Peter Lang, 2011. Pp. xiv, 242. SFr 70 / €44.70 and Korean churches, pro-Communist is, What use can churches make of the / £40.20 / US$69.95. versus anti-Communist, in the postbellum welter of conflicting anthropological years. In sum, as a collection of papers, insights? And even deeper, What is the This book is a selection of papers originally this book leads us through a kaleidoscopic Gospel? As a Catholic, Arbuckle confronts presented at the Seventh International array of issues, all the while contributing a clerical system whose approach to Conference of the North-East Asia to our overall knowledge of this region culture resembles the McDonald approach Council of Studies in the History of and its history. to nutrition. (This, by the way, is not Christianity, held in China in 2009. The —Kyo Seong Ahn the problem of Protestant missiologists first two articles put into context the and church leaders.) Arbuckle’s book is discussion of the conference: Jan A. B. Kyo Seong Ahn is Assistant Professor of Historical nonetheless important for such readers, Jongeneel surveys the impact of the Theology, Presbyterian College and Theological because he knows that chaos—including interdenominationalism of the Western Seminary, Seoul, Korea.

46 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Jesus and the Incarnation: The In-Between People: A Reading Reflections of Christians from of David Bosch Through the Lens Islamic Contexts. of Mission History and Contemporary Challenges in Edited by David Emmanuel Singh. Oxford: Ethiopia. Regnum Books, 2011. Pp. vii, 245. Paperback £24.99. By Girma Bekele. Eugene, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, Pickwick Publications, 2011. Pp. xvi, 461. Jesus and the Incarnation is a collection Paperback $51. of papers representing a wide range of Christian voices and perspectives around Girma Bekele’s published Ph.D. thesis enhances the growing body of Ethiopian the themes of “The Word Made Flesh” from Wycliffe College (University of scholarship. Prior to his Toronto graduate and “The Word Made Book” within the Toronto) is a magisterial tome that studies, Girma was employed in the context of global Muslim-Christian encounters. After the introductory chapter by David Singh, the book is divided into three major sections: “The Word,” “Community,” and “Witness.” Instead of simply focusing on the old RECENT BOOKS FROM polemics between Islam and Christianity on the divisive topic of the Incarnation, this collection is an attempt to “make way for creative forms of conversation and debate” EERDMANS (pp. 16–17) between the two faiths. Some of the articles seem to be more FAITH AND ORDER IN THE U.S.A. relevant to the stated theme of the book A Brief History of Studies and Relationships than others. As always, Kenneth Cragg William a. NorgreN brings out fresh and creative insights by showing how, even within the Islamic “ A narrative of an unrecorded part of the American understanding of revelation, “if the eternal ecumenical story and an indispensable resource for ecumenists and historians.” is to enter into the temporal, there must — William G. Rusch be a point of entry where the universal ISBN 978-0-8028-6599-1 has become the particular, the timeless 103 pages • paperback • $20.00 the time-old” (p. 24). Mark Beaumont’s article is a helpful summary of some of the classic disputes on the Incarnation in the MUHLENBERG’S MINISTERIUM, early centuries of the encounter between Muslim and Christian theologians, BEN FRANKLIN’S DEISM, while Jonathan Culver introduces us AND THE CHURCHES OF THE to the apologetic works of Hamran TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Ambrie, an Indonesian Muslim convert to Christianity. Reflections on the 250th Anniversary of the Some other articles do not seem to Oldest Lutheran Church Body in North America fit naturally within the stated aim of this JohN reumaNN, editor work. Mary Kay McVicker’s article on the religious rituals of an Indian Shi‘ite ISBN 978-0-8028-6246-4 community or David Grafton’s pre- 244 pages • paperback • $22.00 sentation on the Van Dyck Arabic translation of the Bible fall in this category. Some voices raise important BRITISH MISSIONARIES challenges to the church regarding AND THE END OF EMPIRE incarnational ministry among Muslims East, Central, and Southern Africa, 1939–64 (articles by Peter Riddell and Phil Parshall), and others move beyond the boundaries STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN MISSIONS SERIES of historic orthodoxy in regard to Chris- JohN Stuart tology (Clinton Bennett). “Authoritatively and elegantly written, crackling I believe this book could have been with insight, and drawing on a huge range of significantly enhanced if it had been more archival sources, this book will be recognized as focused on the theological themes around indispensable in the study of both mission history the doctrine of the Incarnation and also if it and decolonization.” had presented more voices from Christian — John Darwin writers who had come out of a Muslim ISBN 978-0-8028-6633-2 background. 253 pages • paperback • $40.00 —Sasan Tavassoli

Sasan Tavassoli, a former Shi‘ite Muslim from Iran, At your bookstore, Wm. B. Eerdmans serves as a missionary among Iranians. Publishing Co. or call 800-253-7521 1527 2140 Oak Industrial Dr NE www.eerdmans.com Grand Rapids, MI 49505

January 2012 47

Eerdmans Ad 1527-d development sector of the Ethiopian Prophetic Dialogue: Reflections on Kale Heywet Church. He is to be Christian Mission Today. commended for his scholarly “double listening” (credit to John Stott): first, to By Stephen B. Bevans and Roger P. Schroeder. South African missiologist/theologian Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 2011. Pp. xi, David Bosch through some eighty-six 194. Paperback $35. articles, essays, letters, and books; and second, both to historiographers of the Catholic Theological Union professors there is a sufficient degree of ecumenical Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOTC) and Stephen B. Bevans and Roger P. Schroeder openness. to contemporary writers on the emerging have become well known for their wide The last two chapters of the book deal Ethiopian evangelical movement. Girma vistas on mission theology—seeing with church/mission history and recent may be the first historian to suggest a their names on the book cover raises Magisterial mission documents that the creative partnership between the two expectations! This time they tackle the authors consider to have contributed seemingly disparate Ethiopian church issue of prophetic dialogue, the generally toward a deepened understanding of traditions. accepted description of the nature of mission as prophetic dialogue. The In part 1 Girma considers Bosch’s mission in their religious order, the church-historical chapter reads like a fast- sociotheological journey and trans- Society of the Divine Word (SVD). This forward version of two millennia from the formation as a Reformed Afrikaner issue became a compromise between chosen point of view. The chapter on the struggling with state-sanctioned apartheid. the context-affirming and the context- Magisterial documents is far more useful, Part 2 presents Bosch’s key missiological challenging nature of Christian mission. serving simultaneously as an analysis of concepts as basically grounded in the New While all mission needs to be dialogical the documents from the given point of Testament. In part 3 Girma focuses on and open to the other, it also needs to have view and as a condensed introduction to Ethiopia’s mission history and, through a challenging cutting edge. these documents. This chapter is highly the lens of Bosch’s various missiological The book consists of two parts (even valuable, especially for students. paradigms, describes the unique qualities if the parts are not marked), starting Most of the chapters were originally of the sixteen centuries of the EOTC, with constructive mission-theological written as independent articles, and even the two large “mission churches” (Kale deliberations and ending with two though they have been edited for this book, Heywet and Mekane Yesus), and the descriptive-analytical chapters. The the outcome hovers between a monograph Ethiopian Pentecostal movement, which first contains reflections on mission as and an anthology. The downside is the has greatly altered the landscape of prophetic dialogue from various per- number of redundant quotations and Ethiopian evangelicalism. Part 4 expands spectives. In these chapters, the authors statements, as well as a certain lack of on how the church as an “alternative skillfully craft a progressive mainline progress in argumentation. The book community” (p. 278) must broaden its Roman Catholic position on mission. It nevertheless makes for very enlightening quest for justice and social transformation attempts to balance openness and clar- reading for anyone wishing to gain a through missional involvement; in the ity of theological position. One of the picture of where today’s mainline Roman process he chides mission agencies for preferred ways in which this position is Catholic mission theology is on the way. separating evangelism and social justice. described in the book is David Bosch’s —Mika Vähäkangas In part 5 the author envisions a common famous phrase “bold humility.” Even if the ecumenical cooperation within Ethiopia to resulting mission theology builds largely Mika Vähäkangas, a Finnish citizen, is Professor of create an “in-between people,” a phrase on Roman Catholic foundations and is Mission Studies and Ecumenics at Lund University, coined by Bosch (p. 266). The cooperating unmistakably Roman Catholic in tone, Sweden. Ethiopian church bodies are to be the bridges within society, addressing the issues of government-endorsed ethnic- based federalism (which could fragment the nation), poverty in what is one of the poorest countries of the world, and the McDonaldisation, Masala impact of globalization. The in-between McGospel, and Om Economics: people themselves must first be “reconciled, Televangelism in Contemporary liberated and transformed” (p. 407). India. This is a significant book (though the editing/proofreading process could have By Jonathan D. James. New Delhi: Sage Pub- been more rigorous). In it Girma Bekele, lications, 2010. Pp. xxvii, 232. Rs 595 / $15. serving as Bosch’s “missiological dialogue partner” (p. 408), challenges Ethiopian This book is set in the broad context He likens global televangelism to Christianity (63 percent of Ethiopia’s of “the changing shape and form of “McDonaldisation” because of its population), as well as the wider global Christian ministry” (p. xvii) in the Indian standardized, one-size-fits-all approach. church, to live beyond a comfortable status church. The author, Jonathan D. James, is “Glocal” televangelism—the fusion of quo posture. This alternative community, convinced that in the Indian churches, the American and Indian evangelism—James as the inaugurated kingdom of God, “is pastoral techniques developed during the refers to as Masala McGospel. And Hindu in the world, but not of the world—for the colonial period are rapidly being replaced televangelism, a consequence of satellite world [and] against the world” (p. 405). by “techniques resembling the American technology and charismatic televangelism, We are indebted to Girma for being an model” (p. xviii). In this context, the book he characterizes as “om economics.” articulate spokesman for David Bosch, explores the American phenomenon of Chapter 1 introduces the key meta- who no longer walks among us. televangelism in India, reviewing its phors used in the book and also outlines —E. Paul Balisky historical, cultural, religious, political, and the methodology and the historical- economic setting. comparative framework of this study. E. Paul Balisky, with his wife, Lila, served with SIM At the outset, the author discusses In the second chapter James locates (Serving in Mission) in Ethiopia from 1966 to 2006. the rather unusual title of the book. charismatic televangelism in its global

48 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 context by tracing its roots to black namely, Abokobi, Accra, and Akuropon not overly dominate the discussion. In a American Pentecostalism. Chapter 3 (Akropong). Sill’s interpretation of a prologue and nine chapters, Sill examines examines the data on the history of Indian broad range of archival evidence shows the roots of women’s mission in the Basel missions and relevant issues pertaining an understanding of both Basel Mission Mission context; the roles and status of to the social and cultural aspects of policies and the mind-set of its leaders. several generations of European and Afri- Christianity in India. Chapter 4 discusses The Basel context illustrates the historic can missionary women, traditionalists, the place that charismatic televangelism contradiction of Christianity as “a and Christian nationals in nineteenth- has in contemporary India. religion embraced especially by women,” century Gold Coast; the socioeconomic The relationship between charismatic but where ironically the initiatives for functions of “space,” “clothing,” and televangelism and Hindu televangelism women’s mission were controlled by men schooling, and their appropriation by is explored in chapter 5, especially in (pp. 5–6). women in both traditional and Christian the way the Hindu channels exhibit the Such gender issues in mission may communities; the embodiment of Chris- practices of consumerism and market- be a major focus of the book, but they do tian womanhood and femininity; and ing techniques used by charismatic tel- evangelists. Chapters 6 and 7 analyze the influence of both global and glocal charismatic televangelism on the leaders of the Protestant Church and the Hindu community in urban India. In chapter 8 the author examines the intermediary role that television plays in broadcasting the Christian faith. The concluding chapter summarizes the study, as well as analyzing the findings and giving some broad predictions of mediated faith in today’s global world. As a pioneering study of the role and impact of televangelism in India, this book is essential reading for all students of religion and culture in pluralist societies. —Jesudas M. Athyal Walking with Jesudas M. Athyal is a Fellow at the Center for Global the Poor Christianity and Mission, Boston University School Principles and Practices of of Theology, Boston, Massachusetts. Transformational Development Revised and Expanded Edition Understanding BRYANT L. MYERS New MissionWorld Christianity Studies “A masterpiece of integration and The Vision and Work application that draws widely on of Andrew F. Walls the best Christian and scientific WILLIAM R. BURROWS, Encounters in Quest of Christian MARK R. GORNIK, and Womanhood: The Basel Mission in sources on development.” JANICE A. McLEAN, editors Pre- and Early Colonial Ghana. —from the Foreword by Paul G. Hiebert In place of the eurocentric 978-1-57075-939-0 model of “Christendom,” a new By Ulrike Sill. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Pp. xvii, pbk $30.00 420. €130 / $185. understanding has emerged Transforming Mission of Christianity as a “world” The Basel Mission work in the Gold Coast Paradigm Shifts in movement. At the cornerstone of in the second quarter of the nineteenth Theology of Mission this new perspective lies the work century was established at great cost 20th Anniversary Edition of lives of its first missionaries. Once of a remarkable scholar, Andrew the mission found a way to evade the DAVID J. BOSCH F. Walls. Understanding World scourge of malaria in the safety of the Foreword by William R. Burrows Christianity introduces Walls’ work Akuapem hills, however, it was able to With a new concluding chapter by and explores its wide-ranging Darrell Guder and Martin Reppenhagen settle down to the serious business of implications for understanding evangelizing the people. Before long, “Unquestionably the most com- of history, mission, the formative the arrival of missionaries’ wives and prehensive and enlightened work place of Africa in the Christian a couple of single women missionaries on mission models studied across changed the perspective not just on the story, and the cross-cultural Christian traditions and mission role of women but, quite fundamentally, transmission of faith. on the definition and goal of “Christian history.”—Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D. 978-1-57075-949-9 womanhood.” 978-1-57075-948-2 pbk $30.00 Ulrike Sill’s discussion, an expansion pbk $35.00 of her doctoral dissertation, draws widely on archival sources, notably the Basel From your bookseller or direct Mission (now Mission 21) Archives. ORBIS BOOKS Follow us Maryknoll, NY 10545 Her work traces the paths traveled by 1-800-258-5838 missionary pioneers and innovators in the www.maryknollmall.org towns where the Basel Mission operated,

January 2012 49 women’s aspirations beyond the Basel wasted, but it is presumably the main Mission context. reason why some important points were Sill writes from a sympathetic per- left uncovered, or largely ignored. spective, engaging with material from the First, there is hardly anything on fields of African history, mission history, Korea. In fact, it would have been more missiology, Christian education, sociology, truthful to replace “East Asia” in the title and gender studies. The summary of main with “China and Japan.” Second, it is clear issues at the end of each chapter, along with from the introduction, which addresses an extensive bibliography and glossary of the organizational and intellectual aspects Akan terms, makes Encounters a valuable of religion rather than the supernatural academic and historical resource. or soteriological, that the emphasis will The author of this very readable be on the interaction between religion volume maintains the reader’s interest, and politics at the top levels of society. even while presenting a wealth of Consideration of Buddhist views of the information. This study is a welcome and self and enlightenment is postponed significant addition to existing scholarship until a section on Zen and the samurai on the Basel Mission in the Gold Coast, in chapter 5 (pp. 114–16), while belief is which until now has focused primarily not dealt with until chapter 6, when it is on its male agents. examined in the rather extreme context —Maureen Iheanacho of millenarianism (pp. 123–31). There is nothing about the role of the dead or about Maureen Iheanacho served for fifteen years as the responsibility of family members, not ANNOUNCING executive assistant to the rector of the Akrofi- only to their living relatives, but also to Christaller Institute of Theology, Mission, and those who have passed away and those My Habitat Culture, Akropong-Akuapem, Ghana. She is who have yet to be born. There was also coauthor of By His Grace: Signs on a Ghanaian no space to consider whether there was Journey (Accra, 2004). any Weberian-type reason for the differing for Humanity: speeds at which Japan and China adopted the spirit of capitalism. Finally, the author, The (Mostly) Good a China specialist, is not always reliable when it comes to Japan. The book begins Old Days with a reference to the Catholic missionary Religion and the Making of activity that began with Francis Xavier in David Johnson Rowe Modern East Asia. 1549 and ended in bloodshed less than one hundred years later. Even this, however, By Thomas David DuBois. Cambridge: is misleading and inaccurate. Dr. Rowe, copastor of Green- Cambridge Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. xii, 259. I hope that lecturers who use this field Hill Congregational £55 / $90; paperback £17.99 / $27.99. textbook will be able to supplement its flaws, and that the students who use it will Church, Fairfield, Connecti- This book is part of a series of introductory be inspired to read further for themselves, cut, spent fourteen years with textbooks that adopt “New Approaches both in English and in Asian languages. Habitat for Humanity Interna- to Asian History,” the “new approach” in —Helen Ballhatchet this case being the role of religion in the tional as president, volunteer, modern history of East Asia. After a brief Helen Ballhatchet, Professor in the Faculty of and staff. His new book, an in- introduction, in which Thomas DuBois Economics, Keio University, Tokyo, has published timate look at one of the world’s emphasizes the similarities between studies of the intellectual history of Meiji Japan and religions and compares the historical role the History of Christianity in East Asia. great charities, takes the reader of religion in Asia to that of Christianity in deep into Habitat for the best Europe, the author divides the book into and worst of moments, from roughly parallel sections on China and Japan. The first section on each country bitterness to forgiveness, from contains a brief outline of its religious rural America to India, from ho- background and early history, but the The Rise of Charismatic meowners to Jimmy Carter and focus is on events from the beginning of Catholicism in Latin America. the Chinese Ming dynasty (1368) and from Millard Fuller. It is a celebration the closing stages of the Japanese civil war By Edward L. Cleary. Gainesville: Univ. Press of humble beginnings, great period in the mid-sixteenth century. The of Florida, 2011. Pp. xiii, 309. $74.95. expectations, and God’s grace. final chapters bring us to the end of the twentieth century and the “globalization In the last four decades significant changes of Asian religion.” have taken place in Latin American Paperback, 142 pages To cover so much ground so clearly religion. In the 1970s and 1980s scholars of and entertainingly in such a limited num- Latin American Christianity devoted much including shipping $12.50 ber of pages is a tremendous achievement. of their energy to analyzing the importance The achievement is the greater because of the new theology of liberation. In To order, send an e-mail to: valuable space is, quite rightly, spent on the 1990s scholarly attention shifted to [email protected] basic explanations of essential background the astonishing growth of Pentecostal or go online to www.lulu.com factors such as the differences between Protestantism, with some pundits Buddhism in South and East Asia and predicting that within a few decades the life of Confucius. This space is not more Latin Americans would be Protes-

50 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 tant than Catholic. Now Edward Cleary, less than 100 yards apart in Colonia common themes, including testimonies, a well-respected, seasoned commentator Alta Vista Alegre, a lower-class working group practices, leadership styles, and on Latin American religion who has neighborhood in Cuernavaca, Mexico. social and political action, Wingeier- been in the forefront in explaining both The work is divided into two parts. Rayo found that, in comparison with the liberation theology and Pentecostalism The literature review, in part 1 (itself well Pentecostal congregation, members of to North American audiences, has broken worth the price of the book), surveys the the CEB were older, better established new ground with The Rise of Charismatic development of CEBs and Pentecostals, in the community, and more upwardly Catholicism in Latin America. as well as the theoretical interpretations mobile. The intellectual and rational Cleary points out that, while 35 emerging among scholars. In part 2, with nature of their Bible studies, designed to million Latin Americans were turning to an eye to field-testing these theories, raise political awareness through biblical Pentecostalism in the last few decades, Wingeier-Rayo presents the findings of his reflection, contrasted with the enthusias- more than twice that number had joined yearlong ethnographic study of the two tic and emotional worship services of the the ranks of the Catholic charismatic groups. Organizing his research around Pentecostals, where sermons focused, for movement. Indeed, so successful has this movement been that today there are more Catholic charismatics in Latin America than in any other region of the world. Thus it is no exaggeration to say that, just as Pentecostalism has transformed Latin American Protestantism, so the charismatic movement is transforming Latin American Catholicism. Although the charismatic movement has much in common with Pentecostalism, Cleary points out that it is solidly grounded in Catholic sacramental life and traditional Marian devotion. He further notes that there is no one model. Some groups, for instance, are pietistic and tend to be conservative, while others incorporate social justice concerns into their agenda. Most important in Cleary’s mind, it is a grassroots, lay movement that is committed to evangelization and that has the potential to revitalize the Catholic Church. Cleary is puzzled that commentators on Latin American religion have largely overlooked the Catholic charismatic movement. With the publication of this book, however, it seems safe to predict that they will now take notice. —Edward T. Brett

Edward T. Brett is Professor of History at La Roche College, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

Where Are the Poor? A Comparison of the Ecclesial Base Communities and Pentecostalism—a Case Study in Cuernavaca, Mexico.

By Philip D. Wingeier-Rayo. Eugene, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, Pickwick Publications, 2011. Pp. xi, 164. Paperback $20.

Why would some people living in the same barrio opt to participate in an Ecclesial Base Community (CEB) while others, often members of the same family, join a Pentecostal church? Philip Wingeier-Rayo responds to this question by offering a theoretical and empirical comparative analysis of an ecclesial base community and a Pentecostal congregation located

January 2012 51 the most part, on a spiritual encounter that evangelism is a legitimate human with the divine. A woman functioning activity (indeed he argues that it is necessary as a teacher-facilitator led the CEB, while for human dignity!), moves on to suggest the pastor of the Pentecostal congregation fifteen criteria of what makes it either was male, authoritative, and charismatic. ethical or unethical. In the process, he Members of both groups, especially engages a wide range of thinkers, from when the CEBs were compared with the John Locke to Lesslie Newbigin, and from “small group” meetings of the Pentecos- Aristotle to Noam Chomsky. tals, demonstrated a sense of ownership The book is explicitly aimed at both that was participative, empowering, Christian and non-Christian audiences. and purposeful, albeit not always for Thus in arguing that human dignity must the same reasons. They both acquired be the cornerstone of all proselytization, analytical, social, and communication Thiessen appeals equally not only to skills, essentials tools for coping with and Scripture and theology but also to phi- Plan Your 2012 even overcoming personal poverty. Both losophers such as Kant. This is valuable, groups seemed to have the potential for because the discussion needs to involve Summer Sabbatical social action and thus participation in more than the Christian community. In a democratization, although the sheer size delightful way, Thiessen’s “evangelizing” of the Pentecostal movement increased of his non-Christian readers exemplifies at OMSC exponentially its capacity for social change. the respectful, dialogic approach he Efficiency to three-bedroom. As this study demonstrates, CEBs and commends for proselytizers. Thus, when Pentecostals are, at least in Colonia Alta he says that “ethical proselytizing requires For summer rates and reservations, Vista Alegre and in spite of similar social coherence between the proselytizer’s e-mail a request with your choice outcomes, more than two expressions character and the message being conveyed” of dates to: of the same essence. For the foreseeable (p. 196), it is a pleasure to report that he future, whatever the similarities and practices what he preaches—making his Judy C. Stebbins differences, these grassroots groups will case all the more persuasive. Director of Finance and Housing impact the socioreligious landscape for My only concern with the book is that Overseas Ministries Study Center millions of Latin Americans. it is not one for the average reader. But [email protected] —Douglas Petersen it is right that the debate should first be engaged at this academic level. We need www.OMSC.org/summer.html Douglas Petersen is the Margaret S. Smith now for Thiessen’s thinking to percolate Distinguished Professor of World Mission and down to the general Christian public— Intercultural Studies at Vanguard University, Costa not least via preachers and teachers and Mesa, California, and the former president of Latin seminary professors—and beyond, to CIRCULATION STATEMENT America ChildCare. the public square of cultural discourse. Statement required by the act of August 12, 1970, section 3685. Title 39, The result would be Christians who are United States Code, showing ownership, management, and circulation of International Bulletin of Missionary Research. Published 4 times more confident and more courteous in per year at 490 Prospect Street, New Haven, Connecticut 06511. their evangelism, and a world that is more Publisher: Jonathan J. Bonk, Overseas Ministries Study open to hearing the Gospel because it is Center, 490 Prospect Street, New Haven, Connecticut 06511. ethically conveyed. Editor: Jonathan J. Bonk, Overseas Ministries Study Center, 490 Prospect Street, New Haven, Connecticut 06511. Senior Associate The Ethics of Evangelism: —John P. Bowen Editor, Dwight P. Baker; Associate Editor, J. Nelson Jennings; A Philosophical Defense of Managing Editor, Daniel J. Nicholas; Overseas Ministries Study Center, 490 Prospect Street, New Haven, Connecticut, 06511. The Proselytizing and Persuasion. John P. Bowen is Professor of Evangelism and owner is Overseas Ministries Study Center, 490 Prospect Street, New Director of the Institute of Evangelism at Wycliffe Haven, Connecticut 06511. By Elmer John Thiessen. Downers Grove, Ill.: College, Toronto. The known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security IVP Academic, 2011. Pp. 285. Paperback $24. holders owning or holding one percent or more of total amounts of bonds, mortgages or other securities are: None. This book is a great gift to all who are Average no. Actual no. of of copies copies of reflective practitioners of mission and each issue single issue evangelism. In the past half-century, the during pre- published Christian world has been sensitized to David J. Bosch: Prophetic Integrity, ceding 12 nearest to months filing date ethical issues in evangelism by two things: Cruciform Praxis. the historical link between missions and Total no. copies printed 4,242 4,214 Paid circulation: sales colonialization, and (more narrowly) Compiled and written by J. N. J. (Klippies) through dealers, carriers, the scandals around various evangelists Kritzinger and W. Saayman. Pietermaritzburg: street vendors, and during the 1980s. Since then, however, a Cluster Publications, 2011. Pp. x, 214. counter sales 0 0 Mail subscriptions 2,944 2,820 bigger question has arisen in the secular Paperback R 85. Total paid circulation 2,944 2,820 world: not whether proselytization is done Free distribution 795 915 Total distribution 3,739 3,735 ethically or not, but whether it is ethical In this volume good friends, colleagues, Copies not distributed: 503 479 to do it at all. and the wife of David Bosch explain and office use, left over, unaccounted, spoiled Elmer John Thiessen, research explore the meaning of Bosch—a type of after printing professor of education at Tyndale thick description of a remarkable Christian Returns from news agents 0 0 University College in Toronto, has man. Twelve different people tell about Total 4,242 4,214 Percent Paid and/or addressed both these issues in a way that their experiences and relationships with Requested Circulation 78.7% 75.5% is careful, thorough, irenic, and ultimately David Bosch. The authors/compilers have I certify that the statements made by me above are correct and persuasive—to this reader’s mind at least. decided on an interpretive framework for complete. He rightly takes on the bigger and more Bosch’s life, first expressed in the subtitle (signed) Jonathan J. Bonk Editor recent issue first and, having concluded and then expanded using the praxis

52 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 matrix of UNISA that was developed by Bosch and others in the 1980s and 1990s. ...” The greater value of the book, however, “...the harvest is plentiful is seen in how the prophetic integrity of his life and his commitment to cruciform witness surfaced again and again. The chapter by Bosch’s wife, Annemie, is a sensitive and well-articulated presentation of Bosch the theologian, missionary, and family man. We learn that Bosch was forever a committed family man, an avid farmer, an accomplished and gifted linguist, and a deeply caring companion. “What brought so much healing to hurting people and situations was his astounding ability to apply his mind, combined with emotional intelligence and concern for people, in an outstandingly creative way” (p. 36). Reading between the lines, we see that he was also aided by a bright and gifted wife. The book contains a section “Recollections and Reflections” from colleagues, friends, and students; chapters on dimensions of his life (Afrikaner, public intellectual, organic theologian and missionary-missiologist, and practical ecumenist); and a concluding chapter that offers an interpretation of his life through analyzing his mission praxis. This reviewer was overwhelmed by how important it was for his theological development that Bosch studied in German-speaking Basel rather than in the Netherlands, by the consistent leadership he provided resisting apartheid, by his steady resis-tance to both revolutionary responses and passive acceptance of apartheid, and by his reasons for not signing the Kairos Document. The authors have published some new material from Bosch’s papers. They have been both fair and carefully critical. Bosch was a unique, strong, creative, sensitive theologian whose practice carved in bold relief his own life of cruciform praxis. This is a great read, filling in many of the gaps in our understanding of Bosch. —Scott W. Sunquist

Scott W. Sunquist is Professor of World Christianity at Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh, Ph.D. in Intercultural Studies Pennsylvania. Doctor of Missiology

Please beware of bogus renewal notices. A genuine IBMR renewal Relocation not required • Accredited by the Association notice will have a return address of Denville, NJ 07834 on the outer of Theological Schools and Higher Learning Commission envelope, and the address on the reply envelope will go to PO Box 3000, Denville, NJ 07834-3000. Please e-mail [email protected] www.agts.edu or call (203) 624-6672, ext. 309, with any questions. Thank you. 800-467-AGTS

January 2012 53 Dissertation Notices

Aydin, Edip. Jackson, William C. Obiezu, Christian Emeka. “Comparing the Syriac Order “Breakthrough Dynamics in Acts and “A Theological Interpretation and of Monastic Profession with the Order Selected Vineyard Churches: Exploring Assessment of the Participation of the of Baptism, both in External Structure the Use of Conflict Criticism in Biblical Roman Catholic Church and Roman and in Theological Themes.” Interpretation.” Catholic Church–Inspired Non- Ph.D. Princeton: Princeton Theological D.Miss. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological Governmental Organizations (NGOs) Seminary, 2011. Seminary, 2011. in the United Nations.” Ph.D. Toronto: Toronto School of Theology, Becker, David L. Kaoma, Kapya John. 2010. “Leadership Theory in the Matrilineal “Ubuntu, Jesus, and Earth: Integrating Culture of the Bemba: Cultural African Religion and Christianity in Saidi, Farida. Implications for Contextualized Ecological Ethics.” “A Study of Current Leadership Styles Leadership Development in the Th.D. Boston: Boston Univ. School in the North African Church.” Pentecostal Holiness Church in of Theology, 2010. Ph.D. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological Zambia.” Seminary, 2011. Ph.D. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological Seminary, 2010. The IBMR can list only a small sample of recent Schoenhals Martinez, Sara. dissertations. For OMSC’s free online database “A Journey into Kingdom Bennett, Robert H. of over 6,200 dissertations in English, com- Christianity.” “From Darkness into the Light: piled in cooperation with Yale Divinity School D.Miss. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological The Events Surrounding Exorcism Library, go to www.internationalbulletin.org/ Seminary, 2011. and Conversion as Found in the resources. Fifohazana Movement of the Silva, Karen Lynne. Malagasy Lutheran Church.” “Arthur Burk’s Method of Healing by Ph.D. Fort Wayne, Ind.: Concordia Kirk, J. Andrew. Blessing the Human Spirit.” Theological Seminary, 2011. “Christian Mission as Dialogue: D.Miss. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological Engaging the Current Epistemological Seminary, 2011. Carney, James Jay. Predicament of the West.” “From Democratization to Ethnic Ph.D. Nijmegen: Radboud Univ., 2011. Suckau, Krishana Oxenford. Revolution: Catholic Politics in “Christian Witness on the Plateau Rwanda, 1950–1962.” Lakawa, Septemmy Eucharistia. Vivarais-Lignon: Narrative, Ph.D. Washington, D.C.: Catholic Univ. “Risky Hospitality: Mission in the Nonviolence, and the Formation of of America, 2011. Aftermath of Religious Communal Character.” Violence in Indonesia.” Th.D. Boston: Boston Univ. School of Clark, Paul L. Th.D. Boston: Boston Univ. School Theology, 2011. “German Pentecostal Church Planting, of Theology, 2011. 1945–2005: Implications for Intentional Szabo, Joseph Andrew. Mission in the Twenty-first Century.” Mbam, Emmanuel. “Planting International Churches as Ph.D. Springfield, Mo.: Assemblies of God “The Foundations of a Theology of a Strategy to Reach Immigrants and Theological Seminary, 2011. Healing for the Roman Catholic Expatriates in Western Europe.” Church in Nigeria.” Ph.D. Springfield, Mo.: Assemblies of God Dominic, Trån Ngọ Đang. Ph.D. Toronto: Toronto School of Theology, Theological Seminary, 2011. “Inculturation in Missionary Format 2010. According to the Federation of Asian Thompson, Jonathan David. Bishops’ Conference Documents McDonald, Todd. “Releasing Prayer: A Biblical, (1970–2006), with a Special Reference “The Story of Planting God’s Mission: Historical, and Praxis Foundation for to the Mission in Vietnam.” Practices of Leadership for the a Deliverance Ministry at Carruthers Ph.D. Rome: Pontifical Urbaniana Univ., Discovery of a Faithful New Future.” Creek Community Church.” Faculty of Missiology, 2009. D.Min. Toronto: Toronto School of Theology, D.Miss. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological 2010. Seminary, 2011. Fung, Lawrence Wing-Leung. “A Phenomenological Study Mowry, Kathryn Lewis. Walker, Daniel Okyere. of the Role of Pastoral Leadership in “Trusting in Resurrection: “The Concept of Holiness in the Mobilizing Chinese Churches in the Eschatological Imagination for Ghanaian Church of Pentecost.” San Francisco Bay Area for Global Churches Engaging Transitional Ph.D. Birmingham, Eng.: Univ. of Mission in the Twenty-first Century.” Neighborhoods.” Birmingham, 2010. D.Miss. Portland, Ore.: Western Seminary, Ph.D. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological 2011. Seminary, 2011. Waltrip, Blayne Cameron. “Being Church in Contemporary Harris, Esker Jerome. Neumann, Peter Donald. Western Europe: Eight Cases of French- “Aspects of Mission in African “Encountering the Spirit: Pentecostal Speaking and German-Speaking American Churches: Factors That Mediated Experience of God in Fresh Expressions of Christian Influence Missions Praxis.” Theological Context.” Communities.” D.Miss.. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological Ph.D. Toronto: Toronto School of Theology, Ph.D. Pasadena, Calif.: Fuller Theological Seminary, 2011. 2010. Seminary, 2011.

54 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 36, No. 1 Seminars for International Church Leaders, Missionaries, Mission Executives, Pastors, Educators, Students, and Lay Leaders

Strengthening the Christian World Mission

January 2–6, 2012 logical challenges facing students of mission. Cosponsored by Missionaries in the Movies. First Korean Presbyterian Church of Greater Hartford (Man- Dr. Dwight P. Baker, Overseas Ministries Study Center, draws upon chester, Connecticut). both video clips and full-length feature films to examine the way missionaries have been represented in the movies over the past century. March 26–30 Pentecostal Spirituality, Mission, and Discipleship in Africa. January 9–13 Dr. J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, Trinity Theological Seminary, The Lion’s Roar: The Book of Amos Speaks to Our World. Accra, Ghana, and senior mission scholar in residence at OMSC, Dr. M. Daniel Carroll R. (Rodas), Denver Seminary, Littleton, Colo- uses the lens of contemporary African Pentecostal/charismatic rado, explores the relevance for Christian mission and ethics today of Christianity to focus on mission as renewal and revitalization. the call of Amos to perceive the hand of God in history, to establish Cosponsored by Bay Area Community Church (Annapolis, Mary- justice, and to practice acceptable worship. land).

January 16–20 April 9–13 Anthropological Insights for Diaspora Missiology. Teaching and Preaching the Gospel of Peace: New Testament Dr. Steven J. Ybarrola, Asbury Theological Seminary, Wilmore, Perspectives. Kentucky, applies insights from the anthropological study of Dr. Willard M. Swartley, Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary, migration, urbanization, diasporas, and transnationalism to the Elkhart, Indiana, presents the missing peace in New Testament the- relatively recent field of diaspora missiology. ology and its implications for mission and ethics. Cosponsored by Mennonite Central Committee. January 23–27 Ethnicity as Gift and Barrier: Human Identity and Christian April 23–27 Mission. Music and Mission. Dr. Tite Tiénou, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, Deerfield, Il- Dr. James Krabill, Mennonite Mission Network, builds upon insights linois, works from first-hand experience in Africa to identify the from musicology and two decades of missionary experience in West “tribal” issues faced by the global church in mission. Cosponsored Africa to unfold the dynamic role of music in mission. Cosponsored by Africa Inland Mission and Trinity Baptist Church (New Haven). by United Methodist General Board of Global Ministries.

February 27–March 2 April 30–May 4 Christian Mission, the Environment, and Culture. Transformational Leadership: An Entrepreneurial Approach. Dr. Allison M. Howell, Akrofi-Christaller Institute for Theology, Rev. George Kovoor, Trinity College, Bristol, United Kingdom, Mission, and Culture, Akropong-Akuapem, Ghana, considers brings wide ecclesiastical and international experience to evalua- Christian responses to climate change—something that is not new tion of differing models of leadership for mission. Cosponsored by in human history—and the catastrophes that often accompany cli- Christian Reformed World Missions. mate change, so as to provide a framework for Christian mission in facing new crises. Cosponsored by United Methodist General May 7–11 Board of Global Ministries. Spiritual Renewal in the Missionary Community. Rev. Stanley W. Green, Mennonite Mission Network, and Dr. Chris- March 5–9 tine Sine, Mustard Seed Associates, blend classroom instruction and Contextualizing Theology for Mission in Asia. one-on-one sessions to offer counsel and spiritual direction for Chris- Dr. Enoch Wan, Western Seminary, Portland, Oregon, unfolds a tian workers. Cosponsored by Mennonite Mission Network. Sino-Asian approach to theologizing that is strategically relevant for mission to Asians. Overseas Ministries study Center March 19–23 490 Prospect Street, New Haven, Connecticut 06511 Issues in Mission Theology. All seminars cost $175 Dr. Charles Van Engen, School of Intercultural Studies, Fuller Register online at www.omsc.org/seminars.html Theological Seminary, Pasadena, California, surveys current theo- Book Notes In Coming

Agamben, Giorgio. Translated by Lorenzo Chiesa. The Kingdom and the Glory: For a Theological Genealogy of Economy and Issues Government. Da‘wa: On the Nature of Mission in Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. xiii, 303. $70; paperback $24.95. Islam Chilcote, Paul W., ed. Albrecht Hauser Making Disciples in a World Parish: Global Perspectives on Mission and Evangelism. Can Christianity Authentically Take Eugene, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, Pickwick Publications, 2011. Pp. xxiv, 327. Paperback $39. Root in China? Some Lessons from Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Ihsanoglu, Ekmeleddin. Missions The Islamic World in the New Century: The Organisation of the Islamic Andrew F. Walls Conference, 1969–2009. Tokyo: Univ. of Tokyo Press, distributed by Columbia Univ. Press, 2011. Pp. xii, Obtaining Informed Consent in 330. $65. Missiologically Sensitive Contexts Krabill, James R., and Stuart Murray, eds. Johan Mostert and Marvin Gilbert Forming Christian Habits in Post-Christendom: The Legacy of Alan and Eleanor Kreider. The Second Text: Missionary Harrisonburg, Va., and Waterloo, Ont.: Herald Press, 2011. Pp., vii, 234. Paperback Publishing and John Bunyan’s $22.99. Pilgrim’s Progress David N. Dixon Paas, Steven. Johannes Rebmann: A Servant of God in Africa Before the Rise of Western The Use of Data in the Missiology of Colonialism. Europe: Methodological Issues Nürnberg: VTR Publications, 2011. Pp. 274. Paperback €19.80 / $29.95 / £18.45. Stefan Paas Pavey, Stephen C. Theologies of Power and Crisis: Envisioning/Embodying Christianity in A “New Breed of Missionaries”: Hong Kong. Assessing Attitudes Toward Western Eugene, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, Pickwick Publications, 2011. Pp. xv, 131. Paperback $18. Missions at the Nairobi Evangelical Graduate School of Theology Reynolds, Glenn, ed. F. Lionel Young III Images out of Africa: The Virginia Garner Diaries of the Africa Motion Picture Project. Cultural Past, Symbols, and Images Lanham, Md.: Univ. Press of America, 2011. Pp. x, 260. $65; paperback $35. in the Bemba Hymnal, United Richard, H. L., ed. Church of Zambia Rethinking Hindu Ministry: Papers from the Rethinking Forum. Kuzipa Nalwamba Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 2011. Pp. viii, 152. Paperback $12.99. In our Series on the Legacy of Rodriguez, Daniel A. Outstanding Missionary Figures A Future for the Latino Church: Models for Multilingual, Multigenerational of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Hispanic Congregations. Centuries, articles about Downers Grove, Ill.: IVP Academic, 2011. Pp. 200. Paperback $19. Thomas Barclay Selles, Kurt D. George Bowen A New Way of Belonging: Covenant Theology, China, and the Christian Carl Fredrik Hallencreutz Reformed Church, 1921–1951. J. Philip Hogan Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011. Pp. xv, 271. Paperback $28. Arthur Walter Hughes Thomas Patrick Hughes Steven, Hugh. Hannah Kilham Translating Christ: The Memoirs of Herman Peter Aschmann, Wycliffe Bible Lesslie Newbigin Translator. Constance Padwick Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 2011. Pp. xi, 216. Paperback $13.99. Peter Parker John Coleridge Patteson Volz, Stephen C. James Howell Pyke African Teachers on the Colonial Frontier: Tswana Evangelists and Their Pandita Ramabai Communities During the Nineteenth Century. George Augustus Selwyn New York: Peter Lang, 2011. Pp. xii, 293. $74.95 / SFr 75 / €48.30 / £43.50. Bakht Singh Werbner, Richard. James M. Thoburn Holy Hustlers, Schism, and Prophecy: Apostolic Reformation in Botswana M. M. Thomas (with DVD). Harold W. Turner Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2011. Pp. xiii, 268. $60; paperback $24.95. Johannes Verkuyl