The New Black Conservative: Rhetoric Or Reality?
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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
The Bible and the Ballot: Rev. Joseph H. Jackson and Black Conservatism
THE BIBLE AND THE BALLOT: REV. JOSEPH H. JACKSON AND BLACK CONSERVATISM IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT By Steven Jay Lipson Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History May, 2013 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Professor Dennis C. Dickerson Professor Gary Gerstle Introduction “Integrationism and nationalism represent the two broad streams of black thought in response to the problem of slavery and segregation in America. … All black intellectuals have represented aspects of each.”1 Conventional wisdom about the African-American freedom struggle, as represented here in a quotation by James H. Cone, typically sees blacks as taking one of two approaches to white racism and discrimination. On one side was Martin Luther King, Jr. and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), who led the mainstream civil rights movement in a campaign of legal challenges and nonviolent direct action to tear down the barriers of segregation and promote a colorblind society where blacks were fully integrated into American society and its institutions. King’s leadership of the African-American community was challenged by black nationalists like Malcolm X and black power advocates, who believed white American was irredeemably racist and as a result argued that black success could come only through militancy and a separation from white society. This binary between integrationist direct action and black nationalism appears everywhere in scholarly and popular discussion of the 1950s and 1960s, but it is not adequate in describing the forces at play in the black community at this time. -
Via Issuelab
ROCKEFELLER ARCHIVE CENTER RESEARCH REPORTS Neither Right nor Left: Grassroots Black Conservatism in Post- World War II America by Chanelle Rose Rowan University © 2020 by Chanelle Rose Neither Right nor Left: Grassroots Black Conservatism in Post-World War II America In the summer of 2018, I was awarded a Rockefeller Archive Center (RAC) research stipend to conduct research on my book project, tentatively titled Neither Right nor Left: Grassroots Black Conservatism in Post-World War II America. Over the past two decades, the growth of scholarship on the history of modern conservatism and the rise of the New Right has moved this ideology from the margins of American society to mainstream political thought. Much of this work has foregrounded the lives, organizations, and political activity of white conservatives in the U.S. But scholars have begun to pay more serious attention to African Americans and their leadership in the Republican Party during the postwar era. Notwithstanding the significance of this emerging literature, it places a strong national and state focus on the instrumental role of black Republicans who waged an uphill battle to secure the GOP’s commitment to civil rights and racial equality. My project adopts a more bottom-up approach to understanding the development of modern black conservatism and its impact on the African American struggle for racial equality, focusing on its evolution in local communities from 1950 to 1985. I contend that even though the important role of black Republicans and conservatives at the national level during this period has begun to receive more attention, the lesser well-known individuals and groups, especially black women, who helped to shape conservative ideas about crime, education, and economic advancement, require further study. -
Barack Obama, Race & the Tea Party
“We’re losing our country”: Barack Obama, Race & the Tea Party Clarence E. Walker Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/140/1/125/1829889/daed_a_00064.pdf by guest on 02 October 2021 The United States is not as racist as it was when I was born in 1941. Asians have become citizens, blacks can vote in Southern elections, and inter- racial marriage is now legal nationwide. However, these advances in racial justice do not mean that racism is dead in the United States; indeed, it con- tinues to exercise a powerful hold on the Ameri- can imagination. How could it be otherwise? American democracy was created on a racial foun- dation, and although the election of a black presi- dent represents a historic step in the nation’s ra- cial modernization, it does not signal “the end of white America.” Even if it did, this development would not mean that Asians, blacks, Mexicans, and other Spanish speakers would get along with each other.1 Race will continue to plague Ameri- can politics even as the demographic composition of the nation changes. The idea that the death of whiteness might usher in racial nirvana rests on a demographic determinism that the history of the CLARENCE E. WALKER is Profes- American Republic renders problematic. sor of History at the University If we take a long view of race and politics, the of California, Davis. His publica- demise of white hegemony is an interesting but tions include The Preacher and the premature notion suggesting that contemporary Politician: Jeremiah Wright, Barack American racial liberalism, like the Garrisonian Obama, and Race in America (with abolitionists in the nineteenth century, has been Gregory D. -
BLACK NEOCONSERVATISM in the POST-CIVIL RIGHTS ERA a Thesis
INCITING THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION: BLACK NEOCONSERVATISM IN THE POST-CIVIL RIGHTS ERA A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Professional Studies by La TaSha Beatrice Levy January 2007 ©2007 La TaSha Beatrice Levy ABSTRACT Black neoconservatism is one of the most contested political ideologies of the Post-Civil Rights era. As a challenge to mainstream Black political thought, Black neoconservatism enjoys a particular celebrity as the “bold new voice” in American racial discourse. This thesis critically analyzes Black neoconservative ideology as a counter-discourse: a direct opposition to the liberalism of the 1960s and the legacy of the Civil Rights and Black Power eras. The emergence of Black neoconservatives as a significant collective in the Post-Civil Rights era correlates with the rise of the New Right in American politics since the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980. The New Right has forcefully disputed the philosophy and strategy of civil rights legislation and the traditional quest for racial equality and justice. Black neoconservatives play an increasingly significant ideological role in conservative politics and public debate in the Post-Civil Rights period. Furthermore, their racial identity lends credence to the New Right’s attack on social policy that disproportionately benefits Black people in general and the Black poor particularly. Black neoconservatives dissent from the prevailing convention that racism and White supremacy have become subtle, but nevertheless remain formidable. They insist that civil rights legislation, government intervention and liberal programs have created a pathological dependency among African Americans. -
Black Conservative Intellectuals in Modern America Michael L. Ondaatje
NEITHER COUNTERFEIT HEROES NOR COLOUR-BLIND VISIONARIES: BLACK CONSERVATIVE INTELLECTUALS IN MODERN AMERICA MICHAEL L. ONDAATJE This thesis is presented for a doctorate of philosophy in the discipline of History, School of Humanities, University of Western Australia. 2007 CONTENTS Abstract...............................................................................................................................i Acknowledgements............................................................................................................ii Introduction........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: Historiography of Contemporary Black Conservatism............................10 Chapter 2: Contemporary Black Conservative Profiles..............................................38 Chapter 3: Black Conservatives and Affirmative Action.............................................83 Chapter 4: Black Conservatives and Black Poverty...................................................138 Chapter 5: Black Conservatives and Education ........................................................184 Conclusion......................................................................................................................225 Bibliography...................................................................................................................228 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS No person is an island. Our debts to others stretch far back into the mists of time. And so it is not -
For African Americans?
Revue de recherche en civilisation américaine 1 | 2009 Varia Black conservatism in the 1980s: will the future be conservative … for African Americans? Lisa Veroni-Paccher Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rrca/115 ISSN: 2101-048X Publisher David Diallo Electronic reference Lisa Veroni-Paccher, « Black conservatism in the 1980s: will the future be conservative … for African Americans? », Revue de recherche en civilisation américaine [Online], 1 | 2009, Online since 21 April 2009, connection on 19 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rrca/115 This text was automatically generated on 19 April 2019. © Tous droits réservés Black conservatism in the 1980s: will the future be conservative … for Africa... 1 Black conservatism in the 1980s: will the future be conservative … for African Americans? Lisa Veroni-Paccher 1 With the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the obstacles to registration and voting were removed, and black political participation greatly increased. Meanwhile, thanks to the Civil Rights Movement, which reinforced group identity and cohesion, the election of African Americans to Congress accelerated and marked the decline of protest strategies. Direct social mobilization and political action were now favored. These new political leaders were all Democrats and quickly formed the most liberal group of the legislative branch. They were supported by black voters who had become loyal to the Democratic Party in the 1930s and shared the liberal views of their representatives. Despite demands for descriptive representation, African Americans were also asking for substantive representation. Indeed, both forms of representation came together for those who believed that Black political leaders were the only persons capable of ‘authentic’ representation. -
WDN Prac Guide 1.Pdf (522.0Kb)
The Workplace Diversity Network A Joint Project of The National Conference for Community and Justice and Cornell University ILR Resources for Workplace Diversity An Annotated Practitioner Guide to Information Fall 2000 Third Edition with Index Prepared by Tammy Bormann Susan Woods Chari Fuerstenau Deborah Joseph Candace Brooks-Cooper Catherine Ouellette Jennie Farley 2000©TheWorkplace Diversity Network www.ilr.cornell.edu/depts/wdn 0 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i - iii SECTION I 1 - 13 MAKING DIVERSITY WORK: Strategic Approaches to Diversity In this section, we reference several books and articles that provide organizations with effective strategies and approaches to workplace diversity. The works of leading researchers and practitioners in the field are featured. SECTION II 14 - 26 KEY WORKS: Developing a Framework for Understanding We suggest key works in intergroup relations theory, history, and philosophy. These writings are suggested to help practitioners develop a framework for understanding the social and cultural dynamics of intergroup relations in the United States today. SECTION III 27 - 28 TEAMS AND DIVERSITY: Achieving High Performance With Inclusion Writings in this section discuss strategies and implications for team building and new work organization in workplaces that are diverse. SECTION IV 29 - 31 GLOBAL DIVERSITY: Working Across Cultures This section provides references that inform awareness and understanding of cross-cultural interactions to extend diversity considerations beyond the cultural framework of the US. It includes both key works for understanding the cross-cultural aspects of global diversity and readings on strategy and practice. SECTION V 32 - 35 WORK & LIFE: Exploring Flexibility for a Diverse Workforce Resources in this section explore the tension between work and personal life and offer suggestions for developing flexible work structure and benefit initiatives to accommodate the needs of a more diverse workforce. -
Black Political Thought
Univ.-Prof. Dr. Christian Volk Di. 12-14 Uhr Ort: Ihnestr.22/UG 1 Sprechstunde: Di. 10.30-12.00 Uhr Black Political Thought Das Seminar führt in das politische, soziale und philosophische Denken afroamerikanischer Autorinnen und Autoren ein. Im Laufe des Semesters werden die verschiedenen theoretische Perspektiven zu Themen wie Rassismus, Feminismus, Ökonomie, Demokratie, Multikulturalis- mus und Identität herausgearbeitet. Der Kurs verfolgt eine doppelte Zielsetzung: Zum einen geht es darum, die Schlüsselthemen, Kernfragen und Debatten, die die zeitgenössische afro- amerikanische Theorie beeinflussen, aufzuarbeiten und kritisch zu reflektieren. Zum anderen soll deutlich werden, wie und in welcher Form afroamerikanische Theoriebildung den Kanon bzw. kanonische Denkkonstellationen der politischen Theorie und Philosophie transzendiert. Im ersten Teil des Seminars beschäftigen wir uns überblicksartig mit der Frage, wie afroame- rikanisches Denken die politische Theorie und Philosophie aufgreift und hinterfragt. Anschlie- ßend gehen wir auf zentrale Grundpositionen und Schlüsseldebatten afroamerikanischer The- oriebildung ein und arbeiten die Unterschiede innerhalb und zwischen den liberalen, konser- vativen, nationalistischen und sozialistisch-revolutionären Denkschulen heraus. Einen beson- deren Schwerpunkt stellen dabei die feministischen und intersektionalen Analysen afroame- rikanischer Denkerinnen dar. Der letzte Teil des Seminars beschäftigt sich exemplarisch mit aktuellen sozialen, ökonomischen und politischen Herausforderungen, an denen sich afro- amerikanisches Denken abarbeitet. Aktive Teilnahme: Protokoll zu einer der Sitzungen (Abgabe in der darauffolgenden Sit- zung), Impulskommentar oder ggf. Referat Leistungsschein: Hausarbeit (6.000 Wörter) oder Referatsausarbeitung (3.000 Wörter) 1. Sitzung: 15.10.2019 Einführung Einführung in Thema und Seminar 2. Sitzung: 22.10.2019 Grundlagen I Lektüregrundlage: - Toni Morrison 1993: Noble Lecture. In: World Literature Today, 68(1), 1994, pp. -
Polish Journal for American Studies Yearbook of the Polish Association for American Studies and the Institute of English Studies, University of Warsaw
Polish Journal for American Studies Yearbook of the Polish Association for American Studies and the Institute of English Studies, University of Warsaw Vol. 8 (2014) Julia Fiedorczuk Can Poetry Save the Earth? An Interview with Gary Snyder Zoe Detsi-Diamanti Sarah Pogson’s The Female Enthusiast and American Republican Virtue Tunde Adeleke The Political Pragmatism of Martin R. Delany Zbigniew Maszewski Homesickness for the Wild and Hemingway’s African Dressing Gown Alicja Piechucka Andy Warhol and the Dawn of Modern-Day Celebrity Culture TYTUŁ ARTYKUŁU 1 Polish Journal for American Studies Yearbook of the Polish Association for American Studies and the Institute of English Studies, University of Warsaw Vol. 8 (2014) Warsaw 2014 2 IMIĘ NAZWISKO MANAGING EDITOR Marek Paryż EDITORIAL BOARD Paulina Ambroży, Patrycja Antoszek, Zofia Kolbuszewska, Karolina Krasuska, Zuzanna Ładyga ADVISORY BOARD Andrzej Dakowski, Jerzy Durczak, Joanna Durczak, Andrew S. Gross, Andrea O’Reilly Herrera, Jerzy Kutnik, John R. Leo, Zbigniew Lewicki, Eliud Martínez, Elżbieta Oleksy, Agata Preis-Smith, Tadeusz Rachwał, Agnieszka Salska, Tadeusz Sławek, Marek Wilczyński REVIEWERS FOR VOL. 8 Tomasz Basiuk, Mirosława Buchholtz, Jerzy Durczak, Joanna Durczak, Dominika Ferens, Paweł Jędrzejko, Ewa Łuczak, Zbigniew Mazur, Tadeusz Pióro, Agata Preis-Smith, Justyna Wierzchowska, Beata Williamson, Justyna Włodarczyk ISSN 1733–9154 Copyright by the authors 2014 Polish Association for American Studies, Al. Niepodległości 22, 02–653 Warsaw www.paas.org.pl Publisher: Institute of English Studies, University of Warsaw ul. Nowy Świat 4, 00–497 Warsaw www. angli.uw.edu.pl Typesetting, cover design by Bartosz Mierzyński Cover Image: “Martin R. Delany,” National Portrait Gallery, Washington D.C. -
Is Neutral the New Black?: Advancing Black Interests Under the First Black Presidents
IS NEUTRAL THE NEW BLACK?: ADVANCING BLACK INTERESTS UNDER THE FIRST BLACK PRESIDENTS An undergraduate thesis presented by SAMANTHA JOY FAY Submitted to the Department of Political Science of Haverford College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Advised by Professor Stephen J. McGovern April 2014 Copyright © 2014 Samantha Joy Fay All Rights Reserved 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I am eternally grateful to God for giving me the strength to get through this process, especially when I did not think I had it in me to keep going. If nothing else, writing this has affirmed for me that through Him all things are possible. To God be the glory. Second, thank you to everyone who contributed to my research, especially my advisor. It would take far too long for me to name all of you, and I would hate to forget someone, so I hope it will suffice to say that I am indebted to you for the time and effort you expended on my behalf. Third, I have to give a shout-out to my friends. I have neglected you in the worst way this year, but I am so grateful for the distractions from the misery of work, your attempts to stay up as late as I do (nice try), and most of all your understanding. I really do appreciate you, your encouraging words, your shared cynicism, and your hugs. I hope this makes up for me not being able to show it as much as I wanted to this year. -
The Loneliness of the Black Republican
Introduction The Paradox of the Black Republican There is a fascinating Saturday Night Live sketch from 1980, a piece almost entirely forgotten by most viewers of the NBC comedy show. The sketch survives in the pop culture arena only because it features the SNL debut of comedian Eddie Murphy. Airing about a month after the country elected an ex-actor to the presidency (ousting a former Georgia peanut farmer in the process), the skit is a spoof of Mutual of Omaha’s Wild Kingdom, that unconventional animal wildlife series sponsored by an insurance company. In the SNL piece, a Jim Fowler– type zoologist braves the “savage” landscape of a tony Manhattan cocktail party in search of an elusive subject: the Negro Republican. Tracking the “migratory patterns” of African Americans “fleeing the liberal lake wastelands” for the “fertile promised land of the GOP,” the scientist stumbles badly— a hilarious case of mistaken identity—when he assumes that a black funeral parlor direc- tor must be a member of the GOP. Undeterred, he spots another black man nearby— a thorough examination of speech patterns, clothing, musi- cal tastes, and economic interests confirms that the subject is indeed the evasive Negro Republican. With great care, the zoologist sedates the “ex- otic creature,” attaching a blinking transmitter disguised as an American flag pin to the man’s lapel. As the disoriented man awakens, the scientist quickly hides, emerging to take notes on his subject from afar once the Negro Republican has wandered back into the “wild.”1 “In Search of the Negro Republican” is a riveting political satire, inter- esting not for the writing or the cast’s performance but for the ideas con- veyed by the sketch—ideas about popular perceptions of African Ameri- can members of the GOP.