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CCHA, Report, 20 (1953), 13-28 The Propaganda Campaign against the Holy See by the Henrician Bishops by Brother BONAVENTURE [MINER], F.S.C., M.A. The sixth session of the English Reformation Parliament got under way on November 3, 1534. The Act of Supremacy was passed to give parliamentary authority to the title of “supreme head” by which Convocation had consented to recognize the King four years previously. This act vested all spiritual power and jurisdiction in the monarch and deprived the Church of its divinely constituted teaching authority. Following are the pertinent passages: The King our sovereign lord, his heirs, and successors, kings of this realm, shall be taken, accepted, and reputed the only supreme head in earth of the church of England, called Anglicana Ecclesia; and... our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this realm, shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such errors, heresies, abuses, offences, contempts and enormities, whatsoever they be, ...1 With the King acknowledged to be the Supreme Head by both Convocation and Parliament, it remained but to enforce the active recognition of this claim throughout the country. The co-operation extended by the English episcopate in this direction forms the subject of this paper. Attention will be drawn to the bishops’ activities up to, but not beyond, 1539, for by that year the royal “supremacy” had been generally established throughout the kingdom. On April 19, 1534, Rowland Lee was consecrated bishop of Lichfield and Coventry by Archbishop Cranmer of Canterbury without any authorization from the Holy See. Within three years twelve more such bishops were elected to bishoprics by the authority of King Henry VIII as Supreme Head of the Church in England. Without a single exception, all of the appointees had openly favoured the King’s claims for an annulment of his marriage with Katherine, or had publicly acknowledged the right of the King to the title of Supremum Caput in spiritual as well as in temporal power and jurisdiction. Coming into their sees under such conditions, all these new bishops had little, if any, conception of the spiritual nature of episcopal office. It was expected that such prelates would prove themselves ardent promoters of everything that the King desired. In the main, this 1 Henry Gee and W. H. Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History (London, 1896), LV, 243-244. — 13 — expectation was fulfilled. Only twelve bishops who had undergone the stress and strain of the ordeals of the divorce crisis and the royal supremacy remained in the opening weeks of 1535. Before the year was out four were called to their last judgment without having witnessed the full flowering of the religious revolution which had been sown in their lifetime. Bishop John Fisher, recently created Cardinal of the Catholic Church, remained steadfast to the end in defence of the Church’s liberties. Having persistently refused to take the Oath of Succession which involved repudiation of all Papal jurisdiction, Fisher was condemned to death on June 17, 1535, and despatched five days later.2 With regard to three of the bishops, there is no positive evidence of the extent to which they promulgated the doctrine of the King’s supremacy through their dioceses. These are: Bishops Charles Booth of Hereford, Richard Nix of Norwich, and Henry Standish of St. Asaph. From what we know of them in other respects it is safe to assume that they gave as much support to the enforcement of the King's supremacy as they considered necessary to conform; there is little likelihood that they were enthusiastic in the active promoting of it. Between March 10 and June 1, 1535, all three of them formally renounced Papal jurisdiction and swore to recognize the supreme jurisdiction of the King. The oath taken by the bishops on this occasion was very likely in the form of that of Bishop Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, the relevant parts of which are as follows: I, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, do purely of my own voluntary accord, and absolutely, in the word of a bishop, profess and promise to your princely majesty, my singular and chief lord and patron, Henry the eighth, by the grace of God king of England and of France, defender of the Faith, lord of Ireland, and in earth of the church of England supreme head immediately under Christ; that from this day forward I shall swear, promise, give or cause to be given, to no foreign potentate, emperor, king, prince, or prelate, nor yet to the bishop of Rome, whom they call pope, any oath of fealty, directly or indirectly, either by word or writing, but at all times, and in every case and condition, I shall observe, hold, and maintaine to all effects and intents the quarrell and cause of your royall majesty, and your successors, ... I profess the papacy of Rome not to be ordained of God, by Holy Scripture, but constantly do affirm and openly declare it to be set up only by man, ...3 Bishop John Kite of Carlisle had championed Henry’s cause in the divorce question. He signed the renunciation of the Pope’s jurisdiction on February 13, 1535. In 1536 Kite ranged himself on the side of Archbishop Lee of York in his opposition to the advanced proposals of Cranmer and his party in Convocation, a programme of religious change decidedly Lutheran in content. There is little known of the bishop’s activities in promoting the royal supremacy, but as he was 2 T. E. Bridgett, Life of Blessed John Fisher (London, 1922), p. 390. 3 David Wilkins, Concilia Magna Britanniae et Hiberniae a synodo Verulamiensi A.D. 446 ad Londoniensem, A.D. 1717 (4 Vols., London, 1737), III, 780. — 14 — in his late seventies and quite sick it is likely that he gave directions to his clergy to preach the King’s supremacy and let it go at that. At least Kite does not seem to have aroused suspicion for having done anything contrary to the injunctions set forth by Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII’s vicar-general. Bishop Robert Sherborne of Chichester renounced Papal jurisdiction, on February 26, 1535. Writing to the King on June 6, the same year, Sherborne assured Henry of his desire to promote his cause: “I have received your letters and commandment, which I will put in execution to the best of my power, and besides declare myself for your other most dread commandments past heretofore, so that you shall be satisfied.”4 These promises were carried out to the letter the following Sunday. Well over ninety years of age, Sherborne then asked to be relieved of any further duties in this connection, and resigned his see on August 21, 1536. Bishop John Veysey of Exeter was quite explicit in his support of the King against Papal jurisdiction. Writing to Cromwell in the summer of 1536, he says: “Yet I am at your command. As to the setting forth of the abuses of the bishop of Rome, I suppose no one has preached more freely than I.”5 When Bishop Veysey made his ordinary visitation of the diocese two years later, he marked the occasion with the following injunctions to his clergy: ...Also every curate, the Sunday after the publication of this, and thenceforward at least once a quarter shall, in his preaching, set forth the King’s Supremacy, and utterly abolish the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. The public prayers accompanying their sermons are to be observed in accordance with the regulations lately set forth by the King and his prelates; no curate is to permit any person, secular or regular, to preach unless he show the King’s licence or the Bishop’s; every one of the clergy is to procure a copy of the King’s injunctions given to them during the late royal visitation.6 From the official abolishing of Papal jurisdiction in 1534 to Cromwell’s downfall in 1540 there were four bishops who were often linked together in opposition to Cranmer and the more recently created members of the episcopal bench. Along with Bishops Edward Lee of York and John Longland of Lincoln they comprised a group of six who, outwardly at least, professed confidence in the King’s sincerity to maintain Catholic doctrine though not in communion with the rest of Christendom. All of them had in varying degrees supported the royal divorce and the more recent assumption of ecclesiastical power by the Supreme Head. Bishop John Clerk of Bath and Wells had supported the stand of Bishop Fisher quite consistently until he, too, subscribed to the required oath on February 4 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509-1547, eds. J. S. Brewer and J. S. Gairdner (11 Vols., London, 1862-1910), IX, No. 835. 5 Letters and Papers, XI, No. 211. 6 Ibid., XIII, i, No. 1106. — 15 — 10, 1535. He signed the judgment handed down by the English bishops and clergy in which they maintained the right of princes to convoke a general council over the head of the Pope.7 In the controversy over the sacraments in the spring of 1537 Clerk supported Bishop Stokesley of London in his defence of Catholic tradition and belief.8 In a letter to Cromwell the following autumn, in connection with the King’s appointment of a cleric to a benefice, Clerk requested the royal secretary to assure Henry of his desire to accomplish his pleasure.9 Shortly afterwards, Clerk had the questionable distinction of admitting Cromwell himself to the deanship of Wells on the King’s recommendation; but Clerk professed pleasure at the selection, thinking it would be profitable to the cathedral church of Wells “to have such a protector as Cromwell.”10 In the absence of more direct evidence, it is once again safe to assume that Clerk’s promotion of the King’s cause satisfied both Henry and Cromwell; nowhere is there even a hint that the bishop was remiss in his duties in this regard.
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