Parindra's Loyal Cadres
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22 Colonial Indonesia, 1935-1942 Nationalism as a means The Study to an end Fig. 1: Parindra’s leadership, including Volksraad member Soekardjo Wirjopranoto (front left), are greeted by ‘Wirawans’ during Thamrin’s funeral on January 12, 1941. Source: Royal Netherlands Institute of Parindra’s Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies (KITLV), Photo Archive, 33357 loyal cadres Fascism and anticolonial nationalism in late colonial Indonesia, 1935-1942 Yannick Lengkeek In 1945, with the horrors of the Second World War still very much around him, George Orwell made the following observation in his essay Notes on Nationalism: “It is important not to confuse nationalism with mere worship of success. The nationalist does not go on the principle of simply ganging up with the strongest side. On the contrary, having picked his side, he persuades himself that it is the strongest, and is able to stick to his belief even when the facts are overwhelmingly against him.”1 he last sentence of this quote contains [kemerdekaan] was considered dangerous The academic literature clearly shows that ‘Doing fascism’ in late an important element: the nationalist and had the potential to provoke fierce fascism, which was for a long time perceived colonial Indonesia Tpersuades himself, which implies that, countermeasures from the Dutch colonial as an ideology too specifically European and at least at times, he loses faith in his project government. As a consequence, leading chauvinistic to be appealing for colonized As photographic materials promoted in – the (independent) nation-state – in pretty members of Parindra, most notably Soetomo, peoples, was very much part of a global wave the party’s own journal Soeara Parindra much the same way an entrepreneur might the party’s founder and a well-known pioneer during the interwar years. The most innovative [Voice of Parindra] repeatedly show, Parindrists lose hope in his pursuits while building of Indonesian nationalism ever since the 1910s, aspect of my work on fascism, apart from and the young men who served in their ‘scout an enterprise. Top-down approaches to replaced demands for Indonesia merdeka with pointing out that Indonesia has a tradition organization’ Surya Wirawan had a particular political history, nationalism, and intellectual invocations of a ‘glorious Indonesia’ [Indonesia of paramilitarism that precedes Japanese weak spot for open displays of unity and histories focusing on the genesis of ideas and moelia]. Soetomo envisioned the path to occupation (a point I shall return to later), strength, and would use the Roman salute, or worldviews often presuppose an inevitability glory as a process of moral and spiritual is that it paints a more nuanced portrait of more specifically, a version of the salute that and seemingly ‘organic’ development that ennoblement for all Indonesians, which was Indonesia’s path to nationhood. Much valuable is closest to the Nazi version, with the arm in most probably did not appear to historical to be achieved through discipline, unity, and research has been done on the genesis of a straight line. Some contemporary observers actors in their times. Granted, some harmonious collaboration. On the other hand, Indonesian nationalism, but none of it engages were quick to note that Parindra was using nationalists were veritable zealots who worked arguments and dissent – the hallmarks of any with the obvious philo-fascist views of some this rather unusual salute, which set them tirelessly to make their dream come true. But truly democratic society – did not rank very Indonesian nationalists, including Soetomo. apart from other Indonesian political parties many others, no less tireless and diligent, in highly on Soetomo’s list of desirable attributes. Why is it that so much academic literature at the time. While the Dutch National Socialist all likelihood went through periods of doubt, While he was without a doubt an enthusiastic has been produced on political Islam and Movement (NSB; Nationaal-Socialistische especially when circumstances seemed modernizer who embraced the virtues of communism in Indonesia during the 1920s and Beweging) had an active branch in colonial dire. The pragmatists within nationalist material progress and dedicated his life to the 1930s, while fascism has no place in hallmark Indonesia, its membership was predominantly movements, on the other hand, may have tremendous task of promoting education for publications on Indonesian nationalism? European or of mixed Dutch-Indonesian looked at nationalism as a means to an end, his compatriots, his traditionalist values stood One obvious point is the ‘European bias’ (Eurasian) descent. It was rather striking to such as long term benefits and a better in sharp contrast to his modernist outlook. of fascism that I pointed out earlier. For see Indonesians perform the Nazi salute. future for themselves and their families. For similar reasons, it was only recently that Newspaper articles from the period 1935-42 them, the national community was not just non-European countries, besides Japan, were remark on Parindra’s bizarre practice, but it a matter of imagination and infatuation, Fascism in Indonesia: identified by scholars as players in fascism’s was only officially banned in 1941, as colonial but a strategic step towards furthering their global political arena. In the case of Indonesia, authorities became increasingly uneasy about personal interests. Nationalists were, therefore, a blind spot? however, we also need to include factors the prospects of a Japanese invasion. As early a diverse cast of characters from all walks One dark and rarely acknowledged aspect specific to the country and its historiographical as 1937, members of Parindra – who claimed of life brought together by the appeal of the of Soetomo’s political activism, throughout tradition. In hindsight, the arrival of the they did not adopt this form of greeting as a same idea, but not necessarily driven by the the 1930s until his untimely death in 1938, was Japanese in March 1942 overshadowed any sign of fascist sympathies – used what they same motivations. And of all the nationalists, his sympathy for Fascism, National Socialism, previous attempts at building a paramilitary referred to as the groot saluut [great salute] it is likely that the pragmatists from the upper and other far-right and authoritarian infrastructure and militarizing larger parts or saluut tehormat [most honorable salute] ranks of any given nationalist movement were movements the world over. From the viewpoint of Indonesian society. As a consequence, during public meetings. Looking at the source most aware of the need for self-persuasion – of Europeans, who typically frame the rise magisterial works on Indonesian (para-) material and the reports, one can hardly persuading themselves, but also persuading of fascism and authoritarianism in the 1920s militarism, such as Robert Cribb’s Gangsters speak of shyness or an attempt at keeping followers who became tired, frustrated, and 1930s with the sociocultural dislocations and Revolutionaries and Benedict Anderson’s this provocative practice a secret. and disillusioned. caused by the First World War and amplified Java in a Time of Revolution generally skip In 1941, Mohammad Husni Thamrin, the by the Wall Street Crash of 1929, fascism the period of ‘cooperative nationalism’ party’s most vociferous spokesman and a was a particularly by jumping from the particularly active member of the Colonial Tilting at windmills: Soetomo belligerent permutation defeat of Soekarno Council, died of a severe illness, five days and the nationalist milieu of ultra-nationalism in 1934 straight to the after he was put under house arrest by the between 1935 and 1942 and irredentism. Such landing of the Japanese Dutch colonial authorities. This punishment movements existed … a strategic step in 1942. If we follow was imposed on Thamrin after allegations In late colonial Indonesia during the second all over Europe, and the historiographical of him harboring pro-Japanese sympathies half of the 1930s and the early 1940s, only the scholars tend to towards furthering their mainstream, Parindra and planning to subvert Dutch colonial rule pragmatists within the nationalist movement highlight their reactive personal interests. was an upper-middle- magnified to the point where they could no still stood a realistic chance of pushing nature, pointing out class party that was longer be ignored. Through his tragic death their agendas. The nationalist ‘hardliners’, that fascism needs to seeking pragmatic under forced arrest, Thamrin became a martyr including Indonesia’s president-to-be, be understood within arrangements with not only for Parindra, but for Indonesian Sukarno, were exiled, arrested, or otherwise the larger historical the Dutch and only nationalism at large. As Jan Anne Jonkmann, silenced by the mid-1930s. From then on, only context of the interbellum period in Europe. radicalizing as the prospect of Japanese president of the Volksraad from 1939 until 1942, so-called ‘cooperating’ nationalist parties, This Eurocentric understanding of fascism occupation drew nearer,2 hoping that Japan put it in his memoirs: “Thamrin was buried like such as Partai Indonesia Raya (Parindra; dominated research until the early 2000s, would liberate the Dutch East Indies from a prince. The interest and sympathy of the Great Indonesia Party) and the more left- when a small handful of publications foreign rule once and for all – which, as Indonesians were overwhelming.”3 leaning