....N MIMAKI AND THE MA1CHING GAME

Gina L. Barnes

Have you ever played The Matching Game? Take an archaeological situation and an historical document of roughly the same date. Juggle the pieces until a fit is obtained. Measure the goodness of fit by how many matches are made: famous people equal elaborate burials; palaces and centres equal well-developed settlement sites. The rules of the game require temporal and spatial congruence as well as similarity of . "'-· � � �­ features. The best juggler wins. ·? _,..., ._ _,/ ... . -. ( .f The Matching Game represents a particular approach to the archaeo­ logical record in which individual people, settlements, etc. mentioned """ ) Chi rand· ..._ · in the documents are not only assumed to be identifiable or locatable among archaeological materials, their identification is assumed to be of } primary importance. In fact, however, not many Troys exist to be equated so easily. Also, the illusion that the historically known can be equated with the archaeologically known generates interminable debates that are often a waste of time and effort. The debate in Japanese historiography on the location of Yamatai (Young 1958) is one such situation. This chiefdom, referred to in the Wei dynasty chronicles of China, has been identified by rival groups of scholars with locations in two widely separated regions of Japan: Kyushu and Kinai. The Kinai was first proposed as the location of Yamatai by the compilers of a Japanese chronicle in AD 720, and there has been a raging debate ever since between proponents of each of the two areas. The di lemma is stiII unresolved, though more heavily fuelled by archaeologists than his­ torians these days: the identification of particular tombs with the • Ancient cities legendary figure of Queen Himiko of Yamatai proceeds with a certain A Modern cities vigour.

• Archaeological sites The Matching Game also expresses a certain philosophy regarding the joint use of documentary and archaeological materials: it promotes full coordination of the two from the initial stages of research. Dymond, the foremost proponent of full coordination, states (1974, 99):

As historians, we have a moral duty to find out as 0 400 much of the truth as possible and should therefore be KM prepared to use whatever evidence survives. If it is of different kinds, then we must use it in all of its variety and coordinate it.

Archaeological materials used in conjunction with the historical can be misused and abused if employed only to illustrate what is known from texts. But the particularist approach does not necessitate this; ites it can equally well employ archaeological materials "to embellish and mentioned in the text. correct the written record" the stated aim of historical archaeology in the United States prior to 1976 (Cotter 1976). Indeed, historical

(Archaeological Review from Cambridge 3:2 [1984]) 38 other. Unfortunately• the outp for town location when co pare materials can conversely play a secondary and supplementary role as in � reference to records of it1nera1 "text-aided archaeology", Charleton's characterization of research on maintaining that both comput r­ (1981). � the Classical world in general Nevertheless, these various uses but were products of speculation of archaeology and texts remain particularistic and as such stand in at ion embedded in the cuneifor1 contrast to the processual approach in historical archaeology currently used to hypothesize actual town widespread, at least in the United States, today. Tobler and Wineburg's stu< (1977) In introducing the "new historical archaeology", Leone pro­ essentially an effort to extrac moted the separation, rather than the coordination, of textual and atically from historical do ur archaeological sources of information so that each could provide its own � presumably had n� reas�n to dist perspective and then be tested against the other. Doubtless, Leone has data available in their statem moved beyond this processualist approach into more nether regions of methods. It can be suppose� tha archaeological thought since then, but his words were taken to heart by tently contain such coded 1nfor1 historical archaeologists in the United States in restructuring their the resulting pattern might be l approach to the material record. Now they not only separate texts from other material evidence, they also apply processualist method to both. Thi s use Of histor i ca I d As believers in general processes transcending the particular content of extracting systematica�ly embed, any historical sequence, processual ists have given themselves to the tlement patterns -- is now r search for pattern! Previously, this has meant patterning in the arch­ archaeologists working on urban aeological data, but now, patterning in texts is also pursued. Textual for pattern in documenta y s patterning, once elucidated, can be utilized as a model for investig­ � � "before putting a trowel int? ating patterning in the material record, and these patterns can ultim­ Sa)but under rescue constra1n1 ately be contrasted, evaluated and finally integrated to provide the ar/ and archaeological reseal best approximation for understanding the past. In Cressey and Stephens' research in these two areas ar words (1982, 43): when they can be cross-checked integrated to provide as full ru The settlement and material patterns form two dis­ tinct, but analytically related, categories that are Can protohistoric archaeol• defined from different data sources -- documents and in historical archaeology? Uni material culture. Both are derived from the same may have direct access to bu e1 historical processes, and their integration is neces­ � holding records or Cappadoc1� sary for reliable generalizations. aeologists .n 1�t often deal w1 cover their periods of intere! This is a very different kind of "plea for reconciliation" of diverse adopted for the extraction of c historical and archaeological materials than that made by Dymond: it is narrative histories, we must ft a game of extracting patterns, not of matching individual items of data, identifying patterns in histo recording process itself, r One of the earliest efforts systematically to extract patterning in documenting. The search for P8 textual materials to serve as a model for archaeological investigation bias is the foundation of t�x is seen in Tobler and Wineburg (1971). This essay speculated on the genealogical fictions, d pl c possible placement of towns involved in the pre-Hittite network of � � When linguistic or transcr1pt1� Assyrian merchant colonies in Bronze Age Anatolia. The database was sual and textual problems, adc comprised of cuneiform tablets on which town names were mentioned with­ necessary. Qnly when these ba out any other geographical details. The authors hypothesized that the are known to our best ability c mere juxtaposition of names implied a relationship between towns, and which might actually reflect on they translated that relationship by computer into geographical distance using the gravity model by incorporating the assumption that "places As a case in point illustr which are mentioned together frequently are probR.hly closer together to the Japanese chronicles. Af than are places which are not mentioned together frequently" (ibid., ual problems inherent in these ' 39). The output of the analysis consisted of the predicted geographical locations of 62 important pre-Hittite towns vis-a-vis each 39

other. Unfortunately, the output contained a probable error of 50 km secondary and supplementary role as in for town location when compared with a map of towns positioned with ton's charact 1981) . erization of research on reference to records of itineraries. But the authors were optimistic, . Nevertheless, these various maintaining that both computer- and itinerary-based maps were not real particularistic uses and as such stand but were products of speculation by the compilers on the skimpy inform­ ach in in h1storical archaeology currently ation embedded in the cuneiform documents. Therefore, both could be ed States, today. used to hypothesize actual town locations to be tested archaeologically. torical archaeology", Leone 0977) Tobler and Wineburg's study has much to recommend it since it is h pro­ 1 �n the coordination, of textual essentially an effort to extract unintentionally-recorded data system­ t on and � so that each could provide its atically from historical documents. Since the original record-keepers a1nst own f the �ther. Doubt less, Leone has presumably had no reason to distort town location data, the interaction approach into more nether regions of data avai !able in their statements could be gleaned through indirect ' but his _ words were taken to heart by methods. It can be supposed that almost any historical records inadver­ e Uni led States in restructuring their tently contain such coded information and that if it can be extracted, Now they not only separate texts from the resulting pattern might be useful in archaeological investigation. so apply �rocessual ist method to both. tra�scend1ng the particular content This use of historical documents -- as source materials for su I of � ists have given themselves to extracting systematically embedded data, especially information on set­ his the � �as meant patterning in the arch­ tlement patterns -- is now routine procedure for many historical ing in _ texts is also pursued. Textual archaeologists working on urban sites in the United States. The search be ut1!1zed as a model for investig­ for pattern in documentary sources is for them ideally carried out reco d, 1982, : and these patterns can ultim­ "before putting a trowel into the ground" {Cressey and Stephens nd f1nally integrated to prov 5�t under rescue constraints this temporal separation of document­ ing ide the the paSt. In Cressey and Stephens• ary and archaeological research is not always feasible. Indeed, research in these two areas are treated as independent until the time when they can be cross-checked and tested against each other and then rial patterns form two dis­ integrated to provide as full an account of past society as possible. related, categories that are ata sources -- documents and Can protohistoric archaeologists learn anything from this approach are derived from the same in historical archaeology? Unlike the full historic archaeologist who their integration is neces­ may have direct access to bureaucratic documents such as modern land­ izations. holding records or Cappadocian merchants' tablets, protohistoric arch­ aeologists .n,q often deal with narrative histories that indirectly " lea � for reconci Ii at ion" of di verse cover their periods of interest. If a pattern-searching approach is rials tha � that made by Dymond: it adopted for the extraction of data relevant to past process from these of matching is individual items of data. narrative histories, we must first learn the textual critics' tricks for identifying patterns in historical texts which reveal biases in the stematically to extract patterning in recording process itself, rather than in the past which it is ode! for archaeological investigation documenting. The search for pattern to expose collection and recording 1971) . . This essay speculated on the bias is the foundation of textual criticism. These patterns reveal olved in the pre-Hittite network of genealogical fictions, duplicative or discontinuous sequences, etc. nze Age Anatolia. The database When linguistic or transcriptional difficulties are added to the proces­ which was town names were mentioned with­ sual and textual problems, additional levels of pattern-solving become s. The authors hypothesized that the necessary. Only when these basic transcriptional and textual patterns ed a relationship between towns are known to our best ability can we transcend them to look at patterns y and co�puter into geographical dis�ance which might actually reflect on historical process. porat1ng the assumption that "places u�ntly are probnbly closer together As a case in point illustrating how difficult this is to do, I turn nt,oned _ together frequently" {ibid., to the Japanese chronicles. After first exemplifying some of the text­ ys1s consisted of the predicted ual problems inherent in these documents, I take up published work by an tant pre-Hittite towns vis-a-vis each 40

archaeologi st who implies the existence of a certain settl entire dynasties of emperors. Pre his use of name data ement form in from the chronicles. This terms of pattern-searching work is evaluated in continuous record of descent amc within the stated objectives documents of using the reaching back to 660 BC when Em1 to derive models for testing record. against the nrchaeological descended from the heavens to, (Yamato), allegedly took th� th imperial line as recorded in t _ incorporated three distinct lines The early Japanese century), Middle (5th century) chronicles are polit The�. ical products of their time. (Mizumo 1952). Kanda, on the othr finalized in AD 712, and the Ni hon Shoki, finalized the eight kings between the legen 720, are expert reworkings in AD of previously extant that preser records and documents Dynasty and decided that they wer ved genealogical descent relationships among ably contemporaneous leaders wel I as anecdotal informal the elite as ion about times past. material was undertaken The reworking of this relationships had been reworkec to provide the imperial history of family with a continuous 1959). Thus fell the claim of• descent through many generations to their time, and from the "Ages of the Gods" from these early periods. it formalized the relationships fami I ies while providing between elite them also with genealogical rulers or connections to past The discontinuity between tl gods. In fact, the clans sified of early Japan are commonly lated non-local derivatio of t into shimbetsu (descent clas­ � from the gods), kobetsu former emperors), or bambetsu (foreign (descent from most difficult problems in Jap ancestry). These specifically _ _ political aims in compiling whether the hierarchical pol1t1cE the chronicles have innumerable textual contributed to 5th century was a product of problems, mainly concerning suprisingly, kinsh chronology and, not laboration. This situation h1 ip relations. Some of as with the these are fairly easily �atching Game, in which the ' o1 'assignment' of ancestors solved, f to contemporary clans. Kojiki, for example, many In the equated with horseriding equ1pn of the genealogical specifications inter I inear glosses, occur as rise to the Horser i der Theory of clearly applied� facto to earlier documents: the early Japanese state (Ledyar, There was born the child AME-OSI- MIKO'I'O; TARASI-PIKO-NO­ The primary proponent of thi next, OPO-YAMA'ID-TARASI-PIKO _ NO-MIKO'I'O. -KUNI-OSI-BITO­ theory by playing the Matching G (T wo chi Jdren) The younger brother..• ruled the Japanese name of the 10th the kingdom. The elder � brother.•. [is the ancestor the Omi of Kasuga, of iniwe-no-mikoto, he equat�d the the Omi of Opo-yake, the Apata, the Omi of the southern Korean pen1nsu!a Oni of Wo-no, the Oni of Oni Kaki-no-moto, the palace or castle. Thus, Egam1 s of Itipiwi, the Oni of Opo-saka, the Oni of Ana, the Omi of Taki, the in a palace located at a plac Omi of Paguri, the Omi the Omi ofTita, movement from there across the s of Muza, the Omi of Tuno-yama, Ipi-taka the Kimi of !edged emperor represents the co in Ise, the Kimi of Jtisi, and the miyatsuko Kuni-no­ of Tika-tu-apumi.] (Philippi 1967, 189). Egam i's inference on the me In other instances, analogy with later, 7th-century the narrative genealogies give us are inconsistent enough an instant glimpse of to the chronicles by the names of their falsehood. In his _ Kojiki, Philippi states footnotes to the Jkenobe no-miya-no-ame-no-sh1ta­ concerning one recording: ust lord ruling under heaven of This marriage august lord of the palaces of ••• is perhaps the most the fantastic of all marriages in the Koj polated this name pattern backw� iki: if we are to believe the Kojiki's own genealogy, time to apply to the name of M1 Emperor Keiko is marrying his own great-great-grand-daughter continental conquest. I have SE (Philippi 229). 1967, of his claim, but I am intrigue< ment type, palaces, being refle Far more important than these individual examples pieces of detective work are two master­ Egami •s inference was pre u by Kanda and Mizuno respectively . � concerning data: the element !..!_ in M1mak1 41

e xistence of a c ertain settlement form in entire dynasties of emperors. Pre-war Japan claimed to have the longest e_ ch_ronicles. This work is e valuated continuous record of descent among modern constitutional monarchies, rth1n the_ in stated objective s of using the reaching back to 660 BC when Emperor Jimmu, grandson of the god who for testing against the archaeological descended from the heavens to rule the Central Land of Reed Plains (Yamato), allegedly took the throne. Mizuno demonstrated that the imperial line as recorded in the 8th-century chronicles even then incorporated three distinct lines of kings which he terms the Old (4th century), Middle (5th century) and New (6th century on) Dynasties cles are poli\ical products of their time. (Mizumo 1952). Kanda, on the other hand, investigated the succession of 12• 8nd the ��. finalized in AD the eight kings between the legendary Jimmu and the beginning of the Old f previously extant records and documents Dynasty and decided that they were not successive at all but were prob­ descent relationships among the e lite as ably contemporaneous leaders whose mutual marriage and kinship about t1_me s past. The reworking v of this relationships had been reworked to show genealogical descent (Kanda I de the Imper I al fam i lY w ith a cont i nuo us 1959). Thus fel I the claim of Japanese imper isl continuity at least Y _generations from the "Ages of the Gods" from these early periods. l1ze d_ the relationships be tween elite also with genealog ical connections to past The discontinuity between the 4th and 5th centuries and the postu­ clans of early Japan are commonly lated non-local derivation of the Middle Dynasty comprise one of the t fro_m clas­ th e gods), kobe tsu (de scent from most difficult problems in Japanese archaeology today: determining (fore ign ancestry). These specifically whether the hierarchical political structure we see emerge in the early g the chronicles have contributed to 5th century was a product of conquest, competition, or indigenous mainly concerning chronology and, not elaboration. This situation has previously been the subject of the Some of these are fairly easily solved Matching Game, in which the 'foreign dynasty' has been (unsuccessfully) ce stors to _contemporary clans. In th� equated with horseriding equipment in the elite tomb burials, giving he _ g enealog1cal speci fications occur as rise to the Horserider Theory of continental invasion as the origin of ,plied� facto to earlier documents: the early Japanese state (Ledyard 1975; Edwards 1983). hild AME-OS1-TARASI-PIKO-NO­ T0-TARASI-PJKO-KUNJ-OSI-BJTO- The primary proponent of this theory, Egami Namio, implemented this theory by playing the Matching Game on a smaller scal e as well. Taking ren) The you nger broth er ••• ruled the Japanese name of the 10th Emperor Sujin, which is Mimaki-iri-biko­ r brothe r •.• [is the ance stor of iniwe-no-mikoto, he equated the 'Mims' element with the name Mimana from e Omi of Opo-yak e, the Omi of the southern Korean peninsula and the 'ki' element with a word for 0'. the Omi of Kaki-no-moto, the 1 of palace or castle. Thus, Egami says, "we can infer that [Mimaki J 1 ived Opo-saka, the Omi of Ana• in a palace located at a place known as Mims" (1964, 60), and his ,mi of Paguri• the Omi of Ti ta movement from there across the straits as the first historically acknow­ i of Tuno-yama, (_)m the Kimi of im, of ledged emperor represents the conquest of Japan by Korea. Itisi, and the Kuni-no­ apumi.J (Philippi 1967, 189). Egami's inference on the meaning of Mimaki's name was derived from analogy with later, 7th-century emperors who were often referred to in ve en � ealogies are inco nsistent enough e e e _he to the chronicl s by the names of their palaces (!!!_.!..1!_). Thus th r was 1 r falsehood. In his footnotes to the Ikenobe-no-miya-no-ame-no-shita-wo-shiroshimesu-sumera-mikoto (The aug­ ing one r ecording: ust lord ruling under he aven of the palace of lkenobe), or the equally aps august lord of the palaces of Osada or Toyura (ibid.). Egami extra­ the most fantastic of all polated this name pattern backwards two dynasties and three centuries in Ko· i ki: if e w are to be Iieve ogy, time to apply to the name of Mimaki in order to support his theory of Emperor Keiko is marrying continental conquest. I have severe reservations about the historicity rand-daughter (Philippi l9S?, of his claim, but I am intrigued by his postulation of a certain settle­ ment type, palaces, being reflected in 4th-century imperial names.

ese individual exampl es are two master- nda and Egami's inference was presumably made on the basis of inscriptions! Mizuno r e s p t ·e e Ive Iy concerning data: the element ki in Mimaki is represented by the Chinese character 42

1.� meaning 'walled city' or 'city walls' and is the same character There are used in modern Japanese for 'castle'. Assuming that this character was tama-de-m��- _ 1nco1 used in �imaki's name for its semantic value (rather than purely for its actiialpalaces whose names Em� phonetic value), then we can also assume that some sort of structure or Tamaki, the palace of the 10th In a se settlement form was being indicated. However, as we have maintained the 25th Emperor Buretsu. � transcr1pt above, a single match does not make a case, and if we want to accept we immediately run into _ ('jeweled�· Mimaki as the name of a palace, as Egami suggests, then we must find is recorded as Tamaki Tamagaki ('jeweled f supporting evidence in the pattern of usage of the word -ki and the records it as more accuratE co r responding character -tllf,in the early texts. which, if either, is characters Nihon Shoki with the with the cha There are several ways in which to approach the search for pattern­ KojikiitiS written ing he r e; to begin with we can separate the various data on ki into more logical compound! c11t.egories: ' Unfortunately, embarkatio� The ma101 1. its usage as a separate, independent word implying settlement; scriptional difficulties. names refe 2. its use in placenames; and element in these early there were 3. its use in personal names, such as Mimaki 's. indeed to trees, since The diff1c respective meanings. represen There are at least four places that I know of in the Ni hon Shoki where Japanese language and its keeping reco r c the element ki is used independently. One is in the 4th-century records the Japanese began sy s � of the 11th- Emperor Su i n i n whose attempted ass ass i n bu i I t a k i they had no native writing � be used in (apparently of rice stalks) for defence, fortified himself ·there against These characters could in the ( imperial troops for a month, but was finally killed when the structure could actually be written -- and most of was burned to the ground (Aston 1896, 1:1 72; Sakamoto et al. matical rules etc. the char 1967, 1:264). The second occurrence, dating to the late 5th century, written in Chinese; (2) to trans appears to be a duplication of this first instance in that a ki (made of Chinese phonetic values, racte r cc rice stalks) was thrown up quickly as a fortification, but the ki, pronunciation; (3) a ch� Chinese pr on1 instead of being burned down withstood a siege and was said tobe ignoring its original the am m stronger than even the emperor's! The 21st Emperor Yuryaku sent out the Japanese word of � � tr, troops to look at this 'house' (ie) and had the boaster put to death ;t::... was used for the meaning to r epres (Aston 1896, 1:364; Sakamoto 1967, 1:492-93). It is notable that in also occasionally used semantic ontent); this latter passage, the� is equated with a house and seems to be of (ignoring its , � _ (ignoring more solid construction than that suggested by rice stalks. In the Japanese word ki 'tree records of the 25th Emperor Buretsu, also of the late 5th century, the (2) n emperor ordered a high minister •to make a levy of labourers of the Examples of strategies _ � name� province of Shinano in order to bui Id a [ki] in the village of Minomata. in which the Japanese Jn ' It was called Kinouhe" (Aston 1896, I:405;Sakamoto et al. 1967, 11:14). written in the chronicles. purely f Finally, another contemporaneous document, the Harima Fudoki (a local written using characters ms geography written in AD 713), is said to containttie"°passage • ..• the }_}�-t.c... But within the employed (stra place where the � was dug ..• • (Shinmura 1969, 510), semantic values are pronun From these references, it is fairly clear that a ki was some sort characters used for of habitational or fortified structure although itsconstruction is phonetic values mi variously represented as temporary or enduring, excavated or built up. ma But what justification do we have in equating the ki described as inde­ ki pendent structures in these passages with the element� occurring in i r i Mimaki's name and translated by Egami as 'palace'? If the name Mimaki bi is truly a palace name like the 7th-century emperor's names containing ko miya ('palace') above, then there should be a pattern of occurrences in in( 4th century emperors' names as wel I. In fact, only one other, the 2nd we Emperor Annei, has a name incorporating the element �. Siki-tu-piko- miko 43 it walls' _and ,Y is the same character le·. Assuming that this character was antic value �!!)_a-de-mi-no-mikoto. There are, however, two direct references to (rather than purely for assume its actual palaces whose names incorporate the ki element. These are that some sort of structure ated. or Tamaki, the palace of the 10th Emperor Sujin, and Namiki, the palace of However, as we have maintained ake a c�se, the 25th Emperor Buretsu. In assessing the significance of these data, and if we want to accept as Egam1 suggests• we immediately run into transcriptional problems. First, Sujin's palace then we must find � of usage of the is recorded as Tamaki ('jeweled !i_') only in the Nihon Shoki; the Koj iki word k i and the e early texts. - records it as Tamagaki ('jeweled fence'). It is difficult to ascertain which, if either, is more accurate. Second, Namiki is recorded in the ch to approach Nihon Shoki with the characters meaning 'row of ki', whereas in the the search for pattern­ separate the various Kojikiitis written with the characters for 'row of trees' -- a much data on ki into more logical compound!

ndependent Unfortunately, embarkation on this problem is beset with tran­ wo rd implying settle � ment; scriptional difficulties. The major one is determining whether the ki , such as Mimaki •s. element in these early names refers at all to a form of settlement or indeed to trees, since there were two words ki, homophones, with these at I know of in the respective meanings. The difficulty arises over the nature of the . Nihon Shok·1 w h ere Iy. e on is· --- Japanese language and its representation by Chinese characters. When in the 4th-century records se attemp _te_d the Japanese began keeping records in the late 5th and 6th centuries, assassin built a ki ence,_ fortd1_ed they had no native writing system and had to borrow one from China. himself there against as finally These characters could be used in three different ways: (1) the text killed when the structure on 1896, could actually be written in the Chinese language, using Chinese gram­ I:1 72; Sakamoto et al ce_. dat_ing matical rules etc. -- and most of the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki are indeed to the late 5th century. first instan�e written in Chinese; (2) the characters could be used only for their _in that a!!. (made of ly as a fort1f1cation, Chinese phonetic values, to transcribe Japanese syllables of similar but the k' thstood a siege pronunciation; (3) a character could be used for its semantic value, and was said toti"� The 21st Emperor ig noring its original Chinese pronunciation and reading it as if it were Yuryaku sent out e) and had the the Japanese word of the same meaning. For example, the character boaster put to d ' I:492_-93). th ,*.. was used for the meaning 'tree' in pure Chinese sentences; it was It is notable tha�\n ated w1th a house also occasionally used to represent the sound mo in Japanese words and seems to be of t suggested by (ignoring its semantic content); and it was often used to write the rice stalks. In th su, also of Japanese word ki 'tree' (ignoring its original Chinese pronunciation). the late 5th century to th: mak� a_ levy of labourers Id a [!..!_] the Examples of strategies (2) and (3) can be seen in the various ways in the village of Minomataoi I:405; Sakamoto in which the Japanese name Mimaki-iri-biko-iniwe-no-mikoto has been et al. 1967, II:14): do_cument, the written in the chronicles. In the Kojiki song texts, this name is Harima Fudoki (a local said to containttie"" written using characters purely for their phonetic value (strategy 2): [)&SSage ., ·•· th e mura 1969, 51 0). l_�tc,.. But within the main Kojiki text, both phonetic and semantic values are employed (strategies 2 and 3): air!y clear that a!!. was some sort cture al!hough characters used for pronun­ characters used for its construction is or endu� Ing, exc_ava phonetic value_s_ ciation semantic value_s_ ted or bui It up. n eg�at1ng the!..!.. mi $p(honoura� described as inde­ es_ w1 th the element ma I{ true)( ki occurring in m1 as 'palace ki ;K(tree) '? If the name Mimaki -century ir i .,.._(enter) emperor's names containing ould be a pattern bi e (sun) of occurrences in • In fact• only ko +

The predominance of semantically used characters in this name suggests KINAS! without a ti that the scribe thought he knew what the name meant and chose characters NUNAKI marsh timber to represent those meanings -- except for one element, iniw�. whose OSIKI push timber/ meaning he apparently did not know and so chose to represent phonetic­ boat timber/ ally. But compare the characters used for the same name in the Ni hon PUNAKI SAKI ? timber/wa 1 Shoki, finished eight years after the Kojiki, an example of strategy"3: SIKI rock timber/ high timber/ characters used for TAKAKI I wild rose ti semantic value_s_ UBARAK horse timber mi (honourable) LMAKI ifP, young timber ma J,� (space) WAKAKI ki (walled city) 11>._ However, analogy with t i r i /\. (enter) level of comp! ication into biko (prince) Jf century, there were a who �1" (fifty) northern frontier of the Y ni Ji (bead) expansionist operations wer1 we !L (increase) of the northern forests. I sumera mikoto �i_ (august lord) Yamato state defeated thesE whole island of Honshu into The meaning of the name has changed with a choice of different The f Or t i f i cati on s bear na characters. No longer was Mimaki the "sun-chi Id who enters the honour­ Jdewa-no-ki (operative ir able true tree, [unknown] lord" but rather the "prince who enters the (operative in the early 9tt honourable spacious walled city, fifty-bead-increasing august lord". Shinm ura 1969, 286 and 1 Because of this apparently arbitrary shift between the two chronicles in character for •pali sade•b1 the choice of characters to transcribe this and other names containing . 'walled city' character (Re• the element ki, how are we to know which one if either really reflects the original meaning, and do we have any evidence that the ki element in Do we now have a case names ever can be equated with the independent word!..!_ meaning some sort of a contemporary form of of sett I emen t? sumed that all ancient na fortifications also and si Seen in a broad pers,pective, this alternative use of the 'tree' city' character? Or was and 'walled city' characters may turn out not to be alI that .*- 1/fx. taken from the earlier doc� irrational. If we acknowledge that the most prominent feature of a And what do we do with th Chinese city was its walls and if we know, as was the case (Rei schauer Korean word deriving from t 1937), that the 'walled city' character was being used in 8th century cas meaning the same thing Japan to indicate wooden palisades (see below), then we might come to the word for the Ezo for the conclusion that what is being referred to in the texts is actually a I:640)? Why were the JaJ sort of settlement or habitational form surrounded by rows of upright fighting from�? And 1 timbers to form a palisaded enclosure. The use of the 'tree' character based on a single occurrer would then imply timber rather than living trees, and Namiki as a palace were all so simple! name might seem quite reasonable. So would other ki compounds that occur in a variety of personal and place names in the texts. Almost all swrrnary of the below are written with the character for 'tree' in the Kojiki but with the character for •walled city' in the Nihon Shoki. The determination of archaeological investigatit HISIKI diamond-shape timber/walls extremely difficult tas . !NAKI rice stalk [-thatched?] timber/walls � archaeological data w•th !MAKI current timber/walls . sympathized with for the1 IWAKI rock timber/walls logists who use the texts JP(){! 500 timber/walls . . 0 f the mater ia I. A s I mpl 11 KAZURAKI vine timber/walls it cannot withstand scri 45

ally used characters in this n ame suggests ew wh at t na he me me ant and a a chose characters KINAS! without timber/w lls -- except for one element ' ..in 1 we, whose NUNAKl marsh timber/walls know and so chose t t o representphonet OSIKI push imber/walls a t ic- c ers used for t he sa me na me in the PUNAKI boat timber/walls fter the Ni hon Kojiki, an exa mple of st rat e� SAKI ? timb er/wal Is SIKI rock timber/walls chara cters used for high timber/walls sema TAKAKI ntic value_s_ UBARAKI wild rose timber/walls ifP, (honour able) I.MAKI horse t imber/walls (spa . P.� ce) WAKAKI young timber/walls :tA, (walled city) A. (enter) However, analogy with a contemporary form of palisade brings a new If (prince) level of comp! icat ion into understanding the nat ure of ki. In the 7t h ;t-t (fifty) cent ury, there were a whole series of fort ificat ions built on the ti! J (bead) northern front ier of the Yamato st at e. These were bases from which J[ JL (increase) expansionist oper ations were launched against the aboriginal inhabitant s koto :kl_ (august lord) of the northern forests. In it s own version of M ani fest Dest iny, the Yamato state defeated these aboriginals, the Ezo, Rnd incorporated the as ch anged _ with a choice of whole isl and of Honshu into its t erritorial administ r at ive st ructure. • differe nt mak1 the 11sun-child who enters the ho nour­ The fortificat ions bear names such as Nutari-no-ki (built in AD 648), r d " t t bu r a h er t he d a n n a a a a a . "prince who ent I ew - o-ki (operative i the e rly 8th century), N k y m -no-ki t ers t he '. y, fif. t y-bea d-increasing august (operative in the early 9th century) and Okachi-no-ki (Reischauer 1937; t lord" i rary shift bet _ ween t he t wo chronicles Shinmur a 1969, 286 and 1717); most of these are written with the ranscr1be i� thi·s and th character for 'palisade-but Okachi-no-ki is also referred to with the . ° er names cont ainin know which ne � if either really reflect! 'walled city' character (Rei schauer 1937). e h av a � ny evidence that the ki element in the nd i ependent word n a a a a !..!. meaning some sort Do we ow have c se where the compilers of the Nihon Shoki, w re of a cont empora ry form of fortification called a �.unilaterally as­ sumed that all ancient names cont aining the ki element really were t ive,. t his. alternative t a a an t a a d use of the ' t for ific tions lso d so r nscribed all ofthem with the 'w lle a ree' ract ers ma t y urn out not city' charact er? Or was it the ot her way around, the word ki being to be all t hat e hat t he most � -: prominent feat ure taken from the earlier documents and applied to contemporary structures? ' we know, of a , as w as the case (Reischauer And what do we do wit h the li nguistic evidence t hat ki is act u ally a character was being used i Korean word deriving from the Paekche state, whereas another Korean word n 8th cent ury ades � (see below), then we cas meaning the same thing also worked its way into 8th-cent ury Japan as might come to • ng ref d t ! erre o in the t t n a a a t a exts is actually a the word for the Ezo fortifica io s ch shi (S k moto e l. 1967, ional form surroun ded by rows of 1:640)? Why were the Japanese fight ingfrom ki while t he Ezo were enclosur upright � . The use of n a d a a t . the 'tree' character fighti g from ch shi? An where does Egami's inference f ll in ll his, han living trees, and N a based on a singleoccurrence of ki in an emperor's name? Would that it � miki as a pa a le. lace So would other were all so simple! ki compoun ds that and pl a ce names in the text s. Almost all the charact er for 'tree' in t Summary he �K ..k. b Ut CJ"t Y I in • the ---Nihon ---·Shoki The determination of pa t t ern in d ocuments t o provide mod els for timber/wa lls archaeological investigation is a necessary and wort hy exercise, but an atched ?] timber/walls extremely difficult task. Protohist orians who choose to deal only with 1/walls archaeological data wit hout reference to the texts can almost be Is sympathized with for their sensible abstinence, more so than archaeo­ ls logists who use t he t exts wit hout questioning the structure and content Is of t he material. A simplistic approach like Egami's is attr active, but it c annot withstand scrutiny. Matching only h as limit�d utility, Kanda, H. 1959. Kojiki no Koza Shoin. In Japanese. 1975. 46 Ledyard, G. Gal loping a the founders of Japan. � Leone, M.P. 1977. Foreword. although it ctJn be a convenient stimulus for finding patterns that Historical Archaeology. N substantiate sophisticated equations of documentary and material Mizuno, Y. 1952 Zotei Niho evidence. In an admittedly inexhaustive investigation such as this, introductory treatise on pattern has been indicated, but it is patterning at the basic tran­ Komiyayama Shoten. In Jar scriptional and textual levels. Much more work is required until we can Philippi, D.L. (translator) 19 approach the patterning that may bring to light the settlement form that Press. Egam i has suggested. Reischauer, R.K. 1937. � 2 Vols. Princeton,Univeri In line with the recommendations for separating documentary and Sakamoto, T., Inoue, M., and archaeological data, I have not yet mentioned that there is tremendous ka). [Ni hon Shoki, Vols. evidence in the material record for ditched and/or stone-walled hilltop F. Tokyo, Iwanami Shote1 fortifications in protohistoric Japan and Korea as well as limited Shinmura, I. 1969. Kojien [� evidence for walled house compounds among the elite stratum (Barnes In Japanese. 1983). The �resence of patterning in the archaeological record for Tobler, W. and Wineburg, S. 1S these two forms of settlement makes it plausible that regular names for 231(5297), 39-41. such settlements might be preserved in place-name and personal-name data Young, J. 1958. The Locatio1 in the chronicles. Thus it is worthwhile pursuing this problem, trying historiography, 720-1945. to overcome the transcriptional difficulties surrounding the word ki. Historical and Political However, not until some sort of patterning can be recognized in theki data can we begin to hypothesise relationships between the archaeo­ logical and documentary materials. Meanwhile, the difficult part is resisting jumping to conclusions or making facile equations which dis­ regard the complicated nature of the historical materials bequeathed to us.

References:

Aston, W.G. (translator) 1896. Nihongi, Chronicles£.!_ Japan!.!:..£!!!� Earliest Ti!!!� .!..2_ A.D. �. Republished 1972. Tokyo, Charles E. Tuttle Company. Barnes, G.L. 1983. Yayoi-Kofun Settle!!!�Patterns ��Nara Basin, Japan. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms. Charlton, T.H. 1981. Archaeology, ethnohistory, and ethnology: interpretive interfaces. In Schiffer, M.B. (ed.) Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory. New York, Academic Press, vol": 4, 129-176. Cotter, J.L. 1976. Historical archaeology: an introduction. Archaeology 29(3), 150-151. Cressey, P.J. and Stephens, J.F. 1982. The city-site approach to urban archaeology. In Dickens, R.S. Jr. (ed.) Archaeology of Urban America: The Search for Pattern and Process. New York, Academic ------Pr�l-62. Dymond, D.P. 1974. Archaeology and History: ! Plea!.£! Reconciliation. London, Thames and Hudson. Edwards, W. 1983. Event and process in the founding of Japan: the horserider theory in archaeological perspective. Journal of Japanese Studies 9(2), 265-96. Egami, N. 1964. The formation of the people and the origin of the state in Japan. Memoirs --of the Research Department 23, 35-70. Tokyo, ---- - Toyo Bunko. 47

Kojiki], Tokyo, Meiji Kanda, H. 1959. Kojiki no Kozo [Structure_of the Shoin. In Japanese. ers: looking for Ledyard, G. 1975. Galloping along with the horserid 1(2), 217-54. the founders of Japan. Journal £!. Japanese Studies (ed.) Research Strategies .!_!! Leone, M.P. 1977, Foreword. In South, S. ent stimulus for finding patterns that Historical Archaeology. New York, Academic Press. Shiron Josetsu [Expanded quations of documentary and material Mizuno , Y. 1952 Zotei Nihon Kodai Ocho Japan]. Tokyo, exhaustive investigation such as this, introductory treii'tise on theanci;;ltdynasties £!. but it is patterning at the basic tran- Komiyayama Shoten. In Japanese. Tokyo, University of Tokyo Much more work is required unti 1 we can Philippi, D.L. (translator) 1968. Kojiki. ay bring to light the settlement form that Press. 1£..,.!Q. BC.!..£ AD 1167). Reischauer, R.K. 1937. Early Japanese History 2 Vols. Princeton,University Press. S. (eds) 1967. Ni hon Shoki � •ndations for separating documentary and Sakamoto, T., Inoue, M., and Ienaga, Ni hon Kolen Bungaku Taikei, Vol. t yet mentioned that there is tremendous ka). [Ni hon Shoki, Vols. I,II]. In Japanese. d for ditched and/or stone-walled hi !!top � Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten. ien dietionary]. Tokyo, Iwanami Shot en. ric Japan and Korea as well as limited Shinmura, I. 1969. Koj ien [Koj pounds among the elite stratum (Barnes In Japanese. Speculation. Nature •rning in the archaeological record for Tobler, w. and Wineburg, S. 1971. A Cappadocian makes it plausible that regular names for 231(5297), 39-41. a case study in Japanese rved in place-name and personal-name data Young, J. 1958, The Location of Yamatai: Hopkins University Studies in worthwhile pursuing this problem, trying historiography, 720-1945. The Johns 75(2), 8-205. l difficulties surrounding the word ki, Historical and Political Sciences of patterning can be recognized in the ki f i_ Se r e I a t i On S hi p S between t he a rch a eo - 1als. Meanwhile, the difficult part is ns or making facile equations which dis­ of the historical materials bequeathed to

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