Asian Conservatives in Canada's Parliament: a Study in Race

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Asian Conservatives in Canada's Parliament: a Study in Race ASIAN CONSERVATIVES IN CANADA’S PARLIAMENT: A STUDY IN RACE AND GOVERNMENTALITY by Laura Jean Kwak A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social Justice Education of the University of Toronto © Copyright by Laura Jean Kwak 2016 ASIAN CONSERVATIVES IN CANADIAN PARLIAMENT: A STUDY IN RACE AND GOVERNMENTALITY Doctor of Philosophy, 2016 Laura Jean Kwak Department of Social Justice Education University of Toronto Abstract This dissertation argues that the political integration of the figure of the Asian Conservative MP has become part of racial governmentality, a part, that is, of how racial minorities are governed. In Canada, official multiculturalism emerged and evolved as the dominant discourse to regulate political heterogeneity. My research finds that the neoliberalization of multicultural discourse as led by the Reform Party of Canada has configured the Asian Conservative member of parliament (MP) as the upwardly-mobile, bootstrap- immigrant, difference-that-integrates into the modern polity. Insofar as multiculturalism as incorporation is a project of assisting racial others into modernity, it requires the utter exclusion of those that have been cast as antithetical to the modern: Indigenous, Black, and working class or poor life. Using a Foucauldian approach to the study of governmentality, the study traces how multiculturalism discourse has given rise to the ideal multicultural subject as necessarily a narrowly imagined Asian Conservative subject. That is, the thesis explores how the Asian Conservative MPs take up the narrowly imagined space of legitimacy that has been carved out for racial others – in which they remain regarded as duplicitous - as conduits to a settler colonial, anti-Black politics. ii To suggest that the figure of the Asian Conservative parliamentarian is a paradox presupposes the incommensurability of racial identity and conservative politics. By analyzing their text and talk, particularly their contributions to parliamentary debate on national identity, multiculturalism, and immigration policies, this thesis challenges this supposed incommensurability and investigates how Asian Conservative MPs, particularly since 1997, have contributed to the reproduction of racism in the Canadian context. Paradoxically raced in the name of racelessness, my research finds that the figure of the Asian Conservative MP has become vital to the state’s narrative of progress and tolerance. At the same time, speaking in the name of race, these politicians promote a discourse of integration and lend legitimacy to the project of managing racial populations. The study finds how politicians of colour also have the capacity to uphold the racial order, leave inequities uncontested, and often augment them with renewed vigour. iii Acknowledgements Infinite gratitude goes out to my committee of advisors. It has been a privilege to work under the supervision of chère maître, Sherene Razack. I am grateful for her generous, rigorous, and enthusiastic engagement with this work, which pushes me to be a more effective writer, astute researcher and thoughtful political agent. She has taught me to expect better from myself and to be honest with the work at every stage. Her support is fierce and boundless and she has carried me through all the challenges of graduate school life. That I have completed this thesis is a testament to her mentorship. Through her example, Sherene has taught me what it means to be an ethical and exceptional scholar, colleague, and teacher and I will carry these lessons with me for the rest of my life. I want to thank my second reader, Dina Georgis, who has seen me through personal and political growing pains since I was an undergraduate student. I would not have applied for the PhD program were it not for Dina who believed that my pursuit of a doctorate was never a question. She has taught me always to think of the bigger picture, not only in my theoretical analysis but also as a student of social justice. I will always appreciate how Rinaldo Walcott, my third reader, brought much needed perspective to my journey and kept me in the PhD program when I wanted to leave. Most of all, I am grateful for how he has always pushed my work to be more theoretically rigorous and has urged me to think of the political beyond the confines of discipline. Together my committee has brought me here, kept me here and carried me through to the end. I want to express my sincere gratitude to the external members of my defense committee, including Daiva Stasiulis for her generous engagement with my theorization of race and political representation as well as Jennifer Chun for her questions about the transnational in relation to the study of racial governmentality. This thesis has been made possible by funding I received from the department of Social Justice in Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. I want to specifically thank Kristine Pearson and Sezen Atacan for their friendly encouragement and administrative support. Special thanks are also extended to the New College Equity Studies Program, which gave me the opportunity to write and present a chapter of my thesis as a recipient of the Senior Doctoral Fellowship (2014-2015). I also want to acknowledge the Ontario Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities for funding this dissertation for three years through the Ontario Graduate Scholarship program. iv As I approach the end of the PhD journey, I think of all the teachers that have shaped my optics of the world and my place in it. There are far too many people to list that have contributed to the development of this thesis. I want to thank Lisa Lowe for sending me articles to read and for being such an encouraging force from far away. For significant conversations that helped me write, I want to thank Eve Haque, Shirley Hune, Jodi Kim, Kent Ono, Thy Phu, Sunera Thobani, and Lisa Yoneyama. My thanks to friends, colleagues, and students that helped to pull me through PhD life. Your existence and friendship were therapeutic and inspiring to say the least. I want to thank Jessica Chandrashekar and Alisha Ticku for study dates, box cakes, and for talking it through with me when none of this made sense. Thank you to Young-Min Seo and Jung-Min Han for giving me shelter in New York and for being my best friends. Beenash Jafri has been the most generous of colleagues and friends for the better part of a decade. Her friendship and support has nourished me always in the best and worst of times. Melanie Knight taught me how to be a better researcher and she always reminded me to access my fire and passion as an academic. I must give thanks to a wonderful cohort of colleagues, specifically the “Dim Sum Crew”: Chandni Desai, Hannah Dyer, Natalie Kouri-Towe, Kate Milley, and Christopher Smith. I want to specifically acknowledge Sarah Stefana Smith who has been the better half of a two- woman writing group through which a large portion of the thesis was completed. We wrote in small offices and in large hotel lobbies and we got it done. I want to thank June Larkin for giving me opportunities to teach in the Equity Studies Program at the University of Toronto. In this space, I have begun to learn how to energetically translate all the meditations of my research and writing by reaching out to new generations of critical, social justice-oriented scholars. I am thankful to my brilliant former students in the intro course, the theory course and especially in my fourth-year seminar course. Being your professor has given so much meaning to my research and writing. Last but not least, I want to emphasize my appreciation for my family – Yong-Joo Kwak, Myung-Sup Kwak, and Joshua Kwak - for their support and patience in all senses of the words and where patience must be underlined thrice in bold and italics. My mother has always told me that words are seeds. I realize now how much these words have shaped my methodology as a researcher and as a political agent. This thesis is dedicated to my mother who has made everything I do possible. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................ iv Table of Contents........................................................................................................................... vi Chapter 1: “Asians make no demands on the state”: The Politics of Incorporation on the Racial Landscape ...........................................................................................................................1 Introduction..................................................................................................................................1 Research Questions......................................................................................................................2 The study of Racial Conservatives and the Limited Politics of Incorporation ............................3 The study of Asian Canadian political figures ..........................................................................18 Research Design.........................................................................................................................27 Analyzing Parliamentary Text and Talk ....................................................................................32
Recommended publications
  • Core 1..39 Journalweekly (PRISM::Advent3b2 10.50)
    HOUSE OF COMMONS OF CANADA CHAMBRE DES COMMUNES DU CANADA 40th PARLIAMENT, 3rd SESSION 40e LÉGISLATURE, 3e SESSION Journals Journaux No. 2 No 2 Thursday, March 4, 2010 Le jeudi 4 mars 2010 10:00 a.m. 10 heures PRAYERS PRIÈRE DAILY ROUTINE OF BUSINESS AFFAIRES COURANTES ORDINAIRES TABLING OF DOCUMENTS DÉPÔT DE DOCUMENTS Pursuant to Standing Order 32(2), Mr. Lukiwski (Parliamentary Conformément à l'article 32(2) du Règlement, M. Lukiwski Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of (secrétaire parlementaire du leader du gouvernement à la Chambre Commons) laid upon the Table, — Government responses, des communes) dépose sur le Bureau, — Réponses du pursuant to Standing Order 36(8), to the following petitions: gouvernement, conformément à l’article 36(8) du Règlement, aux pétitions suivantes : — Nos. 402-1109 to 402-1111, 402-1132, 402-1147, 402-1150, — nos 402-1109 to 402-1111, 402-1132, 402-1147, 402-1150, 402- 402-1185, 402-1222, 402-1246, 402-1259, 402-1321, 402-1336, 1185, 402-1222, 402-1246, 402-1259, 402-1321, 402-1336, 402- 402-1379, 402-1428, 402-1485, 402-1508 and 402-1513 1379, 402-1428, 402-1485, 402-1508 et 402-1513 au sujet du concerning the Employment Insurance Program. — Sessional régime d'assurance-emploi. — Document parlementaire no 8545- Paper No. 8545-403-1-01; 403-1-01; — Nos. 402-1129, 402-1174 and 402-1268 concerning national — nos 402-1129, 402-1174 et 402-1268 au sujet des parcs parks. — Sessional Paper No. 8545-403-2-01; nationaux. — Document parlementaire no 8545-403-2-01; — Nos.
    [Show full text]
  • Wednesday, March 23, 1994
    VOLUME 133 NUMBER 043 1st SESSION 35th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Wednesday, March 23, 1994 Speaker: The Honourable Gilbert Parent HOUSE OF COMMONS Wednesday, March 23, 1994 The House met at 2 p.m. anglophone and francophone families in Quebec has narrowed from 8.2 per cent to 1.9 per cent. _______________ The income gap can be closed, Mr. Speaker, but one has to Prayers conclude that federal policies are not a contributing factor. _______________ * * * [English] STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS CREDIT RATING [English] Mr. Jim Gouk (Kootenay West—Revelstoke): Mr. Speaker, BIODIVERSITY yesterday after the announcement of the downgrading of Cana- da’s rating for foreign currency debt, the Minister of Finance Hon. Charles Caccia (Davenport): Mr. Speaker, biodivers- stated it only affected a small portion of our total debt so it was ity means a richness of life as it surrounds us in nature. We must no big deal. preserve biodiversity because it is nature’s protection against catastrophes. The loss of biodiversity has serious implications Now the Bank of Canada has increased its key lending rate for life on earth. which undoubtedly will result in increased borrowing costs for Canadian consumers and businesses. It is also having an impact We have been told that since the beginning of the century 75 on the cost of government borrowing. per cent of crop diversity has been lost. This leaves us vulner- able. For example uniformity in corn crops could have resulted The budget did not address the deficit or debt. Now all in disaster when a severe blight threatened corn crops in the Canadians are starting to pay for this short–sightedness.
    [Show full text]
  • The British Columbia CCF's Working-Class
    CONTROVERSY / POLÉMIQUE The British Columbia CCF’s Working-Class Moment: Socialism Not Populism James Naylor In August 1934, delegates of the Socialist Party of Canada, the dominant of the two affiliates to the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (bc/ccf), returning from the National Convention of the ccf in Winnipeg, lamented that “the Convention was far from being revolutionary, and tended further to the right.” The only bright spot on the horizon, they felt, was the small national youth movement that understood the necessity of “forg[ing] an instrument” capable of “the revolutionary transformation of our economic and social system.”1 Throughout the 1930s, the bc ccf was consid- ered nationally as the most left wing of the movement’s provincial sections, and the bc ccf itself considered itself to be responsible for providing a revo- lutionary and working-class anchor to a national movement that seemed, at times, to drift from its socialist moorings. And, for the most part, historians – most recently Benjamin Isitt – have acknowledged the bc ccf’s place on the left-wing of the Canadian movement in the 1930s and beyond.2 As Robert A.J. McDonald rightly argues, however, there was much in the day-to-day practice and language of the bc ccf that seemed to violate its own self-perception. Indeed, its actions appear not very different, for the most part, than other provincial ccf sections that engaged in socialist education and ran in elections. He argues that was most apparent in the ccf’s breakthrough pro- vincial election in 1933, which he sees as a “populist moment” wherein the 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Dealing with Crisis
    Briefing on the New Parliament December 12, 2019 CONFIDENTIAL – FOR INTERNAL USE ONLY Regional Seat 8 6 ON largely Flip from NDP to Distribution static 33 36 Bloc Liberals pushed out 10 32 Minor changes in Battleground B.C. 16 Liberals lose the Maritimes Goodale 1 12 1 1 2 80 10 1 1 79 1 14 11 3 1 5 4 10 17 40 35 29 33 32 15 21 26 17 11 4 8 4 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 BC AB MB/SK ON QC AC Other 2 Seats in the House Other *As of December 5, 2019 3 Challenges & opportunities of minority government 4 Minority Parliament In a minority government, Trudeau and the Liberals face a unique set of challenges • Stable, for now • Campaign driven by consumer issues continues 5 Minority Parliament • Volatile and highly partisan • Scaled back agenda • The budget is key • Regulation instead of legislation • Advocacy more complicated • House committee wild cards • “Weaponized” Private Members’ Bills (PMBs) 6 Kitchen Table Issues and Other Priorities • Taxes • Affordability • Cost of Living • Healthcare Costs • Deficits • Climate Change • Indigenous Issues • Gender Equality 7 National Unity Prairies and the West Québéc 8 Federal Fiscal Outlook • Parliamentary Budget Officer’s most recent forecast has downgraded predicted growth for the economy • The Liberal platform costing projected adding $31.5 billion in new debt over the next four years 9 The Conservatives • Campaigned on cutting regulatory burden, review of “corporate welfare” • Mr. Scheer called a special caucus meeting on December 12 where he announced he was stepping
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
    Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism.
    [Show full text]
  • Mon 18 Apr 2005 / Lun 18 Avr 2005
    No. 130A No 130A ISSN 1180-2987 Legislative Assembly Assemblée législative of Ontario de l’Ontario First Session, 38th Parliament Première session, 38e législature Official Report Journal of Debates des débats (Hansard) (Hansard) Monday 18 April 2005 Lundi 18 avril 2005 Speaker Président Honourable Alvin Curling L’honorable Alvin Curling Clerk Greffier Claude L. DesRosiers Claude L. DesRosiers Hansard on the Internet Le Journal des débats sur Internet Hansard and other documents of the Legislative Assembly L’adresse pour faire paraître sur votre ordinateur personnel can be on your personal computer within hours after each le Journal et d’autres documents de l’Assemblée législative sitting. The address is: en quelques heures seulement après la séance est : http://www.ontla.on.ca/ Index inquiries Renseignements sur l’index Reference to a cumulative index of previous issues may be Adressez vos questions portant sur des numéros précédents obtained by calling the Hansard Reporting Service indexing du Journal des débats au personnel de l’index, qui vous staff at 416-325-7410 or 325-3708. fourniront des références aux pages dans l’index cumulatif, en composant le 416-325-7410 ou le 325-3708. Copies of Hansard Exemplaires du Journal Information regarding purchase of copies of Hansard may Pour des exemplaires, veuillez prendre contact avec be obtained from Publications Ontario, Management Board Publications Ontario, Secrétariat du Conseil de gestion, Secretariat, 50 Grosvenor Street, Toronto, Ontario, M7A 50 rue Grosvenor, Toronto (Ontario) M7A 1N8. Par 1N8. Phone 416-326-5310, 326-5311 or toll-free téléphone : 416-326-5310, 326-5311, ou sans frais : 1-800-668-9938.
    [Show full text]
  • Filipino Immigrants in Canada: a Literature Review and Directions for Further Research on Second-Tier Cities and Rural Areas
    Filipino Immigrants in Canada: A Literature Review and Directions for Further Research on Second-Tier Cities and Rural Areas Tom Lusis [email protected] Department of Geography Introduction This study provides an overview of the literature on Filipino immigrants in the Canadian context1. The central argument of the paper is that this body of literature has three distinct characteristics, an urban bias, a focus on the economic integration of immigrants, and a gender bias. Cutting across these topics are two central themes which are the importance of social networks in immigration experiences, and the frequency of transnational ties between communities in Canada and the Philippines. I suggest that an examination of these trends and themes not only exposes the gaps in the literature but also shows how the Filipino-Canadian community is well positioned for a study of immigrants in secondary cities and rural areas. The text is structured as follows. The first section examines the three main trends in the literature. The second section reviews the two themes that are reoccurring throughout the studies on Filipino immigrants. Section three will point out the gaps in the literature and provide directions for further research. Finally, the fourth section presents the concluding arguments. Trends in the Literature The urban bias In recent years the literature on Filipino-Canadians has tended to focus on two cities, Toronto and Vancouver. Of the eighteen sources reviewed for this paper, 50 per cent used data gathered from the Filipino community in these cities. If further comparisons are made, Toronto has received the most attention. For 1 This study examines the literature where Filipino immigrants were the main topic of investigation.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Black Conservative: Rhetoric Or Reality?
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications: Political Science Political Science, Department of January 2003 THE NEW BLACK CONSERVATIVE: RHETORIC OR REALITY? Byron D. Orey University of Nebraska - Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub Part of the Political Science Commons Orey, Byron D., "THE NEW BLACK CONSERVATIVE: RHETORIC OR REALITY?" (2003). Faculty Publications: Political Science. 16. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/16 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications: Political Science by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THE NEW BLACK CONSERVATIVE: RHETORIC OR REALITY? Byron D’Andra Orey, Department of Political Science, University of Nebraska, Lin- coln There is [a] class of [black] people who make a business of keeping the troubles, the wrongs, and the hardships of the Negro race before the public. Some of these people do not want the Negro to lose his grievances, because they do not want to lose their jobs. Booker T. Washington1 In recent years there has been growing speculation regarding an increase in the number of African Americans identifying themselves as conservatives. Much of this speculation has been heightened by the increase in the number of African American elites who identify themselves as conservatives. This list includes icons like Clarence Thomas, J.C. Watts, Alan Keyes and Ward Connerly, to name a few. Despite the increase in the number of African American elites who identify themselves as conser- vatives, there has been a dearth of systematic analyses to determine if this phenom- enon has trickled down to the masses.
    [Show full text]
  • Whatever Happened to Tory Scotland? by Blog Admin February 22, 2013
    blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsereviewofbooks/2013/02/22/book-review-whatever-happened-to-tory-scotland/ Book Review: Whatever Happened To Tory Scotland? by Blog Admin February 22, 2013 To those of a younger generation, it may be a surprise to learn that Scotland was once ‘true- blue’ Tory territory, with widespread support in the first half of the 20th Century. Yet in the second half of that century, as well as the early years of the next, this support dramatically collapsed, with seemingly little likelihood of any revival. Whatever Happened To Tory Scotland? explores this trajectory, unpacking a broad direction of travel through a series of essays from a range of contributors focusing on specific themes. Andrew Crines found much of great interest in the volume, though was surprised by its brevity. Whatever Happened To Tory Scotland? David Torrance. Edinburgh University Press. 2012. Find this book: With just over 50 per cent of the vote and securing 36 of the 72 possible seats up f or grabs in Scotland, the Scottish Conservatives reached their electoral peak of popular support in 1955. It was, arguably, true-blue Tory territory, representing the power of the Conservative Party over Britain at the height of their national popularity. This was a great position to be in, which makes their f all f rom grace to 16.7 per cent and 1 out of 56 possible seats in 2010 seem all the more dramatic. How can this massive determination be accounted f or? What are the causal f actors? And how, if at all, can these be addressed? David Torrance oversees the history of Scottish Conservatism in this collection of essays presented by a range of academics and commentators, each experts in this f ield.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Unbecoming Silicon Valley: Techno Imaginaries and Materialities in Postsocialist Romania Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0vt9c4bq Author McElroy, Erin Mariel Brownstein Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ UNBECOMING SILICON VALLEY: TECHNO IMAGINARIES AND MATERIALITIES IN POSTSOCIALIST ROMANIA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in FEMINIST STUDIES by Erin Mariel Brownstein McElroy June 2019 The Dissertation of Erin McElroy is approved: ________________________________ Professor Neda Atanasoski, Chair ________________________________ Professor Karen Barad ________________________________ Professor Lisa Rofel ________________________________ Professor Megan Moodie ________________________________ Professor Liviu Chelcea ________________________________ Lori Kletzer Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Erin McElroy 2019 Table of Contents Abstract, iv-v Acknowledgements, vi-xi Introduction: Unbecoming Silicon Valley: Techno Imaginaries and Materialities in Postsocialist Romania, 1-44 Chapter 1: Digital Nomads in Siliconizing Cluj: Material and Allegorical Double Dispossession, 45-90 Chapter 2: Corrupting Techno-normativity in Postsocialist Romania: Queering Code and Computers, 91-127 Chapter 3: The Light Revolution, Blood Gold, and
    [Show full text]
  • A Samaritan State?, Canadian Foreign Aid, and the Challenges of Policy Coherence for Development
    A SAMARITAN STATE REVISITED: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON CANADIAN FOREIGN AID Edited by Greg Donaghy and David Webster ISBN 978-1-77385-041-2 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without our express permission. If you want to reuse or distribute the work, you must inform its new audience of the licence terms of this work.
    [Show full text]
  • Early South Asian Immigration to Canada: the Story of the Sikhs
    1 EARLY SOUTH ASIAN IMMIGRATION TO CANADA: THE STORY OF THE SIKHS The first South Asians to arrive in Canada were Indian men of the Sikh faith. From their earliest visit in 1897 until Canada’s racially-based immigration policies were relaxed in 1951, most of Canada’s South Asian immigrants were Sikhs from the Punjab region of India. Their story is essential to understanding the history of South Asian Canadians. 1897-1904: In 1897, India was part of the British dominion, and Sikhs in particular were well known for their service as soldiers for the empire. The very first Indians to visit Canada were part of a Sikh military contingent traveling through British Columbia on the way to Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee celebrations that year in London. A second group of Sikh soldiers visited in 1902 on the way to Edward VII’s coronation. They made an appearance before a crowd in Vancouver, prompting wild applause. The enthusiastic reception was documented with a headline in Vancouver’s Daily Province which read, “Turbaned Men Excite Interest: Awe-inspiring men from India held the crowds”. Sikhs were esteemed for their military service, and Canadians were impressed by their stately and exotic appearance. The group passed through Montreal before sailing to London, and when they returned to India, they brought tales of Canada back with them. 1904 – 1913 ANTI-ASIAN SENTIMENT In 1904, 45 men from India immigrated to Canada. Indian immigrants were few and far between until 1906 and 1907 when a brief surge brought 4700-5000 of them to the country, most settling in B.C.
    [Show full text]