DOCSLIB.ORG

Civil Resistance

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Civil Resistance Movements and Ideas - Series editor, Justin Wintle Michael Randle Civil Resistance Copyright Michael Randle, 1993 This pdf file has been generated from Michael Randle’s original text, making an effort to have the page numbering of Chapters 1-7 roughly corresponding with the book published in the Fontana Movements and Ideas Series in 1994. A pdf of the index from the Fontana edition can be downloaded separately. DEDICATION To Anne Randle And to the men and women of the jury at No. 1 Court at the Old Bailey, 17-26 June 1991, without whose independence and courage the writing of this book would have been delayed by several years ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my particular thanks and gratitude to the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust who provided me with a grant to carry out the research for this book. Special thanks are due also to Ian Paten, former editor of Paladin Books, who first suggested my writing this book; to the series editor, Justin Wintle, for his suggestions and corrections; and to Anne Randle for her help and patience during an exceptionally busy year. I am grateful to Mrs Paula Anderson, widow of the late Mr Stanley Alderson, for giving me access to his unpublished manuscript Non-Violence and the Citizen. My thanks, too, to my colleagues on the Social Defence Working Group – Howard Clark, Christina Arber, Owen Greene, Bob Overy, Carol Rank, Andrew Rigby Walter Stein and Tim Wallis- Milne – who, in the course of many meetings and discussions over the last several years, have contributed to, and helped clarify, my ideas on civil resistance. My intellectual debt to the pioneers of non-violent theory, especially those writing in the post-World War II period, is self- evident in the text. Notable among these are Gene Sharp, Adam Roberts, Theodor Ebert, April Carter, George Lakey, Jacques Semelin, Christian Mellon and Jean-Marie Muller. I have been influenced, too, by the contribution to the concept of civilian defence by Anders Boserup, Andrew Mack, Gene Keyes, Lennart Bergfeldt and Alex Schmid, and to Steven Huxley, who has subjected the literature on non-violent resistance to a critical appraisal in his book, Constitutional Insurgency in Finland. Chapter 2 in particular owes much to the overview of the development of passive resistance by Huxley in that book. I am grateful to Gene Keyes, Lennart Bergfeldt and Bob Overy for sending me their Doctoral theses entitle respectively Strategic Non-violent Defence in Theory: Denmark in Practice; Experiences of Civilian Defense: The Case of Denmark 1940-1945; and Gandhi as an Organiser. Naturally I take full responsibility for the views expressed in the book and for any mistakes it contains. My thanks finally to friends and colleagues in the Department of Peace Studies at Bradford University, in War Resisters International, and in the broader peace and non-violence movement who have played to large a part in shaping my ideas and convictions. About the Author: Michael Randle was born in England in 1933 and spent the war years with relatives in Ireland. He has been active in the peace movement since registering as a conscientious objector to military service in 1951. He was a member of the Aldermaston March Committee which organised the first Aldermaston March against British nuclear weapons at Easter 1958; Chairman of the Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War, 1958-61; Secretary of the Committee of 100, 1960- 61; and a Council and Executive member of War Resisters' International, 1960-1987. In 1959-60 he spent a year in Ghana, participating in the Sahara Protest Team against French atomic bomb tests in the Algerian Sahara and helping to organise a pan- African conference in Accra which took place in April 1960. In 1962 he was sentenced, along with five other members of the Committee of 100, to eighteen months' imprisonment for his part in organising nonviolent direct action at a USAF base at Wethersfield in Essex; it was while he was serving that sentence that his first son, Sean, was born. In October 1967 he was sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment for participating in an occupation of the Greek Embassy in London following the Colonels' coup in April of that year. During his time in Wormwood Scrubs prison in 1962-3, he became friends with George Blake, the British MI6 agent condemned in 1961 to forty-two years imprisonment for passing information to the Soviet Union. In 1966, together with Anne Randle and Pat Pottle, he assisted Seán Bourke in planning Blake's escape from prison, and subsequently he and Anne, with the two children, Sean and Gavin, drove Blake to East Germany concealed in the hidden compartment of a camper van. In June 1991 he and Pat Pottle stood trial at the Old Bailey for their part in the escape. They defended themselves in court, arguing that, while they in no way condoned Blake's espionage activities for either side, they were right to help him because the forty-two year sentence he received was inhuman and hypocritical. Despite a virtual direction from the judge to convict, they jury found them not guilty on all counts. Michael Randle has taken a keen interest in developments in Eastern Europe. In 1956 he undertook a march from Vienna to Budapest with leaflets expressing support for Hungarian passive resistance to the Soviet occupation, though he was prevented from entering Hungary by Austrian border guards. In 1968 he jointly co-ordinated for War Resisters’ International protests in Moscow, Budapest, Sofia and Warsaw against the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. In the 1970s and 1980s he collaborated with the Czech dissident, Jan Kavan, then living in London, smuggling literature and equipment to the democratic opposition in Czechoslovakia. He has a degree in English from London University (1966), an M.Phil in Peace Studies (Bradford 1981) and a Ph.D in Peace Studies (Bradford 1994). From 1980 to 1987 he was coordinator of the Alternative Defence Commission, contributing to its two major publications, Defence Without the Bomb (Taylor and Francis, 1983) and The Politics of Alternative Defence (Paladin 1987). He has contributed articles and reviews to Peace News, New Society, the Guardian and other newspapers and journals. He is also the author of several books: The Blake Escape: How we Freed George Blake - and Why, co-author with Pat Pottle, Harrap 1989, Alternatives in European Security, co- editor with Paul Rogers, Dartmouth 1990; People Power: The Building of a New European Home, Hawthorn Press 1991, and How to Defend Yourself in Court, Civil Liberties Trust, 1995. From 1988 to 1990 he was coordinator of the Bradford-based Social Defence Project, and currently (1998) coordinates the Nonviolent Action Research Project, also based in Bradford, and is an Honorary Visiting Research Fellow at the Department of Peace Studies, Bradford University. He married his wife Anne in 1962; they have two grown-up sons. CONTENTS Introduction xiii 1. Civil Resistance and Realpolitik 1 2. The Evolution of Passive Resistance 19 3. Satygraha to People Power 52 4. The Dynamics of Non-Violent Action 101 5. An Alternative Defence? – the Birth of a Concept 121 6. The Strategy of Civilian Resistance 138 7. Popular Empowerment and Democratic Values 179 8. Civil Resistance in the era of the 'Global Village' 199 (chapter written after Fontana edition) 9. Civil Resistance in the 1990s 216 Appendix Reference Notes (in this pdf notes are at the foot of the page) Index (available as a separate pdf) For Chapters 1-7, the page numbers of this pdf roughly correspond with the Fontana edition of 1994. Introduction When tens of thousands of people took to the streets of Manila in the Philippines in February 1986 and succeeded in overthrowing the corrupt oligarchy of Ferdinand Marcos, a new term entered the vocabulary of political discourse: People Power. It was chiefly the term that was new. Mass civil resistance aimed at achieving a variety of political and social objectives became a significant force during the 19th century. It played in some cases a crucial role in struggles against colonial rule, dictatorship, coups and foreign occupation in the present century. Nevertheless the events in Manila caught the public imagination in a special sense, perhaps because of the dramatic confrontation between the army on the one side supporting dictatorial rule, and unarmed civilians on the other insisting on democratic political change. No one in 1986 expected, or could have predicted, that within a few years people power would be largely responsible for the transformation of the world's political geography and the pattern of international relations. Yet such is the case. Future historians may well regard the revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989 among the major turning points in human history, comparable in importance to the Russian revolution of 1917, and the French Revolution of 1789. Not only did they end Soviet domination in the region, they removed once and for all the political underpinnings of the Cold War. In large measure too, they contributed to the final collapse of the Leninist model of communism in the Soviet Union itself and the break up of the Soviet State. Soviet developments began with the coming to power of Gorbachev in 1985. Gorbachev's initial aim was reform within a continuing marxist-leninist political and social order. His importance as the facilitator of change can hardly be exaggerated, but it was the overthrow of the old regimes in Eastern Europe, and the pressures which this set off within the Soviet Union, that turned a programme of reform into a thoroughgoing revolution. Clearly there has been a negative side to these developments. xiii As with the collapse of any empire, the dissolution of the Soviet state and sphere of influence has brought new tensions and instabilities.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Civil Resistance Against Coups a Comparative and Historical Perspective Dr
    ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES Civil Resistance Against Coups A Comparative and Historical Perspective Dr. Stephen Zunes ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES Cover Photos: (l) Flickr user Yamil Gonzales (CC BY-SA 2.0) June 2009, Tegucigalpa, Honduras. People protesting in front of the Presidential SERIES EDITOR: Maciej Bartkowski Palace during the 2009 coup. (r) Wikimedia Commons. August 1991, CONTACT: [email protected] Moscow, former Soviet Union. Demonstrators gather at White House during the 1991 coup. VOLUME EDITOR: Amber French DESIGNED BY: David Reinbold CONTACT: [email protected] Peer Review: This ICNC monograph underwent four blind peer reviews, three of which recommended it for publication. After Other volumes in this series: satisfactory revisions ICNC released it for publication. Scholarly experts in the field of civil resistance and related disciplines, as well as People Power Movements and International Human practitioners of nonviolent action, serve as independent reviewers Rights, by Elizabeth A. Wilson (2017) of ICNC monograph manuscripts. Making of Breaking Nonviolent Discipline in Civil Resistance Movements, by Jonathan Pinckney (2016) The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle, by Tenzin Dorjee (2015) Publication Disclaimer: The designations used and material The Power of Staying Put, by Juan Masullo (2015) presentedin this publication do not indicate the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of ICNC. The author holds responsibility for the selection and presentation of facts contained in Published by ICNC Press this work, as well as for any and all opinions expressed therein, which International Center on Nonviolent Conflict are not necessarily those of ICNC and do not commit the organization 1775 Pennsylvania Ave. NW. Ste.
    [Show full text]
  • British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Apollo British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964 William Styles Corpus Christi College, University of Cambridge September 2016 This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy William Styles British Domestic Security Policy and Communist Subversion: 1945-1964 This thesis is concerned with an analysis of British governmental attitudes and responses to communism in the United Kingdom during the early years of the Cold War, from the election of the Attlee government in July 1945 up until the election of the Wilson government in October 1964. Until recently the topic has been difficult to assess accurately, due to the scarcity of available original source material. However, as a result of multiple declassifications of both Cabinet Office and Security Service files over the past five years it is now possible to analyse the subject in greater depth and detail than had been previously feasible. The work is predominantly concerned with four key areas: firstly, why domestic communism continued to be viewed as a significant threat by successive governments – even despite both the ideology’s relatively limited popular support amongst the general public and Whitehall’s realisation that the Communist Party of Great Britain presented little by way of a direct challenge to British political stability. Secondly, how Whitehall’s understanding of the nature and severity of the threat posed by British communism developed between the late 1940s and early ‘60s, from a problem considered mainly of importance only to civil service security practices to one which directly impacted upon the conduct of educational policy and labour relations.
    [Show full text]
  • YUGOSLAV REFUGEES, DISPLACED PERSONS and the CIVIL WAR Mirjana Morokvasic Freie Universitm, Berlin and Centre Nationale De La Recherche Scientifique, Paris
    YUGOSLAV REFUGEES, DISPLACED PERSONS AND THE CIVIL WAR Mirjana Morokvasic Freie UniversitM, Berlin and Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris Background case among the socialist countries. The within the boundaries of former Slovenia and Croatia declared present tragedy can only be compared Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav case may also independence on 25 June 1991. That to that of the Second World War; from help de-dramatize the East I West was the date of the "collective an international perspective, the invasion scenarios which predict thanatos"' which led to the United Nations High Commission on disruptive mass movements caused by disintegration of Yugoslavia. As a Refugees (UNHCR) compares it in political and ethnic violence or result of German pressure, the scope, scale of atrocities and ecological catastrophe in the countries European Community, followed by a consequences for the population, to the aligned with the former Soviet empire. number of other states, recognized the Cambodian civil war. The Demographic Structure In three ways, analyzing the independence of the secessionist The 600,000 to 1 million displaced refugees' situation contributes to our republics on 15 January 1992 and persons referred to above come from understanding of issues beyond the buried the second Y~goslavia.~ Croatia, whose total population is 4.7 human tragedy of the people Although the Westernmedia have million (see Figure 1).Moreover, most themselves. First, it demystifies the now shifted their attention to the of these people come from a relatively genesis of the Yugoslav conflict, which former Soviet Union, where other small area the front line, which is now is often reduced to a matter "ethnic - similar and potentially even more under the control of the Yugoslav hatred." It shows that the separation of dangerous ethnic conflicts are brewing, Army and Serbian forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Centralization in Nonviolent Civil Resistance Movements
    United We Stand, Divided We Fall: Centralization in Nonviolent Civil Resistance Movements. By Evgeniia Iakhnis Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Erin K. Jenne CEU eTD Collection Word Count: 14,555 Budapest, Hungary 2012 Abstract This thesis examines how the level of centralization affects the outcome of nonviolent civil resistance campaigns. The findings of the statistical analysis show that campaigns led by a coalition or an umbrella organization are more likely to succeed than movements with other organizational structures, while spontaneous movements have lower chances to achieve political transformation. A detailed analysis of two cases of nonviolent resistance, Romania from 1987-1989 and Bulgaria in 1989, explores the casual mechanisms that link different levels of centralization to the outcome of nonviolent campaigns. It reveals that the existence of a strong coalition at the head of a nonviolent campaign enables the movement to conduct effective negotiations, prevents disruption of nonviolent discipline, and presents a viable political alternative once the previous regime falls. In contrast, the spontaneous character of a movement undermines its ability to conduct effective negotiations, maintain nonviolent discipline, and create a viable alternative on the political arena. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Erin Jenne for her support and invaluable advice. I also want to say a special thank you to Matthew Stenberg for his constructive criticism and patience while reading my thesis drafts. Without him, my experience at the CEU would have been different.
    [Show full text]
  • Mary Elizabeth King on Civil Action for Social Change, the Transnational Women’S Movement, and the Arab Awakening
    Theory Talks Presents THEORY TALK #55 MARY ELIZABETH KING ON CIVIL ACTION FOR SOCIAL CHANGE, THE TRANSNATIONAL WOMEN’S MOVEMENT, AND THE ARAB AWAKENING Theory Talks is an interactive forum for discussion of debates in International Relations with an emphasis of the underlying theoretical issues. By frequently inviting cutting-edge specialists in the field to elucidate their work and to explain current developments both in IR theory and real-world politics, Theory Talks aims to offer both scholars and students a comprehensive view of the field and its most important protagonists. Citation: Kovoets, N. (2013) ‘Theory Talk #55: Mary Elizabeth King on Civil Action for Social Change, the Transnational Women’s Movement, and the Arab Awakening’, Theory Talks, http://www.theory-talks.org/2013/06/theory-talk-55.html (05-06-2013) WWW.THEORY-TALKS.ORG MARY ELIZABETH KING ON CIVIL ACTION FOR SOCIAL CHANGE, THE TRANSNATIONAL WOMEN’S MOVEMENT, AND THE ARAB AWAKENING Nonviolent resistance remains by and large a marginal topic to IR. Yet it constitutes an influential idea among idealist social movements and non-Western populations alike, one that has moved to the center stage in recent events in the Middle East. In this Talk, Mary King—who has spent over 40 years promoting nonviolence—elaborates on, amongst others, the women’s movement, nonviolence, and civil action more broadly. What is, according to you, the central challenge or principal debate in International Relations? And what is your position regarding this challenge/in this debate? The field of International Relations is different from Peace and Conflict Studies; it has essentially to do with relationships between states and developed after World War I.
    [Show full text]
  • Skinner, R. (2015)
    Skinner, R. (2015). Bombs and Border Crossings: Peace Activist Networks and the Post-colonial State in Africa, 1959-62. Journal of Contemporary History, 50(3), 418-438. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022009414552148 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1177/0022009414552148 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ Bombs and Border Crossings: Peace Activist Networks and the Post- colonial State in Africa, 1959-62 Rob Skinner (University of Bristol) On 9th December 1959, a small convoy of vehicles left the settlement of Navrongo, on the border of Ghana and Upper Volta, and headed north. The convoy’s passengers comprised an international team of peace campaigners, including the British anti-colonial cleric, Michael Scott, a French member of War Resisters International, Pierre Martin, and US peace campaigner and civil rights activist, Bayard Rustin. The veteran US pacifist A.J. Muste had accompanied the team to the border before returning to the town of Bawku to report on their progress. The aim of the convoy was to travel the thousand miles or so across the Francophone territories of the Sahel and southern Sahara until they reached the military base at Reggane in Algeria, the site of impending French nuclear weapons tests. Passing the borderline unnoticed, ‘out in a near-desert no-man’s land’, it was not until the convoy had travelled sixteen miles into Upper Volta and reached the town of Bittou that police signalled the convoy to halt.
    [Show full text]
  • The British Peace Movement and Socialist Change*
    THE BRITISH PEACE MOVEMENT AND SOCIALIST CHANGE* Richard Taylor In the post-war period the largest, and arguably the most significant, mobilisation of radical forces in Britain has taken place around the issue of nuclear disarmament. From the late-1950s to the mid-1960s, and again from the late-1970s to the time of writing, the peace movement has been a dominant force and has succeeded in bringing together a diverse coalition in opposition to British possession of nuclear weapons. This paper has two primary purposes: first, to examine the politics of the peace movement of 1958 to 1965 and to analyse the reasons for its ultimate failure; second, to argue, on the basis of the experience of that period, that for the peace movement to succeed in the future there must be a linkage at a number of levels between the movement for peace and the movement for specifically socialist change. The focus is thus upon the various political strategies adopted by the earlier movement, but always within the context of the implications this experience has for the contemporary movement. The persistent and fundamental problem of the movement since its inception has been its inability to translate its undoubted popular appeal into real, tangible achievement. Although the movement has had a very considerable impact upon public opinion, and thus, arguably, indirectly upon formal political structures and policies, it is quite clear that its central objectives have not been achieved. Moreover, the deterioration of the Cold War climate in the 1980s and the increasing escalation of the arms race both testify to the movement's lack of success.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Resistance in Ethiopia: an Overview of a Historical Development
    Vol. 13(1), pp. 7-18, January-June 2021 DOI: 10.5897/AJHC2020.0471 Article Number: 216870165987 ISSN 2141-6672 Copyright ©2021 Author(s) retain the copyright of this article African Journal of History and Culture http://www.academicjournals.org/AJHC Review Civil resistance in Ethiopia: An overview of a historical development Amare Kenaw Aweke Department of Peace and Security Studies, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Dire Dawa University (DDU) Ethiopia. Received 8 May, 2020; Accepted 26 May, 2020 A history of anti-government opposition in Ethiopia is a very complex topic and a subject extremely difficult to investigate. It runs through the analysis of intractable social crisis of the entire feudal empire covering a wide range of historical processes across ages to the various people’s movements in contemporary Ethiopia. It also involved different styles and methods over the years ranging from violent to nonviolent, and from dialogues and negotiations to conventional politics. The major purpose of this article is to provide a brief historical overview of the genesis, development, nature and dynamics of civil resistance in light of experiences ranging from the second half of 20th century to the 2015 Oromo and Amhara protest. Key words: Civil resistance, Ethiopian students movement, Ethiopian May-2005 election dissent, everyday forms of resistance, rebellions. INTRODUCTION A meticulous review of a history of anti-government some public writers2. opposition in Ethiopia gives an expanded list of both The materials produced at this time are important in violent and nonviolent resistance. It is also a very providing vivid insights on the genesis, foundation, and complex topic and has to explore the very complex crises radicalization of the late 1960s and early 1970s people‟s of the feudal empire, the Military regime and the movements in Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin America's Authoritarian Drift
    July 2013, Volume 24, Number 3 $12.00 Latin America’s Authoritarian Drift Kurt Weyland Carlos de la Torre Miriam Kornblith Putin versus Civil Society Leon Aron Miriam Lanskoy & Elspeth Suthers Kenya’s 2013 Elections Joel D. Barkan James D. Long, Karuti Kanyinga, Karen E. Ferree, and Clark Gibson The Durability of Revolutionary Regimes Steven Levitsky & Lucan Way Kishore Mahbubani’s World Donald K. Emmerson The Legacy of Arab Autocracy Daniel Brumberg Frédéric Volpi Frederic Wehrey Sean L. Yom Putin versus Civil Society The Long STruggLe for freedom Leon Aron Leon Aron is resident scholar and director of Russian studies at the American Enterprise Insitute, a Washington, D.C.–based think tank. His most recent book is Roads to the Temple: Memory, Truth, Ideals and Ideas in the Making of the Russian Revolution, 1987–1991 (2012). Civil unrest, no matter where it takes place, is always difficult to as- sess. For experts and policy makers, the dilemma is depicted by meta- phors as well-worn as they are accurate: Flash in the pan or tip of the iceberg? Do demonstrations and rallies manifest intense but fleeting anger and frustration? Or do they represent enduring sentiments that eventually may force major reforms or even a change in regime? Evaluating the prospects for Russia’s “new” protesters, who began to mobilize en masse after fraudulent State Duma elections in Decem- ber 2011, and the civil society from which they sprang is no exception. Perhaps history can help us to understand contemporary developments. Of course, no historical parallel is perfect, but though history is hardly an infallible guide, it is the only one we have and may have something to teach us here.
    [Show full text]
  • Via Issuelab
    ROCKEFELLER ARCHIVE CENTER RESEARCH REPO RTS “Peaceful Revolutionary Heroes”: Non-Violence, Revolution, and Opposition in Cold War Peripheries by Emily R. Gioielli © 2019 by Emily R. Gioielli Abstract The ascendance of a norm of non-violent protest or “civil resistance” against a government or occupying force may, at first, seem self-evident. As modern states have come to attain overwhelming military and policing powers over their populations, the idea of using violent means to oppose a regime seems ineffective, at best, and dangerous, at worst. Yet, the near total embrace of and insistence on non-violence should not be considered a foregone conclusion. They must be examined historically so as to understand how people across time and space have supported what was fundamentally a radical ideology of resistance to inequality, colonialism, and political repression. This project centers on the question of how non-violence became a norm for resistance and struggle. It focuses on the potential entanglement of two processes of transformation: the Black American freedom struggle and the regime changes in East Central Europe in 1989, that are inexorably linked to non-violence or peaceful transition. It considers how the “other” transatlantic relationship, between Black Americans and eastern Europeans during the Cold War, shaped opposition politics in East Central Europe. This project places a special emphasis on the intellectual roots, social organization, and tactical methods of non-violent political opposition and peace movements in Hungary from approximately 1947 to 1990. It will also pay special attention to how the socialist ideal of revolutionary action changed over time, as the needs of socialists states changed.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Civil Resistance Works: the Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict
    Why Civil Resistance Works Why Civil Maria J. Stephan and Resistance Works Erica Chenoweth The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conºict Implicit in recent schol- arly debates about the efªcacy of methods of warfare is the assumption that the most effective means of waging political struggle entails violence.1 Among political scientists, the prevailing view is that opposition movements select vi- olent methods because such means are more effective than nonviolent strate- gies at achieving policy goals.2 Despite these assumptions, from 2000 to 2006 organized civilian populations successfully employed nonviolent methods in- Maria J. Stephan is Director of Educational Initiatives at the International Center on Nonviolent Conºict. Erica Chenoweth is Assistant Professor of Government at Wesleyan University and a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. The authors are listed in random order and contributed equally to this article. The authors wish to thank Peter Ackerman, Douglas Bond, Jonathan Caverley, Howard Clark, Alexander Downes, Jack DuVall, Roy Eidelson, Matthew Fuhrmann, Matthew Kroenig, Adria Lawrence, Jason Lyall, Brian Martin, Doug McAdam, Amado Mendoza, Hardy Merriman, Wendy Pearlman, Regine Spector, Monica Duffy Toft, Ned Walker, Stephen Zunes, the anonymous reviewers, and participants in the International Security Program at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Har- vard University for useful comments on previous drafts of this article. Elizabeth Wells contributed helpful research assistance. 1. Robert A. Pape, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terror (New York: Random House, 2005); Robert A. Pape, Bombing to Win: Air Power and Coercion in War (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univer- sity Press, 1996); Daniel L.
    [Show full text]
  • Prison Escapes 5
    PRISON ESCAPES 5 CONTENTS Redoine Faid (2013) George Blake (1966) Julien Chautard (2009) Prison Transit Van Escapes Pentonville Colditz Bizarre Escape attempts Many Others – Summaries for Discussion Redoine Faid escapes: It wasn't the first time that Faid, an armed robber being held in the death of a police officer, had gone on the lam. Here are a few other notorious prison escapes. • A special police officer stands guard in front the jail of Sequedin near Lille, northern France, April 14. Redoine Faid, an inmate, used explosives and took hostages to escape out of jail on Saturday morning, local media reported. PARIS Redoine Faid's escape from a French prison landed him on Interpol's most wanted list Monday, two days after he took four guards hostage and used explosives hidden inside tissue packets to blast his way out of a prison in Lille. Faid freed his hostages along his getaway route. It wasn't the first time that Faid, an armed robber being held in the death of a police officer, had gone on the lam. He was arrested in 1998 after three years on the run in Switzerland and Israel, according to the French media. Faid was freed after serving 10 years of his 31-year sentence, then swore he had turned his life around, writing a confessional book about his life of crime and going on an extensive media tour. "When I was on the run, I lived all the time with death, with fear of the police, fear of getting shot," he told Europe 1 radio at the time.
    [Show full text]