FALL 2013 STATES, VOLUME 19 / ISSUE 1 POWER, AND

Political Sociology Section SOCIETIES American Sociological Association Symposium: In this Issue The Implications of Social Media for

Book Abstracts 11 Democracy The growth of social media has yielded direct consequences on Article & Chapter Abstracts 15 political action, as witnessed by its enduring role in protest Grant Abstract 17 mobilization. Citizens and state actors alike now broadcast their claims on a scale unforeseen even a decade ago, simultaneously New Journals & Special Issues 17 presenting both opportunities and challenges to the democratic process. Given the role of social media on protest mobilization, Section Announcements 19 which (if any) consequences to political participation arise from On the Scholarly Legacy of digital divide effects whereby access to online communication is Juan Linz, 1926-2013 27 unequal? To what extent does state surveillance of digital media temper political engagement both online and off? Does citizens' Interview with Award Recipient: access to state actors through digital media result in increased Christopher A. Bail 31 accountability and do online transparency initiatives truly create a more informed voting public? For this symposium, we invite our Journal Review: contributors to critically reflect upon the World Politics 33 substantive political changes which have Section Officers resulted from widespread technological Chair Blog Profile: Ann Mische adoption and in which ways this adoption Mobilizing Ideas 35 Past Chair has recreated existing limitations to Judith Stepan-Norris democracy. Chair Elect Isaac William Martin Capabilities of Movements and Affordances of Secretary-Treasurer Digital Media: Paradoxes of Empowerment Rhys H. Williams Council By Zeynep Tufekci Anne N. Costain University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Kathleen M. Fallon Gregory Hooks From the “Indignados” in Spain, to “Occupy” in the United States, from Catherine Lee Tahrir Square in Egypt to Syntagma Square in Greece, from Gezi Park in Stephanie Lee Mudge Turkey to #Euromaidan in Ukraine, the recent years have witnessed a Edward T. Walker proliferation of protests which, while embedded in differing Newsletter Editor Continued on Page 2. Benjamin E. Lind Webmaster Jason O. Jensen Other Symposium Article • Fabio Rojas, “Digital Democracy is Here: Let’s Measure It” 6 Contact us! [email protected] Newsletter formatting by Rachael R. Chatterson

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Continued from Page 1. NGOs, they involved prolonged occupations of circumstances and specific grievances, share public spaces with attempts to establish multiple characteristics. Social media, an “alternative” living spaces. These occupations integral aspect of all these movements, is not a were more than mere instrumental steps and mere “tool” that is external to the often became integral to the identity of the organizational and cultural structure of these protests. None of these mobilizations had movements. Instead, it has become increasingly recognizable leaders or established clear that communication is a form of spokespersons. Rotating, flexible, ad hoc organization, and the form of communication structures arose in response to perceived needs strongly interacts with the form of organization. of the protests and took up functional roles Digital media come with a particular set of which ebbed and flowed with the mobilization. affordances, practices they allow and make Surveys and interviews revealed that the easy, which translate into specific capabilities of protesters were frustrated with, and expected the collective and individual actors that use little from, traditional institutions of civic them. Here, “capabilities” is used in the sense engagement, political parties, unions, and other developed by Amartya Sen, as the set of organizations; remained suspicious of functionalities a given actor can undertake. The delegation, authority, and representation; and capabilities afforded to social movements by were disdainful of mass media, which they saw new technologies both condition and are as shutting out their concerns. Testifying to the conditioned by the specificities of political centrality of social media to their identity, the mobilizations. method by which a Twitter user can tag her Forefronting affordances and capabilities, tweets as relating to an event or a subject, the instead of focusing on platforms or tools, allow hashtag, often became the identifying label of for analytic depth without getting tangled in the the protests themselves. These tags include specifics of the technology. Paradoxically, it’s #ows, #euromaidan, #direngezi, #jan25, #m15, possible that the widespread use of digital tools and #syntagma. facilitate capabilities in some domains, such as These mobilizations also displayed a organization, logistics, and publicity, while propensity to “fizzle out,” at least in the short simultaneously engendering hindrances to term, in a manner disproportionate to their movement impacts on other domains, including size, energy, and enthusiasm when viewed those related to policy and electoral spheres. through the lens of policy impact. After a stint by the Muslim Brotherhood, whose traditional 2011-2013: Occupations, Mobilizations and electoral organization trumped the more Revolutions secular activists whose social-media amplified These protests of 2011-2013 surprised most voices were the face of the Egyptian uprising for observers, arising suddenly and often Western audiences, Egypt became ruled now by surpassing expectations with regard to the military, whose guns in turn trumped the longevity, energy, and participation. Not electoral success of the Muslim Brotherhood. primarily organized by traditional actors like The Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) political parties, trade unions, or established government in Turkey appears poised to win

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reelection strongly with little to no noticeable fulfilled some of the early predictions of its impact from the Gezi protests. European potential to transform the dynamics of austerity policies, the subjects of huge multi- mobilization. Protesters in various movements country protests, continue unabated. have successfully used social media for Of course, the longer-term impacts of these organization, coordination, mobilization, and mobilizations remain to be seen, and are logistics, shaping their own narrative, already suggested in multiple ways. The broadcasting to large publics, fostering internal election of Hassan Rouhani as President of Iran, dialogue, bridging to external audiences, and and his turn to softer policies compared to his building both cultural as well as ideological predecessor, coupled with a forceful foray into formations. social media that included a “will.i.am”-style Social media affordances have altered which music video celebrating Iran’s diversity of capabilities underlie the ability to mount beliefs, can likely be partly attributed to the popular mobilizations. For example, in the past, “Green Revolution.” Similarly, we witnessed a the capability to organize a large-scale march rise in discussions on inequality in the U.S. on Washington, or a bus boycott in public sphere, likely due partially to the Occupy Montgomery, required extensive organization, movement. It’s also possible that these coordinating everything from car pools to movements will have significant “biographical laboriously publishing pamphlets to setting up impacts” as their mode of existence, including many meetings that in turn determine sustained occupations, may well prove organizational and logistical issues. Similarly, transformational for some segment of the battling for visibility through broadcast media participants. This essay is not meant to dismiss often required investing in institutions that these movements as “unimpactful” but rather became familiar with the workings of media to examine the seeming lack of connection and power. between their size, energy, and scope to In contrast, modern mobilizations often turn traditional measures of movement success to social media for coordination, logistics, such as policy or electoral outcomes. For that, I publicity and more. For example, four young turn to an examination of the particular people in their early twenties, with no military organizational and cultural aspects of these or logistics training, coordinated the setup of movements as embedded in and enabled by ten sizable field hospitals during the deadly, social media. massive clashes near Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt in 2011 using Twitter, spreadsheets and Social Media Fabric of Modern documents on the Internet (through Google Mobilizations: Communication As Docs), along with cell phones to keep in touch Organization with multiple points. (Bear in mind that dozens Going back to the anti-electoral fraud of people were killed and thousands were protests of 2009 in Iran, which gave rise to treated at these field hospitals staffed by #iranelections and the first solid demonstration volunteer doctors and nurses, so this was not a of social media’s central role in modern protest minor operation to organize or supply). During mobilization, it appears that social media has the initial uprising of January/February 2011,

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Egyptian activists befuddled all censorship many details of mobilization. This argument is attempts and managed to get their own, not merely about technical affordances, but attractive, narrative out to international media. about the interaction of socio-technical Gezi protesters in Istanbul used social media to capabilities with cultural and political coordinate logistics for their spontaneous, dispositions, such as those growing out of the massive gathering which, at some points, anti-authoritarian, cultural, and personal turn in involved multi-day clashes with the police, and social movements, which often predate digital was partially accomplished by otherwise media. inexperienced, novice protesters who were also In the past, organizing a large march or able to overcome the censorship of the pliant other collective action required extensive Turkish broadcast media. There are countless institutional and logistical capabilities. If the examples of how social media allows movement didn’t have them already, they had mobilizations to carry out fairly impressive feats to be built, in the process also engendering with little prior infrastructure. social capital within the movement. These However, this lowering of coordination costs, capabilities then remained as “sediments” even a fact generally considered to empower protest after the specific action was past. Now, using mobilizations, may have the seemingly the powerful affordances of social media can paradoxical effect of contributing to political short-circuit or alter the substance of those weakness in the latter stages, by allowing steps, facilitating organizational forms that movements to grow without building needed dissipate as quickly as they were formed, structures and strengths, including capacities leaving little to no such sediment behind. for negotiation, representation, and I refer to gains from network-building as mobilization. Movements may grow quickly network internalities, defined as social capital beyond their developed organizational capacity, and other benefits which accrue from the a weakness that becomes critical as soon as a process of building a network or an institution, form of action other than street protests or above and beyond the instrumental uses of the occupation of a public space becomes relevant. resulting network or the institution. Network- In particular, the new capabilities and and institution-building with and without using affordances emerging from social media also online tools create different sets of such allow these movements to sidestep thorny internalities. The mobilizations in the past few issues regarding representation and delegation years demonstrate that while social-media- which are often rooted in specific cultural and supported networks support impressive political trajectories. While deep suspicion of “instrumental” capacities in some domains, leaders, institutions, and representation is not their network internalities are not necessarily novel to recent social-media-fueled suited to certain types of engagement, movements, it has become easier for especially in the electoral and policy arenas. movements to avoid leaders and most For example, in Gezi Park protests, social mechanisms of delegation as social media media helped the protesters organize a multi- makes it easier for “ad hoc” coordination, week, spontaneous, contentious occupation sometimes called an “adhocracy,” to undertake which involved tasks ranging from the

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mundane issues of keeping tens of thousands provided from external sources. Social media’s of people fed, clean, and safe to the more superior capacity to achieve certain goals contentious problem of defending the park similar type of effort impedes the development against repeated policing interventions, all of capabilities that would otherwise be without formally delegating authority or indispensable to overcome logistical difficulties establishing a decision-making structure. and publicity barriers, and are of crucial However, after weeks into the occupation, when importance to mobilizations in multiple the government made a move to negotiate with domains over and above those for which they Gezi Park protesters, it was unclear who, if were initially developed. anyone, had representational capacity. Though As the classic relationship between large- the prime minister of Turkey held a meeting scale mobilizations and capabilities has with some of the protesters, none of the weakened, the “signaling” power of street participants were authorized by the movement protests has arguably waned. When faced with in any formal sense. The “Park” had no clear the 2003 anti-war protests, George W. Bush mechanism for making a decision, let alone famously asked why he should treat the negotiating a proposal. The government’s millions people in the streets around the proposals were discussed in day-long meetings country, and indeed around the world, as any first held in small groups and later in a united different from a “focus group.” At the time, his forum that ended without clarity. While some comment was seen as disdainful of the right to protesters wanted to reduce the occupation to protest. However, his administration won a symbolic one, in effect to call it a victory and another term even though the post-war go home, others expressed dissent and did not occupation of Iraq wasn’t going smoothly. The want to abandon the park. As the movement political authority took a bet that the anti-war dithered, the government moved in with a mobilization, while massive, did not necessarily massive police presence and razed the signal capability for electoral threat the way an occupation. With no organization left as earlier protest march of the same size may “sediment” from Gezi, the ruling party in have. Turkey, AKP, looks unlikely to face a significant In fact, as authorities adapt to digital electoral challenge solely from the Gezi capabilities, some earlier examples of digitally- constituency later in 2014. enabled protests that brought about success In some ways, this can be analogized to a may not be repeatable. During the internet mountaineering expedition that employs regulation related SOPA/PIPA protests, in which Sherpas to carry its gear to base camp at large internet platforms such as Google, Everest, and thus arrives relatively quickly and Tumblr, Wikipedia, and others joined forces, easily. However, climbing Everest still requires many Congressional representatives quickly high-altitude mountaineering skills and changed their stance upon receiving tens of acclimatization, and making the attempt easier thousands of phone calls in one day. However, in the beginning does not necessarily make one those calls were facilitated almost entirely by more likely to complete the trip to the summit giant internet platforms. Upon logging on to which requires capacities that cannot be Tumblr or Google, the user was given an option

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–indeed urged—to connect to their reshape how people make sense of their values representatives’ switchboard through their and their politics. Digital tools greatly promote computer with a mere click. Congressional homophily, and thus, potentially, movement representatives were flooded with calls at an formation, by allowing similar-minded people atypically high volume, and quickly reacted. to find and draw strength from each other. Ordinarily, large numbers of phone calls signal These tools also greatly complicate ruling by voter discontent that may turn into a primary censorship and also challenge pluralistic challenge or an electoral loss. It’s not clear that ignorance—a situation in which people falsely calls that are facilitated by internet dominant believe that their privately-held beliefs are in gatekeepers signal the same electoral threat the minority when, in fact, they are not. that earlier phone calls and how lawmakers will Ironically, the area in which digital tools have interpret such signals in the future. brought about the most visible successes, large- This is not to say that there’s an absence of scale street mobilizations and occupations, may potentially very significant impacts on political be the one facet in which their enhanced mobilization from digital tools. The rise of capabilities engender—or further—dynamics online symbolic action—clicking on “Like” or that may impede policy impact, such as making tweeting about a political subject—though long it easy to mobilize for a protest without building derided as “slacktivism,” may well turn out to be the infrastructure that allows for successfully one of the more potent impacts from digital negotiating what comes after the street tools in the long run, as widespread use of such mobilization wanes. semi-public symbolic micro-actions can slowly

Digital Democracy is Here—Let’s Measure It Fabio Rojas Indiana University

Again, democracy changes. At first, word. The 20th century expansion of the democracy was a small intimate affair. A select franchise relied on mass communication like few Greek men would vote for their leaders. radio and television. The public sphere grows Then, thousands of years later, the democracy and redefines itself, and so does its mode of expanded. First in America, then in other expression. But technology is not passive. It places, thousands of people voted for their changes who can talk and who can listen, leaders. By the late 20th century, nearly all shifting democracy’s center of gravity. The adults were eligible to vote. spoken word is heard, usually, by small groups Each incarnation of democracy relied on a and only elites are heard by many. Radio, specific technology. Ancient Greek politics newspapers, and television are heard by many, relied on speech within small groups. Early a number that would be unfathomable to the American democracy required the printed ancient Greeks. But as powerful as mass media

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are, they are tools for monologue, not dialogue. to raise funds, influence elections, and generate The letter to the editor is a tiny snippet, a wisp, publicity in traditional media.2 of a roiling discussion about society’s triumphs Social media has other political uses as well. and failures. The person who watched Kennedy The Obama for America organization, which and Nixon couldn’t raise her hand to ask a was Barack Obama’s electoral vehicle, was the question. first to effectively exploit social media for The Internet has restructured politics once fundraising, recruiting volunteers, and again and alters the tenor of the democratic otherwise conducting the day to day activities process. As with other technologies, the of political campaigns. Facebook, in particular, Internet has not created our underlying desire was important because it allowed the Obama for political recognition. Nor is it responsible for for America group to combine fine grained data our desire to come together and remake the analysis with customized outreach. Messages state in our own image. Rather, the Internet has could be tailored for very specific groups of changed the balance of who can talk and who people in ways there were not possible before can listen. For the first time in history, the social media.3 pauper and the governor can have the same Perhaps the most important consequence of audience. social media is how it has transformed the

public sphere itself. As noted by Habermas’ The Contraction of the Political seminal text, the public sphere in Western Social media – web sites that allow users to society has undergone important interact, follow each other, and tag content – transformations.4 The end of his book describes changes politics by bringing people closer the age of mass media, where the newspaper together. It is now possible for geographically and the television station have replaced the and socially distant people to directly interact coffee house. Social media inverts this trend. with each other in new ways. Sometimes, this is Websites like Reddit, Twitter, and Facebook as light hearted, as when reality television still forms of mass media that attract hundreds personality Nicole "Snooki" Polizzi engaged in of millions of people. The difference is that an argument with Senator John McCain over social media has a type of intimacy that is Twitter.1 simply absent from older forms of mass media. But often, the use of social media is quite The signs of intimacy are obvious. Users can serious. Politicians use social media to bypass provide photographs of themselves. They can traditional media and establish an independent write directly to each other. Special groups can source of power. One famous example is be made and membership can be regulated to former Alaska governor Sarah Palin, who ensure that the “right people” can participate. It cultivated an intense following on social media. is as if Habermas’ coffee houses had suddenly At the height of her popularity, Palin could become connected to each other in ways that directly communicate with nearly one million allowed nearly instantaneous travel between followers. This depth of influence could be used them. In principle, these small intimate chats

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could be heard by anyone from anywhere in amounts of information. Accessing and the world. manipulating the type of data that is generated by social media platforms requires special An Ocean of Data skills. The reinvention of the public sphere Another problem is that it is not obvious presents social scientists with a unique how social scientists should analyze this opportunity. There is an important massive trove of data or what it is that this data development in social life that is being recorded might tell us. In fact, there is currently a heated and archived in an unprecedented level of debate among computer scientists and social detail. There are billions of messages about scientists about the nature of social media data. Barack Obama, Mitt Romney, the Tea Party, the Some think that social media data is hopelessly Arab Spring, and nearly every major political biased, while others think that it might yield figure or movement in the world. These insights on real social behavior.7 messages come from every country and are composed in all major languages. Most The Translation Hypothesis importantly for researchers, these messages Faced with the massive nature of social are often publically broadcast and available to media data, political sociologists should anyone who cares to collect them. probably begin with simple empirical exercises The intimacy of social media, where users that would then provide some concrete engage in heated debate and discussion, means grounding for theory. Social media is a natural that there is a degree of candor not found in outgrowth of human society and we should many other forms of data. The interview expect it to be no less complex. Thus, any respondent is notoriously shy about expressing attempt to grasp the importance of social their potentially embarrassing views.5 In the media for democratic processes should begin privacy of their own home, many social media with a toolbox of facts and easy to state users are much less shy about expressing their hypotheses. ideas. This basic insight has been exploited by One such conjecture would be the researchers who want to study the connection “translation hypothesis.” According to the between social media and political behavior. translation hypothesis, social media data will For example, one study found that areas where track “real world” social trends. The reason that residents are searching for racial slurs on this might be true is that people “translate” Google have a less than expected 2008 Obama their beliefs, attitudes, and intentions into the vote share when compared to the 2004 vote for text found in social media. According to this John Kerry.6 theory, social media is mirror, a reflection of Although such data are promising, they do collective thoughts. present formidable challenges. One problem is There is evidence that some version of the that these data are massive. When people feel translation hypothesis is true. For example, the like they can freely and openly communicate, “translation hypothesis” implies that social they will do so and they generate enormous media data, in some cases, may accurately

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Diagram 1. GOP Vote Margin vs. GOP Twitter Share

reflect people’s intentions or perceptions. Indiana University uses data from over 800 Studies have found that positive sentiments do Congressional races in 2010 and 2012 to show correlate with short term variations in stock that the relative share of discussion correlates prices, discussions of film correlate with box with a candidate’s relative share of the vote.9 receipts, and Google searches for medical Diagram 1 shows a scatter plot that is typical of terms like influenza precede outbreaks of the this type of political data. disease.8 Studies like the work by DiGrazia and The implication for political sociology is colleagues (2013) show that that social media straightforward: when people are interested in does contain a “signal” – information about a political topic, they will “translate” it into preferences or intended actions. Such findings social media. This is plausible since social are interesting in their own right. Social media is a relatively interactive and intimate scientists should find it interesting that public form of communication that encourages people sentiment is translated into social media. to state what they feel. Already, there is Applied researchers should also find this evidence that some types of social media do interesting because social media provides an measure political sentiment. For example, a additional source of information about what number of studies have shown a rough voters might be thinking. Such sources are bivariate correlation between discussions of important when traditional surveys are political candidates. Research from my group at expensive or difficult to implement.

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Social Media Research and the Future for h-youtube-video-obama-looks-to-expand-social- Political Sociology media-reach.html Accessed: November 15, 2013. Social media has changed our world. Our children will no longer recognize a world where 4. Habermas, Jurgen. 1991. The Structural people couldn’t instantly communicate with Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. MIT Press. each other or tag content. This applies to

politics as well. Social media has changed the 5. Crowne, D. P., & Marlowe, D. (1960). A new scale way politics happens, which means that there of social desirability independent of are new and important questions for political psychopathology. Journal of Consulting Psychology, sociologists to study. It’s a world of nonstop 24, 349-354. conversation, the coffee house writ large. What is also novel is that this open ended chat 6. Stephens-Davidowitz, Seth. 2013. “The Cost of session can be mapped and tracked, which will Racial Animus on a Black Presidential likely help us understand how democratic Candidate:Using Google to Find What Surveys Miss.” Working Paper. Department of Economic. Harvard politics works. The challenge for political University. sociology is to develop the theoretical ideas and methodological tools for exploiting this once in 7. D. Gayo-Avello, 2013. “A Meta-Analysis of State-of- a lifetime social transformation. the-Art Electoral Prediction From Twitter Data,” Social Science Computer Review, vol. 31, no. 6, pp. 649-679, 2013. Endnotes & References 8. S. Asur, B. A. Huberman, Proceedings of the 2010 1. Schwartz, Terri. June 9, 2010. “Snooki And John IEEE/WIC/ACM International Conference on Web McCain Bond On Twitter Over Tanning Taxes.” Intelligence and Intelligent Agent Technology - MTV.com URL: Volume 01, WI-IAT ’10 (IEEE Computer Society, http://www.mtv.com/news/articles/1641206/snooki- Washington, DC, USA, 2010), pp. 492–499.. J. Bollen, john-mccain-bond-on-twitter-over-tanning- H. Mao, X. Zeng, Journal of Computational Science 2, taxes.jhtml Accessed: November 15, 2013. 1 (2011). S. Golder, M. Macy, Science 333, 187881 (2011). P. Dodds, K. Harris, I. Kloumann, C. Bliss, C. 2. Shear, Michael D. June 2, 2011. “For Politicians, Danforth, PloS one 6, e26752 (2010). Social Media Holds Promise and Peril.” The New York Times. URL: 9. DiGrazia, Joseph, Karissa McKelvey, Johan Bollen http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/06/02/for- and Fabio Rojas. 2103. “More Tweets, More Votes: politicians-social-media-holds-promise-and- Social Media as a Quantitative Indicator of Political peril/?_r=0 Accessed November 15, 2013. Behavior.” PLOS ONE.

3. Peters, Jeremy W. March 14, 2012. “With Video, Obama Looks to Expand Campaign’s Reach Through Social Media.” The New York Times. URL: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/15/us/politics/wit

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Abstracts

BOOK ABSTRACTS and failures, and the ways in which revolutions continue to dominate world events and the Ronald Aminzade. 2013. Race, Nation, and popular imagination. Starting with the city- Citizenship in Post-Colonial Africa: The Case of states of ancient Greece and Rome, Jack Tanzania. New York: Cambridge University Goldstone traces the development of Press. revolutions through the Renaissance and Reformation, the Enlightenment and liberal Nationalism has generated violence, constitutional revolutions such as in America, bloodshed, and genocide, as well as patriotic and their opposite--the communist revolutions sentiments that encourage people to help of the 20th century. He shows how revolutions fellow citizens and place public responsibilities overturned dictators in Nicaragua and Iran and above personal interests. This study explores brought the collapse of communism in the the contradictory character of African Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and examines nationalism as it unfolded over decades of the new wave of non-violent "color" Tanzanian history in conflicts over public revolutions-the Philippines' Yellow Revolution, policies concerning the rights of citizens, Ukraine's Orange Revolution--and the Arab foreigners, and the nation's Asian racial Uprisings of 2011-12 that rocked the Middle minority. These policy debates reflected a East. history of racial oppression and foreign Goldstone also sheds light on the major domination and were shaped by a quest for theories of revolution, exploring the causes of economic development, racial justice, and revolutionary waves, the role of revolutionary national self-reliance. leaders, the strategies and processes of revolutionary change, and the intersection Jack A. Goldstone. 2014. Revolutions: A Very between revolutions and shifting patterns of Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University global power. Finally, the author examines the Press. reasons for diverse revolutionary outcomes, from democracy to civil war and authoritarian From 1789 in France to 2011 in Cairo, rule, and the likely future of revolution in years revolutions have shaken the world. In their to come. pursuit of social justice, revolutionaries have taken on the assembled might of monarchies, empires, and dictatorships. They have often, Dorit Geva. 2013. Conscription, Family, and the though not always, sparked cataclysmic Modern States: A Comparative Study of France violence, and have at times won miraculous and the United States. New York: Cambridge victories, though at other times suffered University Press. devastating defeat. The development of modern military This Very Short Introduction illuminates the conscription systems is usually seen as a revolutionaries, their strategies, their successes response to countries' security needs, and as

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reflection of national political ideologies like the more subtle and influential ways that civic republicanism or democratic cultural resources and symbolic categories and egalitarianism. This study of conscription classifications interweave prevailing power politics in France and the United States in the arrangements into everyday life practices. first half of the twentieth century challenges Indeed cultural resources and processes help such common sense interpretations. Instead, it constitute and maintain social hierarchies. And shows how despite institutional and ideological these form the bedrock of political life. differences, both countries implemented Moreover, Bourdieu offers not only a conscription systems shaped by political and sociology of politics but also a politics of military leaders' concerns about how taking sociology. He assigns to sociology as science a ordinary family men for military service would critical debunking role of existing relations of affect men's presumed positions as heads of domination. Sociology is not only science; it is families, especially as breadwinners and figures also a form of political engagement, or in his of paternal authority. The first of its kind, this words “scholarship with commitment” for a carefully researched book combines an more just and democratic life. ambitious range of scholarly traditions and This interconnected vision for sociology as offers an original comparison of how protection science and sociology as political engagement is of men's household authority affected one of not well understood nor is the way this vision the paradigmatic institutions of modern states. found formulation, elaboration, and modification in Bourdieu’s own life, work, and political engagements. I wrote Symbolic Power, David L. Swartz. 2013. Symbolic Power, Politics, Politics, and Intellectuals: The Political Sociology and Intellectuals: The Political Sociology of of Pierre Bourdieu (University of Chicago Press, Pierre Bourdieu. Chicago: University of Chicago 2103) to explain this vision and evaluate its Press. potential for contributing to a better The multi-faceted work of Pierre Bourdieu, understanding of and a more democratic clearly one of the greatest post-World War II ordering of political life. sociologists, has inspired much research in a I argue in Symbolic Power, Politics, and wide variety of areas, such as culture, taste, Intellectuals that Bourdieu’s sociology should education, theory, and stratification. Largely be read as both a sociology of politics and a neglected, however, is the underlying political politics of sociology. Though not known for his analysis in Bourdieu’s sociology, his political political sociology, Bourdieu’s analysis of power project for sociology, and his own political in the form of domination stands at the heart of activism. Yet the analysis of power, particularly his sociology. He offers conceptual tools for in its cultural forms, stands at the heart of analyzing three types of power: power vested in Bourdieu’s sociology. Bourdieu challenges the particular resources (capitals), power commonly held view that symbolic power is concentrated in specific spheres of struggle simply “symbolic.” His sociology sensitizes us to over forms of capital (fields), and power as

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practical, taken-for- granted acceptance of salient. In addition, he examines critically how existing social hierarchies (symbolic power, leadership representation and delegated violence, and capital). His concepts of symbolic authority dispossess individuals of their power, violence, and capital, together with his effective voice in political life. His analysis of the concept of habitus, stress the active role that state as an ensemble of bureaucratic fields in symbolic forms play in both constituting and which actors struggle for regulatory power maintaining social hierarchies. They call for (statist capital) and attempt to monopolize looking at expressions of power that radiate legitimate classifications in society holds through interpersonal relations and potential for more refined analyses than presentations of self as well as in organizational offered in state-centric views that stress only structures. They also point to an intimate and material and coercive powers. complex relationship between symbolic and Finally, Bourdieu offers not only a sociology material factors in the operation of power. of politics but also a politics of sociology. Bourdieu identifies a wide variety of resources Sociology as science can challenge a key (capitals) beyond sheer economic interests that foundation of power relations — their function as power resources. In so doing, he legitimation — and thereby open up the invites political sociologists to consider all possibility for social transformation. One finds valued resources, including cultural and social in his work a vision for what he thinks the as well as material and coercive, that may practice of social science can do for democratic function as forms of power even though they life and a critical role he assigns to social present otherwise. scientists as public intellectuals. Individuals and groups struggle over the very definition and distribution of these capitals in distinct power arenas Bourdieu calls fields. He Cedric de Leon. 2014. Party and Society: sees concentrations of various forms of capital Reconstructing a Sociology of Democratic Party in particular areas of struggle, such as the field Politics. Cambridge: Polity Press. of power, the political field, and the state. His Political parties are central to democratic life, concept of field offers a conceptual language yet there is no standard definition to describe that encourages examination of inter- them or the role they occupy. “Voter-centered” relationships across levels of analysis and theoretical approaches suggest that parties are analytical units that usually are fragmented for the mere recipients of voter interests and specialized focus in empirical research. Key in loyalties. “Party-centered” approaches, by Bourdieu’s sociology is how power resources contrast, envision parties that polarize, (capitals) and the field struggles over them democratize, or dominate society. In addition become legitimated (misrecognized) as to offering isolated and competing notions of something other than power relations. The democratic politics, such approaches are also struggle for symbolic power in the political field silent on the role of the state and are unable to for gaining access to state power is particularly

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account for organizations like Hamas, their leader across the Atlantic, loyalists in the Hezbollah, and the African National Congress, Gülen network have expanded their operations which exhibit characteristics of parties, states, in the U.S., where they are now active in and social movements simultaneously. intercultural outreach, commerce, political In this timely book, Cedric de Leon examines lobbying, and charter school education. the ways in which social scientists and other Hendrick argues that it is the Gülen Movement’s observers have imagined the relationship growth and impact both inside and outside between parties and society. He introduces and Turkey that has helped Turkey emerge as a critiques the full range of approaches, using regional power in the twenty-first century. enlivening comparative examples from across Drawing on 14 months of ethnographic the globe. Cutting through a vast body of fieldwork in Turkey and the U.S., Hendrick research, de Leon offers a succinct and lively examines the Gülen Movement’s role in analysis that outlines the key thinking in the Turkey’s recent rise, as well as its strategic field, placing it in historical and contemporary relationship with Turkey’s Justice and context. The resulting book will appeal to Development Party-led government. He argues students of sociology, political science, social that the movement’s growth and impact both psychology, and related fields. inside and outside Turkey position both its leader and its followers as indicative of a "post political" turn in twenty-first century Islamic Joshua D. Hendrick. Gülen: The Ambiguous political identity in general, and as illustrative of Politics of Market Islam in Turkey and the Turkey’s political, economic, and cultural World. New York: NYU Press. transformation in particular. The "Hizmet" ("Service") Movement of

Fethullah Gülen is Turkey’s most influential Richard Lachmann. 2013. What is Historical Islamic identity community. Widely praised Sociology? Cambridge: Polity Press. throughout the early 2000s as a mild and moderate variation on Islamic political identity, Sociology began as a historical discipline, the Gülen Movement has long been a topic of created by Marx, Weber and others, to explain both adulation and conspiracy in Turkey, and the emergence and consequences of rational, has become more controversial as it spreads capitalist society. Today, the best historical across the world. In Gülen, Joshua D. Hendrick sociology combines precision in theory- suggests that when analyzed in accordance with construction with the careful selection of its political and economic impact, the Gülen appropriate methodologies to address ongoing Movement, despite both praise and criticism, debates across a range of subfields. should be given credit for playing a significant This book explores what sociologists gain by role in Turkey's rise to global prominence. treating temporality seriously, what we learn M. Fethullah Gülen, the movement’s from placing social relations and events in founder, moved to the U.S in 1998. Following historical context. In a series of chapters,

States, Power, and Societies FALL 2013 15

Abstracts

readers will see how historical sociologists have argues instead for an understanding of national addressed the origins of capitalism, revolutions decision-making processes that emphasize and social movements, empires and states, cross-national comparisons and domestic field inequality, gender and culture. The goal is not battles around the introduction of worldwide to present a comprehensive history of historical models. sociology; rather, readers will encounter The case studies in this collection show how analyses of exemplary works and see how national policies appear to be synchronized authors engaged past debates and their globally yet are developed with distinct contemporaries in sociology, history and other "national" flavors. Presenting new theoretical disciplines to advance our understanding of ideas and empirical cases, this book is aimed how societies are created and remade across globally at scholars of political science, time. international relations, comparative public policy, and sociology.

Pertti Alasuutari and Ali Qadir (eds). 2014. National Policy-Making: Domestication of ARTICLE AND CHAPTER ABSTRACTS Global Trends. London: Routledge.

Notions of social change are often divided Thomas E. Shriver, Alison E. Adams, and Sherry into local versus international. But what actually Cable. 2013. “Discursive Obstruction and the happens at the national level—where policies Repression of Dissent: The Social Control of are ultimately made and implemented—when Environmental Activism in the Czech Republic.” policy-making is interdependent worldwide? Social Forces 91(3): 873-893. How do policy-makers take into account the prior choices of other countries? Far more State reactions to dissent are bound by research is needed on the process of broad political and economic contexts, yet little interdependent decision-making in the world work has centered on the direct relationship polity. between political opportunities and state social National Policy-Making: Domestication of control. In addition, short shift has been given Global Trends offers a unique set of hybrid to the mediating role that private actors play in cases that straddle these disciplinary and the suppression of dissent. In post-communist conceptual divides. The volume brings together democracies, the state must temper its well-researched case studies of policy-making repressive actions in order maintain legitimacy from across the world that speak to practical among the citizenry. This article examines the issues but also challenge current theories of range of repressive tactics used by both state global influence in local policies. Distancing managers and private citizens to muffle itself from approaches that conceive narrowly environmental protest. Using in-depth interview of policy transfer as a "one-way street" from data, archival research, and observation we powerful nations to weaker ones, this book

States, Power, and Societies FALL 2013 16

Abstracts

show that the state and private citizens used activists’ dissonant perceptions of this discursive obstruction to stigmatize and opportunity. We conclude by discussing the discredit environmentalists in a dispute over implications of our results for social movement the construction of a new highway bypass in research. the Czech Republic. This non-violent mechanism of social control effectively vilified environmentalists and laid the foundation for David Pettinicchio. 2013. "Strategic Action Fields more violent forms of harassments and and the Context of Political Entrepreneurship: physical repression by the public. How Disability Rights Became Part of the Policy Agenda," Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, edited by Patrick G. Coy, Thomas E. Shriver and Alison E. Adams. 2013. 36:79-106. Emerald Group Publishing Limited. “Collective Identity and the Subjective Terrain of In the late 1960s and early 1970s, disability Political Opportunities: Movement Dissension rights found a place on the U.S. policy agenda. Surrounding Participation in Party Politics.” However, it did not do so because social Mobilization 18(1): 489-506. movement groups pressured political a elites or Extant research emphasizes the ways in because politicians were responding to changes which collective identity is negotiated within in public preferences. Drawing from recent broader political and economic opportunity work in neo-institutionalism and social structures. However, the interplay between movements, namely the theory of strategic collective identity and the subjective nature of action fields, I posit that exogenous shocks in opportunities has been largely unexplored. We the 1960s caused a disability policy monopoly address this gap in the literature by delineating to collapse giving way to a new policy how conflicting perceptions of salient political community. Using original longitudinal data on opportunities can fuel animosity and threaten congressional committees, hearings, bills, and movement identity. We draw from a unique laws, as well as data from the Policy Agendas qualitative dataset on the Czech environmental Project, I demonstrate the ways in which movement collected over a ten-year span. In entrepreneurs pursued a new policy image of 2002, a group of movement leaders circulated a rights within a context of increasing committee manifesto urging environmentalists to stage a involvement, issue complexity, and space on coup d’état of the Czech Green Party. the policy agenda, and the consequences this Controversy erupted as some activists felt that had on policy. the rallying call violated their longstanding independence from party politics. Our findings reveal that the movement’s collective identity ultimately became fragmented as a result of

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Abstracts

GRANT ABSTRACT NEW JOURNALS AND SPECIAL ISSUES

Prema Kurien was awarded a National Science New Journal: The European Journal of Cultural Foundation grant from the Sociology program and Political Sociology for her project, “The Incorporation of Minorities The study of culture is the fastest growing in Canada and the United States.” (SES-1323881, area in both European and North American Sept 1 2013- Aug 31 2014). sociology. After years of mild neglect, political sociology is also re-establishing itself as a This project contributes to incorporation and central plank of the discipline. The European social movement theories by examining the Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology aims reasons for the differential mobilization of to be a forum not so much for these fields of religious minorities (Hindus and Sikhs) in study considered separately, as for any work Canada and the United States. Hindus and Sikhs that explores the relationship between culture and politics through a sound sociological lens. have broadly similar patterns of migration to The journal takes an ecumenical view of the two countries and have close ties with their ‘culture’: it welcomes articles that address the compatriots across the border, but yet manifest political setting, resonance or use of any of the divergent activism profiles within and between arts (literature, art, music etc.), but it is also Canada and the United States. This research open to work that construes political also aims to uncover the factors that influence phenomena in terms of a more philosophical or the form that mobilization takes, whether it is anthropological understanding of culture, where culture refers to the most general "ethnic," "racial," or "religious." It will examine problem of meaning-formation. As for work how different opportunity structures (both that lies between these poles, it might address national and local), and differences in the the relationship between politics and religion in characteristics of the groups, shape how they all its forms, political symbolism past and frame their grievances and mobilize. This present, styles of political leadership, political project will be conducted in Toronto, communication, the culture of political parties Vancouver, New York/New Jersey, and Northern and movements, cultural policy, artists as California, and will include interviews, analyses political agents, and many other related areas. The journal is not committed to any of information about the organizations, and particular methodological approach, nor will it media coverage of the groups. restrict itself to European authors or material with a European focus. It will carry articles with an historical as well as a topical flavor. The journal aims to have a robust book reviews section, and while the language of reviews will be English, we wish to promote reviews of and review articles about significant new work

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Abstracts

written in other languages. The journal's most Muñiz (Brown University), the issue features general aim is to foster and perhaps rekindle seven empirically rich and theoretically the sort of intellectual sensibility that was once provocative essays on art, materiality and a staple of the sociological tradition. meaning-making; devices of democratic representation; independent film and the formation of “civil society;” urban social Special Issue: Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Diana movements and the limits of parliamentarian Graizbord, and Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz (eds). politics; genomics and science of race; the 2013. “Reassembling Ethnography: Actor- conversion of religious buildings; and reflexivity Network Theory and Sociology” in Qualitative in sociological account-making. The issue Sociology, 36:4. concludes with a thoughtful and thought- Qualitative Sociology's December issue (V. 36 provoking essay by ANT founder, John Law, and N. 4) explores the purchase of Actor-Network Vicky Singleton, that explores the origins and Theory (ANT) for qualitative and ethnographic afterlives of ANT. Calling for a serious sociologies. Founded in the early 1980s by engagement, this special issue is sure to Bruno Latour, Michel Callon, and John Law, ANT stimulate discussion and debate about ANT’s has become one of the most exciting and potential to inspire a deeper, wider, and more innovative intellectual developments in recent robust ethnographic imagination. memory. Originally developed as an alternative

approach in the sociology of science, it has long Special Issue: Barbara Wejnert (ed). 2013. professed and exhibited usefulness in the “Voices of Globalization” in Research in Political analysis of all arenas of social life. Although Sociology, 21. ANT concepts, theories, and sensibilities have been taken up across the social sciences and This volume addresses issues of modern humanities, sociology, particularly within the globalized development posing a question U.S. context, has lagged. whether it symbolizes progress or regress for Envisioned as an exercise in translation, this world’s societies. Papers focus on economic special issue introduces, engages, and expands and political issues experienced by countries at on many of ANT’s signature features, such as its this time of rapid diffusion of democracy and of skepticism towards taken-for-granted divisions, the global market economy. A range of categories, and concepts, its attention to pertinent political issues are discussed, such as processes of circulation, its interest in the international migration, environmental relational interface between humans and protection and green energy, human rights, nonhumans, and finally its appreciation for tolerance and equality, and economic justice. uncertainty and multiplicity. After an ANT- The concluding chapter provides a summary of inspired introduction that traces the assembling presented topics in form of a discussion forum of the special issue written by guest editors on outcomes of global development. Gianpaolo Baiocchi (NYU), Diana Graizbord (Brown University) and Michael Rodríguez-

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

2013 Political Sociology Section just two Americas, black and white. It was three Award Winners very different worlds. Three Worlds of Relief debunks the popular "myth of the boostrapping white ethnic" (p. 4), Best Book Award and it illuminates the history of today's struggles over social provision for immigrants Committee: Mabel Berezin (Chair), Isaac and non-citizens. This book stood out from a Martin, Gretta Krippner, and Kevin Leicht strong field for its fresh take on central issues

in our field; for the strength of its evidence; for Co-Recipient: Cybelle Fox. 2012. Three Worlds its seamless integration of quantitative and of Relief: Race, Immigration, and the American comparative methods appropriate for the Welfare State from the Progressive Era to the problems at hand; and for the clarity and style New Deal. Princeton: Princeton University of its prose. Press.

Cybelle Fox's Three Worlds of Relief is a Co-Recipient: Monica Prasad. 2012. The Land masterful contribution to the sociology of the of Too Much: American Abundance and the American welfare state. Did the ethnic diversity Paradox of Poverty. Cambridge: Harvard of the United States undermine social spending University Press. on the poor? A substantial literature argues that Prasad begins with the question of why the answer is yes; Fox, by extending her America’s welfare state is so weak, compared to comparison beyond the binary racial division of that of its peers, while so many Americans live black and white, shows that the answer is no. in poverty. Prasad develops an analytic European immigrants in the early twentieth approach that is both historical and century were often beneficiaries of generous comparative. In 1930, the US welfare state was and inclusive social provision, regardless of not so exceptional. In the following years, their nationality or citizenship; Mexican however, it began to diverge in important ways Americans might be provided with relief, or from the welfare states of its peers in Europe excluded and even expelled from the country, and to the north. Prasad shows, in crystal-clear depending on their citizenship and migration comparisons over time and across countries, status; and African Americans were largely that developed nations faced a choice during excluded. These disparities in treatment were the twentieth century: to managing income rooted in particular stereotypes of these ethno- distribution and income disparities using racial groups as worthy or unworthy of public distributive welfare programs or consumer assistance, and those stereotypes were credit. By the 1940s, the US had decided to use themselves anchored in particular regional consumer credit, whereas most of its peers had political economies. The United States in the chosen to use welfare programs that first half of the twentieth century was not any distributed public funds based on need or single variety of welfare capitalism. Nor was it family status. The US strategy was designed to solve two problems at once. Successive

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

administrations reacted to recessions by trying arguing the very blurriness of the think tank is to bolster those in need, and revive the key to understanding its growing influence in economy, with what Prasad calls “mortgage American society. According to Medvetz, the Keynesianism.” This response of mortgage interstitial location of the think tank in the Keynesianism increased the volatility of worlds of political, economic, intellectual, and financial markets after about 1980 and resulted media production is what accounts for its ability in growing income inequality, as to regulate activity in all of these spheres, and administrations left the poorest Americans to also accounts for the increasing marginalization fend for themselves and encouraged the near- of academia as a site of "pure" knowledge poor to take on mortgages they could ill afford. production. Compelling and troubling, Think Prasad's carefully researched and rigorously Tanks in America will recast debates on the argued book represents a major achievement in relationship of politics and ideas, the sociology our long-standing attempts to explain American of knowledge, and what it means to engage welfare state exceptionalism and does so in in”‘public sociology.” convincing empirical and theoretical fashion. In the process, she helps to definitively tie the historical uniqueness of the American welfare Best Article Award state to the development of deregulated private Committee: Katy Fallon (Chair), Edward credit markets and she does so in a clear and lucid fashion that is accessible to students and Walker, Anthony Spires, and Nathan Martin readers at multiple levels of sophistication. Prasad's pathbreaking analysis represents a Recipient: Christopher A. Bail. 2012. “The critical advancement for the development of a Fringe Effect: Civil Society Organizations and the demand-side theory of political economy that is Evolution of Media Discourse about Islam since novel and should be widely applicable to an September 11th Attacks.” American Sociological array of problems addressed by political Review 77(6):855-79. sociologists. Competition within discursive fields affects how media messages shape and reinforce Honorable Mention: Thomas Medvetz. 2012. symbolic boundaries. In this outstanding Think Tanks in America. Chicago: University of article, “The Fringe Effect: Civil Society Chicago Press. Organizations and the Evolution of Media Discourse about Islam since September 11th The committee has decided to award Attacks,” Christopher Bail provides insight to Thomas Medvetz's book, Think Tanks in how civil society organizations can create America, an honorable mention. This tightly cultural change and shape dominant media argued and well-crafted book explores the rise discourse during unsettled times. Previous of the think tank as a privileged site of work in this area has been limited by focusing knowledge production in recent decades. on published media reports, understating the Medvetz's key innovation is to refuse to take the media’s powerful selection influence and the object of his study itself for granted, instead

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

changing dynamics within fields. Namely, do In the article, “The Impact of Elections on media agents focus attention on groups with Cooperation: Evidence from a Lab-in-the-Field “mainstream” messages, or do messages Experiment in Uganda,” authors Guy Grossman become “mainstream” as the result of media and Delia Baldassarri use exceptional methods coverage? to determine the role played by centralized To untangle this knotty question, Bail authorities in the distribution of public goods. analyzes the statements of groups seeking to Although previous studies demonstrate how influence popular discourse about Muslims external agencies or peer sanctioning induce from 2001 to 2008. Bail uses plagiarism cooperation, their paper is the first to look at detection software to compare 1,084 press the role of centralized authorities. Specifically, releases from 120 civil society organizations they examine the effectiveness of internal with 50,407 newspaper articles and television centralized-sanctioning institutions in transcripts. With this unique dataset, Bail supporting cooperation, and they demonstrate considers a diverse range of organizations – that the means by which centralized authorities including groups deploying “mainstream” and gain power affects tendencies for cooperation. “fringe” messages – as well as how access to In order to explore these issues they financial and social resources influence group combine two different methodologies. First actions and the evolution of a particular they use a lab-in-the-field behavioral discursive field. experiment by adapting a public goods game, Although most organizations deployed pro- which is a behavioral experiment used to Muslim messages during the period, fringe determine the conditions that allow for groups were able to promulgate anti-Muslim cooperation. Second, after collecting the results sentiment by first gaining attention through from their experiments, they assess their emotional displays and appeals to fear or ecological validity by drawing on observational anger, and second by developing ties to other data of 1,541 producers from 50 Ugandan organizations. In this way, fringe messages farmer associations. were able to enter mainstream media Grossman and Baldassarri find that when a discourse. Demonstrating methodological rigor centralized-sanctioning authority is introduced, and conceptual clarity, Bail’s study should then people are more likely to cooperate. They provide an excellent guide for future research further find that when the authority is elected, and for understanding the complex interactions rather than randomly chosen, the effects are among cultural, structural and emotional even greater. They find similar patterns in their processes. observational data in relation to perceived legitimacy of managers among farmer Honorable Mention: Guy Grossman and Delia cooperatives. Through their rigorous and Baldassarri. 2012. “The Impact of Elections on complex methodology, Grossman and Cooperation: Evidence from a Lab-in-the-Field Baldassari reveal the importance of centralized Experiment in Uganda.” American Journal of authorities in contributing to efforts of Political Science 56(4):964–85. cooperation, with particular attention given to

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

the role of elections in validating that authority Best Graduate Student Paper Award and increasing effectiveness. In conclusion, the Committee: Anne Costain (Chair), Catherine authors demonstrate that the experimental Lee, Carly Knight, and Debbie Becher settings capture institutional conditions and

group dynamics in relation to levels of Recipient: Charles Seguin, “Avalanches of cooperation within the context of Ugandan Attention: Dynamics of Media Attention to community organizations. Social Movement Organizations.”

Honorable Mention: Cheol-Sung Lee. 2012. In this paper, Seguin builds a model showing “Associational Networks and Welfare States in how news media focus on one social movement Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan.” organization (SMO) to cover entire movements. World Politics 64(3):507-54. Using a mix of longitudinal quantitative data In the article, “Associational Networks and analysis and a case study examining the Black Welfare States in Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, Panthers and other black power groups, he and Taiwan,” Cheol-Sung Lee shows how the demonstrates the process by which media cohesiveness and embeddedness of elites help create a cumulative advantage for a single account for variations in welfare politics in four group within new movements and the long- developing countries facing economic crisis and term consequences of this choice. His model democratic competition. In the case of demonstrates a positive feedback process Argentina and Taiwan, Lee makes a compelling wherein some media attention to one of the argument that party and union leaders, being initiating groups contributes to that group disarticulated from the informal civic sphere, outpacing the others in membership, resources were able to conduct elite-driven social policy and visibility as the movement emerges. reforms from above. In Brazil and South Korea, Seguin portrays this loop as generative on the other hand, party and union leaders’ rather than contingent in its effects. Regardless embeddedness in wider civic communities of whether the selection is brought about by emboldened them to resist the retrenchment of individuals, critical events, or tactics, the group the welfare state or to implement universal chosen is likely to continue receiving waves of social policies in response to bottom-up media attention for some time. Labeling this mobilization. phenomenon of positive feedback a “rich get The detail-oriented case studies by Lee richer effect,” the outcome routinely increases demonstrate that elites in the formal sector inequality within movements. The continuing make markedly different political choices when preeminence of the group initially placed at the confronting economic crisis and democratic forefront is likely to result in on-going access competition, depending upon their and influence over resources, tactics and organizational connections in formal and frames, story dynamics and the scope of informal civic networks. conflict. This perspective draws added attention to scholarship portraying media and movements as “interacting systems,”

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

supplementing this view with the long-term members admired the creativity of her consequences of this relationship. research, while occasionally disagreeing with The committee was especially impressed her conclusions. We all hope that she has with Seguin's creative methodological approach further opportunity to extend her comparative that shed new light on a classic social ethnographic study well beyond the state of movements question. We believe the paper will California. As excellent research stimulates be of interest not only to social movement extended debate, none of us doubt the high scholars but to political sociologists more quality of this research. generally engaged with questions of how early contingent events can produce large Honorable Mention: Edwin Ackerman, “’What stratification of outcomes. Part of Illegal Don’t You Understand?’ Bureaucracy and Civil Society in the Shaping of Honorable Mention: Abigail Andrews, “States Illegality.” of ‘Illegality’: How Local Immigration Regimes Edwin Ackerman’s article, “What Part of Shape Migrants’ Agency.” Illegal Don’t You Understand?: Bureaucracy and Abigail Andrews’ paper, “States of ‘Illegality’: Civil Society in the Shaping of Illegality,” How Local Immigration Regimes Shape examines the dominance of “illegality” as a Migrants’ Agency,” probes how experiencing construct shaping the debate over immigration local and state authorities’ treatment of laws in the United States by the 1980s. immigrants within their own communities Questioning how this shift in framing the public influences the types of activism undertaken. debate occurred, Mr. Ackerman tests two of the Using ethnographic data from two Southern most common theories in the literature on California undocumented immigrant immigration: the role of grassroots activism by communities (situated in Los Angeles and North groups opposed to easing entry to the United County San Diego), Andrews sketches ideal States and a bureaucratically driven state- types of immigration regimes. Characterizing centered approach. Using a mix of quantitative them as either “moralizing” or “criminalizing,” and qualitative data to examine the debate she explores how political activity among the from the mid-1920s to 2007, he concludes that undocumented under these contrasting although the state-centered approach tracks conditions appears to be shaped by federal the change more effectively than the policies, local practices, and the subjective preferences of interest groups during the experiences of its members. period, a more important factor in the shift The paper links immigrant treatment by local toward a focus on illegality was the temporary authorities to types of protest and more alignment of interests in the 1970s bringing general attitudes towards government, thereby together progressive interest groups and bringing the state back into the discussion of governmental bureaucracies. movement mobilization. At the same time, Members of the awards committee found Andrews’ research respects the agency of those Ackerman’s conclusion interesting and engaging in risky forms of protest. Committee provocative in its efforts to test empirically

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

these competing perspectives. All of the work. His extension of theory to encompass the committee members enjoyed the scope and intersection between government and trends revealed in Mr. Ackerman’s review of organized interests is acknowledged as a history. Several wished he had more directly wonderful springboard for future research in addressed competing perspectives in published this highly politicized area.

Political Sociology Sessions for Open Session. Re-conceptualizing the Politics of Corruption the 2014 Annual Meeting "Corruption" is usually taken to mean either incentive structures that produce "perverse" outcomes or as the imposition of outside norms For the 2014 Annual ASA Meeting in San upon local practices and structures. This panel Francisco, the Political Sociology Section will welcomes analyses that challenge normative sponsor seven sessions, including a participant assumptions about the nature and definition of initiative, and there will be one regular session. All corruption, examining how corruption works of these sessions, save the participant initiative, across a wide variety of settings, such as states, are open to paper submissions. All papers should government agencies, military or security be uploaded into ASA’s online submission system organizations, NGOs, corporations, social by January 8, 2014. movements, communities, families and beyond. Session Organizers: Nicholas Wilson, Yale University; and Siri Colon, University of Open Session. Democratic Challenges in California-Berkeley Emerging Global Protests: Reconfiguring Publics and Institutions in a Neoliberal Era Open Session. The New Politics of Firms and The recent wave of global protest poses new Industries challenges to democratic practice and institutions. The politics of the corporation is undergoing Focusing on issues of democracy, social and changes, due to recent movement challenges to economic inequality, corruption, urban space and corporate power, widening inequalities, and the public services, these protests raise vexing rise of more flexible, seemingly egalitarian firms. questions related to political autonomy, These changes call for a return to corporate institutional authority, popular representation, power structure research, using insights from and internal process. This session invites papers social movement theory, organizational theory, on the reconfiguration of publics and institutions economic sociology and the sociology of provoked by such movements in the context of democracy. This panel invites submissions that global neoliberalism. broaden understandings of contemporary firms Session Organizer: Ann Mische, State University and the fields in which they operate. of New Jersey-Rutgers Session Organizer: Edward T. Walker, University of California-Los Angeles

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

Open Session. The Politics of Immigration and Open Session. Participation Initiative Citizenship Discussions of civic and political participation The rise of anti-immigrant activism and seem to go through waves of enchantment and increasing states' efforts to curb immigration disenchantment. This workshop-style session will highlight the limits of post-national accounts of invite a broad conversation that looks at citizenship, while the growing political clout of participation in context, avoiding assumptions that recent immigrants and new forms of social it is inherently transformative or irremediably mobilization suggest their continued relevance. regressive. Beginning with an open blog discussion This panel welcomes papers that explore the (to be launched in January 2014), this session will complexity of recent and related historical not include formal paper presentations, but rather developments, including research focusing on rely on short memos and moderated discussion immigration, citizenship, nationalism, state among scholars working in this area. sovereignty, policing, and social movements. Session Organizers: David Smilde, University of Session Organizer: Catherine Lee, Rutgers Georgia; Gianpaolo Baiocchi, New York University University; and Pablo Lapegna, University of

Georgia Open Session. The Politics of Representation

This panel invites papers addressing the Open Session. Section on Political Sociology problem of political representation, broadly Roundtables conceived. A wide variety of approaches are Session Organizer: Isaac Martin, University of welcome, including organizational, institutional, California-San Diego and/or cultural perspectives. Papers might focus

on formal structures (states, electoral systems, Regular Session. Political Sociology movements, networks, political parties, etc.), and/or on culture, knowledge, ideology, media, Session Organizer: Maksim Kokushkinm, symbolism, and dramaturgy. Of particular interest University of Missouri-Columbia is how social and economic inequalities interact with representative politics. Session Organizer: Stephanie Lee Mudge, University of California-Davis

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Political Sociology Section Announcements

Call for Nominations: Nathan Martin, Arizona State Cheol-Sung Lee, University of University Chicago Political Sociology School of Social Transformation [email protected] Section Awards 2014 PO Box 876403 Tempe, AZ 85287-6403 [email protected] Best Graduate Student Paper Distinguished Contribution Award to Scholarship (Book) Award Tom Medvetz, University of California, San Diego This award is offered annually This award is given annually to Department of Sociology for the best graduate student the outstanding recent book in 401 Social Science Building paper in political sociology. political sociology (we will not 9500 Gilman Drive #0533 Persons who were graduate consider edited books for this La Jolla, CA 92093-0533 students at any time during award). To be eligible, the book [email protected] calendar year 2013 are invited to must have a 2013 copyright date. submit published or unpublished The selection committee papers for this award. To be encourages self-nominations or Distinguished Contribution eligible, papers must be either suggestions of work by others. single authored or co-authored by Nominations from publishers will to Scholarship (Article or Book Chapter) Award two or more graduate students. not be accepted. To nominate a Articles co-authored (and/or book for this award: This award is offered annually subsequently published jointly) by 1) send a short letter (via e-mail) for the outstanding recently a faculty and a student are not nominating the book to each published article or chapter in eligible. Please note that each committee member below and political sociology. To be eligible, author may have only one article 2) have a copy of the book sent to submissions must have a 2013 nominated. A brief nomination each committee member, at the publication date. The selection letter and a copy of the article or addresses below. committee encourages either self- chapter should be sent to each nominations or suggestions of selection committee member at Winners will be notified and work by others. (Please note that the e-mail addresses below. The announced prior to the ASA each author may have only one deadline for nominations is March meetings allowing presses to article nominated.) A brief 15, 2014. advertise the prize-winning book. nomination letter and a copy of The deadline for nominations is the article or chapter should be Committee Chair: March 15, 2014. sent to each selection committee Greg Hooks, Washington State

member at the e-mail address University Committee Chair: below. The deadline for [email protected] Edward T. Walker, University of nominations is March 15, 2014. California, Los Angeles Committee Members: Department of Sociology Committee Chair: Stephanie Mudge, University of 264 Haines Hall Catherine Lee, Rutgers University California, Davis Los Angeles, CA 90095 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Committee Members: Tasleem Padamsee, Ohio State Committee Members: Anne Costain, University of University Kathleen Fallon, Stony Brook Colorado [email protected] University [email protected] Department of Sociology Charles Seguin, University of Stony Brook, NY 11794-4356 North Carolina, Chapel Hill [email protected] Keith Bentele, University of Massachusetts, Boston [email protected]

[email protected]

States,States, Power, Power, and and Societies Societies FALL 2013 FALL 2013 27 On the Scholarly Legacy of PoliticalJuan Linz Sociology Section Announcements (1926-2013)

Robert M. Fishman University of Notre Dame [email protected]

Juan Linz’s extraordinary scholarly career, marked by his passionate search for explanations of virtually the entire range of meaningful political outcomes1, continued well into his eighty-sixth year and typology of non-democratic regimes, the complex indeed through his final days when, despite the connection between state development and difficulty induced by a stubborn case of national identity, the place of intellectuals and pneumonia, he worked on a comparative religion in political life, and the impact of diverse historical study of democratic parliamentary land-tenure patterns on party-system monarchies with his longtime collaborator Alfred development. Stepan and his last dissertation student, Juli In his breadth of knowledge and explanatory Minoves. Throughout his long productive years, approach, his knack for empathetic Linz’s untiring intellectual understanding of social energy was animated by an actors and his penchant “Linz was always an intellectual pioneer, for elaborating enthusiasm for collective elaborating new themes and approaches for scholarly efforts to discover scholarly work and encouraging colleagues, typological tools of and understand, matched by friends and students to take up and explain analysis, he was perhaps his relative obliviousness to significant empirical puzzles in new ways. the most thoroughly His work is replete with ideas and insights Weberian scholar the search for the most that will help to define research agendas in conventional markers of more than one discipline.” among his professional impact. The contemporaries. Linz substantive outcomes that attracted his attention was always an were remarkable in their breadth, including intellectual pioneer, elaborating new themes and instances of democratic collapse and civil war, approaches for scholarly work and encouraging peaceful accommodation, more routine electoral colleagues, friends and students to take up and and governmental outcomes, the debilitating explain significant empirical puzzles in new ways. effects and causes of rising income inequality, His work is replete with ideas and insights that hopeful episodes such as successful will help to define research agendas in more than democratization, the social bases of fascism, the one discipline. His intellectual journey was

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RemembranceJuan Linz, Essay: 1926 Juan-2013 Linz, 1926- 2013 greatest intellectual debt was to Linz. Linz’s strong friendship and collaboration with Lipset was the consistently marked by conceptual innovation first in a series of close scholarly collaborations combined with a rootedness in exceptionally that would play a role in his turn toward wide-ranging historical knowledge and a innovative forms of political sociological analysis theoretically-based grasp of the complexity of that explored the autonomy of politics, the social structures. His theoretical drive, like that of usefulness of institutional analysis, the space for Weber, was accompanied by a constant concern human agency and historical contingency to for the substance of historical experience, with its contribute to the shaping of macro-level inevitable elements of complexity and contextual outcomes, and connections between politics and specificities (Fishman 2007a). Although he culture. The constant throughout his career was resisted the effort to codify his approach, the his drive to address empirical questions and wealth of ideas that he leaves behind holds a puzzles that mattered, and to do so in ways that strong theoretical coherence that will continue to offered fellow scholars new conceptual and influence new generations of scholars. That methodological tools. He was thoroughly coherence is deeply informed by a rich array of committed to the search for rigor in answering distinctions and qualifications as manifest, for such questions and – in the Weberian tradition – example, in his multidimensional typological never shied away from conclusions that could differentiation between authoritarian and challenge the assumptions of many readers. totalitarian regimes. In contrast to the tendency Although Linz developed some of his innovations of some subsequent writers to make use of his in solo-authored works – for example in his highly typology to suggest that authoritarian systems influential book-length typology of non- were in all respects closer than totalitarian democratic regimes (Linz 1975) – most of his regimes to democracy, Linz noted certain ways intellectual trajectory can be seen as a series of the reverse was true and suggested that one of collaborations with friends, many of them former the central differences between these types of students such as Arturo Valenzuela, H.E. Chehabi, non-democratic rule lay not in the amount of Thomas Jeff Miley, Yossi Shain, Amando de Miguel repression but instead in the identity of its and others. Among those collaborations, one targets. The essence of his work resists simple stands in a class completely by itself at the core of formulaic reduction. Linz’s work. Linz’s American scholarly beginnings, as a Far and away Linz’s most important graduate student at Columbia University in the collaboration was his frequent co-authorship with 1950s (following earlier studies in Spain), placed political scientist Alfred Stepan. Indeed, their him in the midst of the intellectual nucleus of extraordinary friendship and decades-long work classical American political sociology. While still a together can be seen as a sort of monument to graduate student, Linz collaborated with Seymour what intellectual collaboration ought to be; their Martin Lipset on a manuscript called “The Social long “conversation” and shared exploration of Bases of Diversity in Western Democracy,” a numerous substantive and theoretical questions broadly comparative analysis of the available produced scholarly rewards that were evidence on the connections between social consistently more multiplicative than additive. structure and political behavior. Lipset’s Both of them clearly grew intellectually through enormously influential study, Political Man drew their long discussions in the context of decades of heavily on that manuscript, leading Lipset to note shared research and writing. Together, Linz and in the book’s opening pages that perhaps his

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RemembranceJuan Linz, Essay: 1926 Juan-2013 Linz, 1926- 2013 known as a comparative and historically minded theorist, he was also a master of survey research Stepan wrote two of the most important works on who crafted new approaches to asking questions political regime change (Linz and Stepan 1978; of theoretical significance. Both in his macro- 1996), an innovative work on the concept of political analysis and his survey work he devoted “state-nations,” also in collaboration with considerable attention to ambivalence and Yogendra Yadav (Stepan, Linz and Yadav 2011), a ambiguity on the part of social and political study of explanations for rising inequality in the actors. Linz’s actor-centered approach, and his Unites States and – in collaboration also with Juli tendency to turn to empathetic understanding as Minoves – a forthcoming study of the a useful tool in elaborating hypotheses, served to development of democratic parliamentary inform both his survey work and his comparative monarchies in Europe and the prospects for such historical analysis. In Linz’s practice, these two an outcome in the Arab world. methodologies were often more closely linked As Philippe Schmitter has pointed out, a than in the hands of most researchers and survey methodological and theoretical principle of Linz’s questions helped to underpin his macro- work – borrowed from Weber – was the sociological analyses. For Linz, the entire scholarly assumption that causal processes are bounded by enterprise was a meaningful and enjoyable types of institutions, contexts and systems.2 For venture – and his enthusiasm proved contagious. this reason, much of Linz’s work was typological in Linz developed close friendships with a long list of nature. His path-opening elaboration of former students including John Stephens, Harry differences between authoritarian, totalitarian Makler, Susan Eckstein, Xavier Coller, this author and sultanistic regimes (Chehabi and Linz 1998) and many others including – of course – those was intended to specify the boundaries within with whom he actually collaborated. But he also which causal processes promoting regime change developed a close intellectual relationship with or stability operate. In that sense, a large portion many scholars – such as Philippe Schmitter and of Linz’s work can be seen as offering a Salvador Giner – who were his peers rather than comprehensive answer to the large theoretical students. Among such relationships was his question of whether the determinants of regime friendship with the Spanish political scientist Jose change or stability vary by regime type – or Ramon Montero who, in collaboration with operate in a universal manner applicable to all Thomas Jeffrey Miley, recently undertook the task political systems. Linz’s answer to that question of assembling and editing a seven volume was fundamentally different from that of his collection of Linz’s “Obras Escogidas” published by contemporary Samuel Huntington (Fishman Spain’s Centro de Estudios Politicos y 2007b), and has proved to provide a far better Constitucionales. Linz built strong intellectual theoretical basis for understanding and predicting relations not only with those who shared his instances of regime change. approach to social science but also with others, Much of Linz’s work, especially his pioneering such as Josep Colomer, who work in quite study of the breakdown of democratic regimes, different traditions. was focused on the effort to identify mechanisms Linz’s intellectual work was powerfully shaped and processes that contribute to significant by his early experiences in interwar Europe but he outcomes. In this way his scholarship anticipated chose to spend his entire career – other than the turn of contemporary scholarship toward an relatively brief research and teaching stints emphasis on process and the delineation of abroad – in the United States. Linz was a Spanish causal mechanisms. Although Linz was best

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RemembranceJuan Linz, Essay: 1926 Juan-2013 Linz, 1926- 2013 References citizen and fluent in several European languages Chehabi, H. E. and Juan J. Linz. (1998). Sultanistic including Spanish and German, the languages Regimes. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. respectively of his mother and father, but Yale University was his home from 1968 onward and Fishman, Robert M. (2007a). “On Being a Weberian he made an enormous mark on the Departments (after Spain’s 11 – 14 March): Notes on the of Sociology and Political Science at that Continuing Relevance of the Methodological Perspective Proposed by Weber” in Laurence University. Throughout his time at Yale, Linz’s life McFalls (ed.), Max Weber’s “Objectivity” companion and wife, Rocio de Teran, joined in Reconsidered. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. building the strong human community that surrounded his work while also devoting herself Fishman, Robert M. (2007b). “Triumphs, Failures and to authoring her own books and other ventures. Ambiguities in Democratization: Juan Linz and the During his life Linz was honored by recurring Study of Regime Change,” in Joan Marcet and Jose tributes to his work in multiple countries and at Ramon Montero (eds.). Roads to Democracy: A least two disciplines, several major international Tribute to Juan J. Linz. Barcelona: ICPS. awards, and various offers to move from Yale to Linz, Juan J. (1975). “Totalitarian and Authoritarian other distinguished universities. He also made a Regimes,” in Fred Greenstein and Nelson Polsby mark in policy-making processes and constitution- (eds.), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 3, drafting initiatives in countries on several Macropolitical Theory. Reading, MA: Addison- continents. His relative obliviousness to the Wesley. search for professional impact in its most narrowly construed sense stood in inverse Linz, Juan J. and Alfred Stepan. (1978). The relationship to the intellectual elegance of his Breakdown of Democratic Regimes. Baltimore: Johns work, along with its wealth of innovative Hopkins University Press. conceptual insight and deep empirical substance. Linz, Juan J. and Alfred Stepan. (1996). Problems of Linz’s work leaves scholars not only with countless Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern ideas worth pursuing but also with ample reason Europe, South America and Post-Communist to reaffirm – or perhaps rediscover – the virtues Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. inherent in the type of scholarly practice informing his long career. Munck, Gerardo L. and Richard Snyder. (2007). Passion, Craft and Method in Comparative Politics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Endnotes Stepan, Alfred, Juan J. Linz and Yogendra Yadav. 1. For a rich sense of the concerns that motivated Linz (2011). Crafting State-Nations: India and Other and the intellectual perspective shaping his work see Multinational Democracies. Baltimore: Johns the extensive interview of Linz by Richard Snyder in Hopkins University Press. Munck and Snyder (2007).

2. I am indebted to Schmitter for making this point both in conversation and in an as yet unpublished essay on Linz.

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InterviewRemembranceJuan Linz, Essay:with 1926 Juan- 2013Article Linz, 1926- Award Recipient 2013 Christopher A. Bail

Interviewed by Polina Kolozaridi National Research University-Higher School of Economics

Christopher A. Bail was the recipient of the Political Sociology Section’s Article Award in 2013 for his article “The Fringe Effect: Civil Society Organizations and the Evolution of CB: During settled periods, I think that states have considerable influence upon discursive Media Discourse about Islam since the fields. But in the wake of unsettled periods, September 11th Attacks” (2012, American Sociological Review 77[6]:855-79). Bail is states--like most civil society actors--rely upon currently Assistant Professor of Sociology at the mass media to help them understand the root causes of unprecedented events, such as the University of North Carolina at Chapel the September 11th Hill. attacks. Whereas the

Bush administration 1. Your article on the “In the final chapter of my forthcoming book, I examine the consequences of the had close ties to "Fringe effect" argues "fringe effect" identified in my article for mainstream Muslim that states do not broader public attitudes towards Islam. I organizations prior to severely influence the examine more than 300,000 social media messages about Muslims, which show the September 11th discursive field. What is that anti-Muslim fringe organizations attacks (roughly 75% of the reason in that case? exert considerable influence upon this type of public discourse.” U.S. Muslims voted for Do you think it is a Bush in 2000), these feature of a organizations were contemporary state, an omen of unsettled almost completely ignored by the mass media times or just a part of the field? following the September 11th attacks because

they lacked the emotional energy of a small group of anti-Muslim "fringe" groups which

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Interview with Award Recipient: Bail

captivated journalists in the wake of this in my book I explain how the Florida preacher traumatic event. who threatened to burn the Qur'an several Over time, such media coverage has years ago single-handedly created one of the evolutionary consequences for discourse in most daunting foreign policy challenges for and outside the state. As Ruud Koopmans the Obama administration from a single viral has written, politicians only react to civil internet video. society actors "if and as" they are depicted in the mass media. In my view this is an 3. What role do you see sociology playing in important, but understudied area, since most "unsettled times?" prominent theories of social fields emphasize the primacy of the state in structuring CB: Political sociologists have long discourse and/or defining which groups are recognized the importance of major historical considered legitimate actors within the field. ruptures for broad-scale social change. While I discuss this issue much more in my the political consequences of such periods forthcoming book, Terrified: How Civil Society have been thoroughly analyzed, I think that Organizations Shape America's much less is known about how cultural Understanding of Islam. change occurs during such periods. Though [Ann] Swidler is perhaps most well known for her work on cultural toolkits, I have always 2. Could blogs, social networking sites, and been fascinated by the deeper historical other new media work in a similar manner? processes which determine which cultural tools are available in different social contexts. CB: In the final chapter of my forthcoming This is why my work aims to explain the book, I examine the consequences of the transition from unsettled to settled times, or "fringe effect" identified in my article for how societies recover from major historical broader public attitudes towards Islam. I traumas and settle into a new status quo. examine more than 300,000 social media messages about Muslims, which show that anti-Muslim fringe organizations exert considerable influence upon this type of public discourse. I think that one of the most important shifts we are witnessing in the so- called social media revolution is the absence of the gatekeepers who protected the public sphere during previous periods. For example,

States, Power, and Societies FALL 2013 States, Power, and Societies FALL 2013 33 Journal Review Journal Review: World Politics World Politics

Diliara Valeeva National Research University-Higher School of Economics

Findings and Ideas from World Politics Hanna Lerner’s 2013 article “Permissive Constitutions, Democracy, and Religious Freedom in India, Indonesia, Israel, and Turkey” (65(4):609-55) pays attention to the role of government constitutions in conflicts of contemporary democratizing countries with World Politics is a journal on international strong religion-state relations. She proposes relations and political science established in that the paradigm of liberal constitutionalism 1948. The journal is published four times a year accepted by most of the scholars is not in both print and online versions by Cambridge relevant anymore for the description of cultures divided by the religious character of University Press. the state. The editorial sponsorship is provided by the Taking the cases of India, Indonesia, Israel Princeton Institute for International and and Turkey, Lerner analyzes constitution drafts Regional Studies. The editorial board for the and shows that they adopt either a permissive forthcoming 66th volume in 2014 is composed or restrictive approach. A permissive approach of seventeen scholars from various countries is characterized by constitutional ambiguity, and chaired by Deborah Yashar. ambivalence, and avoidance strategies with the intention of introducing greater flexibility with World Politics publishes analytical and respect to decisions about relations between theoretical articles, review articles, and research religion and the state. A restrictive approach notes on international relations, comparative implies that constitutional restrictions can limit politics, political theory and economy, foreign the range of future possibilities with respect to policy, national development and decisions the state makes on the subject of modernization. World Politics does not accept religion. Finally, Lerner argues that the pieces strictly historical or journalistic in nature, former’s approach likely leads to democratic nor do they review articles on current affairs, government outcomes, religious freedom, and opinions, or policy analysis. the expansion of restrictions on freedom from religion.

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Journal Review: World Politics

The topics World Politics touches are outsourcing in the Unites States, and varied. The most recent issues this year democracy in India, Indonesia, Israel and included articles on electoral politics in the Turkey. On the whole, most of the articles European Union, female combatants in avoid focusing predominantly on the US Sierra Leone, immigration in Switzerland and Europe, instead addressing wider and Germany, separatist nationalism in the international audiences. former Soviet Union, attitudes to offshore

Findings and Ideas from World Politics Findings and Ideas from World Politics Edward D. Mansfield’s and Diana C. Mutz’ Jeff D. Colgan’s 2013 article “Domestic 2013 article “US versus Them: Mass Attitudes Revolutionary Leaders and International toward Offshore Outsourcing” (65(4):571-608) Conflict” (65(4):656-90) questions the strong deals with the subject of American public opinion scholarly consensus that domestic revolutions on outsourcing from 2007 to 2009. While can make a new ground for international conflicts. This thesis does not fully describe economists state that outsourcing is another reality, as some revolutionary countries might form of international trade, survey participants experience international conflicts only during a have an absolutely different point of view. revolution, whereas others might be engaged Authors use results from a representative in conflicts for several years following the national survey as well as experiments where revolution. Colgan finds an answer in both respondents experienced a treatment that theoretical terms and empirical analyses by promote feelings of national superiority. Based in advancing the thesis that revolutionary leaders these data sets, Mansfield and Mutz show that might trigger international conflicts. attitudes about outsourcing are mostly formed Using a quantitative data set on by individual feelings of “us” and “them” and less international revolutionary leaders over the by real economic effects of outsourcing. For period of 1945 to 2001, Colgan shows that example, people with negative attitudes towards most of the these leaders have specific individual characteristics such as high risk outsourcing typically display negative feelings tolerance or strong political ambition. These about other ethnic or racial groups. characteristics help them obtain power and Understanding attitudes about outsourcing can initiate international conflicts more frequently shed light on this global phenomenon that than those in nonrevolutionary states. The characterizes contemporary employment and results shows us a new theoretical perspective trade. based on an assumption that revolutionary leaders have a strong impact on international politics of revolutionary countries.

States, Power, and Societies FALL 2013 States, Power, and Societies FALL 2013 35 Blog Profile Blog Profile: Mobilizing Ideas

Mobilizing Ideas http://mobilizingideas.wordpress.com/

Amanda Pullum University of California, Irvine

One of the preeminent blogs for As a collaborative blog, Mobilizing Ideas can scholarship and discussion on social include a wide variety of voices that facilitate movements, Mobilizing Ideas is a project from dialogues between activists, leading scholars, the Notre Dame Center for the Study of Social and younger scholars. Writing in a blog format Movements. Mobilizing Ideas was founded in gives authors more freedom to make bolder 2011 with the goal of bringing together scholars claims than they might write for a peer- and activists, fostering a broad dialogue on reviewed journal, and allows for the inclusion of issues related to social movements and social audio and video content that provides new change. Contributors to Mobilizing Ideas span a perspectives on mobilization. The Mobilizing variety of disciplines in the social sciences and Ideas editorial staff is especially interested in humanities, including Sociology, Political providing a forum for younger scholars to Science, Anthropology, Communications, Law, engage in conversations with established and History, many are activists with diverse foci scholars in a setting other than a formal (e.g., environment, LGBT, immigration, hackers, conference. Such a forum provides an anti-war, nonviolence, civil rights, etc.) and accessible means for younger and established others are policy analysts. scholars to communicate and enables Content on Mobilizing Ideas is frequently interactions to continue after annual meetings updated, providing readers with new material adjourn. several times a week in the form of “Daily The blog covers a wide range of topics that Disruptions.” Daily Disruptions are news stories, are relevant to both political sociologists and links, facts, and short reflections prepared by a political scientists, including essays on the team of contributing editors, often young impact of the Tea Party,1 the “ground wars” in scholars engaged in research on social Presidential elections,2 terrorism as a form of movements. In addition, Mobilizing Ideas activism,3 and contemporary Latin American publishes monthly Essay Dialogues, longer political movements.4 Mobilizing Ideas is posts written by leading scholars and expert fortunate to have received contributions from activists on specific topics. scores of highly accomplished scholars, including Theda Skocpol, Donatella Della Porta, Robert Brym, and David Meyer. Recently,

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Blog Profile: Mobilizing Ideas

Mobilizing Ideas launched a new essay dialogue While Mobilizing Ideas is not currently on why some movements fail.5 With many seeking new contributing editors, those questioning the success of movements like interested in becoming future contributors Occupy Wall Street, the editors of Mobilizing should contact Kevin Estep ([email protected]) or Ideas think it is time to revisit one of the Bryant Crubaugh ([email protected]). Essay questions that has plagued the social dialogue contributions are typically by invitation movement community for a long time. Every only. Content published by Mobilizing Ideas activist and community organizer has examples may be redistributed as long as the use is not of success and failure, but social movement for commercial purposes, and that both the researchers and activists are far more likely to author and Mobilizing Ideas are properly focus on movements that succeed. attributed. Contributors—including Ed Amenta, Christian Davenport, Bill Gamson, and Verta Taylor— were asked to reflect on what constitutes Endnotes movement failure and why some movements 1. http://mobilizingideas.wordpress.com/category/es fail. What are the key reasons that some say-dialogues/tea-party-and-the-primaries/ movements never take off or fizzle out before 2. http://mobilizingideas.wordpress.com/category/es succeeding? What are we missing if we ignore say-dialogues/ground-wars-and-the-2012- social movement failures? How should we elections/ understand failure, what is the role of intentional and unintentional outcomes, and 3. http://mobilizingideas.wordpress.com/category/es how do we measure failed movements? By say-dialogues/is-terrorism-a-form-of-activism/ discussing social movements’ failures, 4. http://mobilizingideas.wordpress.com/category/es Mobilizing Ideas editorial staff argue, we are say-dialogues/latin-american-movements/ also better positioned to understand social movement successes. 5. http://mobilizingideas.wordpress.com/2013/12/02/ social-movement-failure/

Call for Submissions: States, Power, and Societies

We invite your contributions for the next issue.

Please continue to send your abstracts from newly published articles, books, and completed dissertations along with announcements of meetings, or other opportunities of interest to the Political Sociology section members. We also welcome suggestions for future symposiums.

Please send your materials to Benjamin Lind at: [email protected]