The Acts of Paul and Thecla Ecclesial, Social and Political Context
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Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 92/3 (2016) 355-380. doi: 10.2143/ETL.92.3.3170052 © 2016 by Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses. All rights reserved. The Acts of Paul and Thecla Ecclesial, Social and Political Context Korinna ZAMFIR Babes-Bolyai University – Stellenbosch University Finding the community behind a text is a controversial, yet provoking endeavour. This paper attempts to carry out such a task, exploring the community and the world behind the Acts of Paul and Thecla [APTh]. Much work has been done on the genre, composition, ascetic tenets of the writing, its relevance for recovering women’s roles in the early church. These topics will not be rehearsed here, but I wish to reassess the ecclesial and socio-political background of the writing, by gathering clues about its structure, practices and political environment. Obviously, due to the genre, to the novelistic and hagiographic features of the work and the fictitious nature of the narrative, it is highly difficult to assess these matters. How- ever, with some caution we may be able to find some answers to these questions, on the assumption that the writing reflects practices that had to be known by the author and the readers. As Marguerat and Rebell remarked, although Zola’s novels are fiction, they still offer a glimpse into the social realities of the time1. The APTh also reflect realities of the com- munity and its social environment, Roman customs and judicial practices, the situation of Christians in this context, and even invoke historical char- acters, to mention only a few aspects. Much earlier, William Ramsay intended to recover the historical data behind the early form of the narrative2. My aims are more modest. I do not wish to prove the essential historical reliability of the Thecla-story, nor to reconstruct the earliest stratum behind the text. Re-examining the ecclesial and social realities mirrored by the writing I wish to make some suggestions about the situation of the community and the evolution of 1. D. MARGUERAT – W. REBELL, Les Actes de Paul: Un portrait inhabituel de l’Apôtre, in J.-D. KAESTLI – D. MARGUERAT (eds.), Le mystère apocryphe: Introduction à une littérature méconnue (Essais bibliques, 26), Genève, Labor et Fides, 22007, 137-154, p. 151: the Germinal reflects the social realities related to the mining industry of the late 19th century. 2. W.M. RAMSAY, The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170, New York – Lon- don, Hodder & Stoughton, 31893, 375-428. He argues that a first century tale with many historical elements was later edited on several occasions, with several changes (e.g. in terms of location, Pisidian Antioch was replaced with Syrian Antioch). He attempts to reconstruct the original, simple tale of Thecla, dated to the rule of Claudius and Nero (ca. 50-64), eliminating the details which he finds inconsistent with historical conditions. 356 k. zamfir the text. The second-century work seems to contain indeed an earlier layer that was gradually re-edited. But the evidence is liable to another reading as well, attesting the diversity of second century Christian com- munities. (Perhaps the two readings are not mutually exclusive.) I offer no clear-cut answer to these questions, but I raise some issues for further consideration. I. ECCLESIAL BACkGROUND 1. Ecclesial Structures and Roles Ecclesial structures are conspicuously absent from the APTh. Paul is an itinerant missionary, rather a preacher than a founder of communities engaged in settling local matters, as we see him in the epistles or the canonical Acts. Communities seem to be limited to simple household structures3. In Iconium, the house of Onesiphorus4 is the place of teaching and worship / Eucharistic meal (3.5). Paul proclaims here the beatitudes and preaches the word of God about enkrateia. The (core of the) com- munity seems to be the household of Onesiphorus, with the addition of Paul and Thecla, and possibly converts from those young women and men who heed to this preaching (3.7, 3.9), although the formula ἐν μέσῳ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐν τῷ Ὀνησιφόρου οἴκῳ (3.7) might allude to a broader community. In Antioch, the household of Tryphaena plays a central role. Again, this is the place of preaching: Thecla teaches, and Tryphaena embraces Christian faith with her (female?) slaves (39/4.14)5. Tryphaena’s household becomes thus a household community6. Later on, when Thecla encounters Paul in Myra, he appears to be based in the house of Hermias (41/4.16). 3. On households in the APTh: H. SANCHEz, Paulus nachfolgen – aber wie? Die Bedeu- tung des Hauses in den Theklaakten, in M. EBNER (ed.), Aus Liebe zu Paulus? Die Akte Thekla neu aufgerollt (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien, 206), Stuttgart, Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2005, 124-138. 4. J. BARRIER argues that Onesiphorus is not a resident of Iconium, but Paul’s itinerant co-worker, who happens to be there to plant a church and expects Paul: The Acts of Paul and Thecla: A Critical Introduction and Commentary (WUNT, II.270), Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2009, p. 72. The arguments are taken from 2 Tim 1,16; 4,19, but as the epistle is fictitious (seemingly in Barrier’s view, too), and even there the idea that Onesiphorus is an itinerant co-worker who resides in various cities is one possible, but not compelling reading, the case is hardly convincing. In 1,16 πολλάκις does not need to refer to different towns. 1,18 and 2,19 envisage him in Ephesus. His visiting Paul in Rome (1,17) does not make him an itinerant co-worker. 5. It is impossible to know whether τῶν παιδικῶν refers to men and women or only women (ibid., p. 177). That is why we cannot know whether this is envisaged as an all-female household. 6. Ibid., p. 178. the acts oF paul aNd thecla 357 Remarkably, the writing does not mention ecclesial offices. As Dennis MacDonald puts it, the community is quite democratic7. This is at odds with earlier writings, and even with 3 Cor, which mentions deacons and presbyters. The absence is all the more conspicuous as the APTh were allegedly written by a presbyter (Tert., Bapt. 17). The writing emphasises only the authority of Paul and Thecla, both itinerant teachers. Even Paul is a stylised, almost superhuman character (at least in Iconium)8, not the flesh and blood Paul we find in his letters. Martin Ebner suggested that teaching and leadership are conceived as separate attributions, the first assigned to itinerant preachers, the sec- ond to heads of households9. But it seems to me that authority is here essentially charismatic and bound to ascetic itinerant preachers, rather than resident officials. In the end, Onesiphorus is an entirely subordi- nate character, with little “leadership” role. Apparently even his chil- dren would starve, if it were not for Paul to take the initiative of buying bread (3.25). Is this because a later redaction reshaped Onesiphorus to subordinate him to Paul? Or is it because in an ascetic community, ascetic, charismatic teachers, not local heads of households hold the authority? It is also surprising that in a charismatic community we find no refer- ence to prophets, to inspired speech (nor is the Spirit mentioned, for that matter10, not even in Thecla’s confession of faith, 4.12, where she mentions believing in God and his son). In the broader context of the work (the farewell scene in APl 12) we encounter prophetic figures like Cleobius and Myrte, who foretell the fate of Paul inspired by the Spirit, but nothing of that kind is found in the APTh. Whether the APTh reflect 7. D.R. MACDONALD, The Legend and the Apostle: The Battle for Paul in Story and Canon, Philadelphia, PA, Westminster, 1983, p. 69. 8. He is envisaged as a quasi-angelic being and an embodiment of Jesus. Ann G. BROCk, Genre of the Acts of Paul: One Tradition Enhancing Another, in Apocrypha 5 (1994) 119-136, pp. 122-123: Paul acquires an almost “superhuman status”; D. MARGUERAT, who emphasises the hieratic character of Paul: The Acts of Paul and the Canonical Acts: A Phenomenon of Rereading, in Semeia 80 (1997) 169-184, pp. 179-181. 9. M. EBNER, Gemeindestrukturen in Exempeln: Eine eindeutig frauenfreundliche Kom- promisslösung, in ID., Aus Liebe zu Paulus? (n. 3), 180-193, p. 183. 10. D.E. SMITH, The Canonical Function of Acts: A Comparative Analysis, Collegeville, MN, Liturgical Press, 2002, p. 111; except for Thecla’s final prayer in the 12th-century- Codex Baroccianus Graecus 180 (ed. J.E. GRABE), cf. J.K. ELLIOTT, The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993; 22005, p. 373. Pace W. RORDORF, Was wissen wir über Plan und Absicht der Paulusakten?, in D. PApANDREOU – W.A. BIENERT – K. SCHÄFER- DIEk (eds.), Oecumenica et Patristica: Festschrift für Wilhelm Schneemelcher zum 75. Geburts tag, Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, 1989, 71-82, p. 76, claiming the enormous role of the Holy Spirit all through the AP and invoking the visions of Thecla, but the text never refers to the Spirit as inducer of the visions. 358 k. zamfir indeed a debate with Montanism, as suggested by Rordorf, is difficult to say11. A female teacher is one of the most notable features of the writing. Thecla teaches already after her baptism (4.9), before being “officially” commissioned by Paul (41/4.16). Her teaching activity is efficient: she converts the household of Queen Tryphaena. The concluding summary (she enlightened many with the word of God; 43 /4.18) indicates the same. To the author (and probably the implied readers) this role is natural for an ascetic woman whose faith(fullness) has been tested.