The Acts of Paul and Thecla Ecclesial, Social and Political Context

Korinna Zamfir Babes-Bolyai University – Stellenbosch University

Finding the community behind a text is a controversial, yet provoking endeavour. This paper attempts to carry out such a task, exploring the community and the world behind the Acts of Paul and Thecla [APTh]. Much work has been done on the genre, composition, ascetic tenets of the writing, its relevance for recovering women’s roles in the early church. These topics will not be rehearsed here, but I wish to reassess the ecclesial and socio-political background of the writing, by gathering clues about its structure, practices and political environment. Obviously, due to the genre, to the novelistic and hagiographic features of the work and the fictitious nature of the narrative, it is highly difficult to assess these matters. How- ever, with some caution we may be able to find some answers to these questions, on the assumption that the writing reflects practices that had to be known by the author and the readers. As Marguerat and Rebell remarked, although Zola’s novels are fiction, they still offer a glimpse into the social realities of the time1. The APTh also reflect realities of the community and its social environment, Roman customs and judicial practices, the situation of Christians in this context, and even invoke historical characters, to mention only a few aspects. Much earlier, William Ramsay intended to recover the historical data behind the early form of the narrative2. My aims are more modest. I do not wish to prove the essential historical reliability of the Thecla-story, nor to reconstruct the earliest stratum behind the text. Re-examining the ecclesial and social realities mirrored by the writing I wish to make some suggestions about the situation of the community and the evolution of

1. D. Marguerat – W. Rebell, Les Actes de Paul: Un portrait inhabituel de l’Apôtre, in J.-D. Kaestli – D. Marguerat (eds.), Le mystère apocryphe: Introduction à une littérature méconnue (Essais bibliques, 26), Genève, Labor et Fides, 22007, 137-154, p. 151: the Germinal reflects the social realities related to the mining industry of the late 19th century. 2. W.M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire before a.d. 170, New York – Lon- don, Hodder & Stoughton, 31893, 375-428. He argues that a first century tale with many historical elements was later edited on several occasions, with several changes (e.g. in terms of location, Pisidian Antioch was replaced with Syrian Antioch). He attempts to reconstruct the original, simple tale of Thecla, dated to the rule of Claudius and Nero (ca. 50-64), eliminating the details which he finds inconsistent with historical conditions. 356 k. zamfir the text. The second-century work seems to contain indeed an earlier layer that was gradually re-edited. But the evidence is liable to another reading as well, attesting the diversity of second century Christian communities. (Perhaps the two readings are not mutually exclusive.) I offer no clear-cut answer to these questions, but I raise some issues for further consideration.

I. ecclesial Background

1. Ecclesial Structures and Roles Ecclesial structures are conspicuously absent from the APTh. Paul is an itinerant missionary, rather a preacher than a founder of communities engaged in settling local matters, as we see him in the epistles or the canonical Acts. Communities seem to be limited to simple household structures3. In Iconium, the house of Onesiphorus4 is the place of teaching and worship / Eucharistic meal (3.5). Paul proclaims here the beatitudes and preaches the word of God about enkrateia. The (core of the) community seems to be the household of Onesiphorus, with the addition of Paul and Thecla, and possibly converts from those young women and men who heed to this preaching (3.7, 3.9), although the formula ἐν μέσῳ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐν τῷ Ὀνησιφόρου οἴκῳ (3.7) might allude to a broader community. In Antioch, the household of Tryphaena plays a central role. Again, this is the place of preaching: Thecla teaches, and Tryphaena embraces Christian faith with her (female?) slaves (39/4.14)5. Tryphaena’s household becomes thus a household community6. Later on, when Thecla encounters Paul in Myra, he appears to be based in the house of Hermias (41/4.16).

3. On households in the APTh: H. Sanchez, Paulus nachfolgen – aber wie? Die Bedeu- tung des Hauses in den Theklaakten, in M. Ebner (ed.), Aus Liebe zu Paulus? Die Akte Thekla neu aufgerollt (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien, 206), Stuttgart, Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2005, 124-138. 4. J. Barrier argues that Onesiphorus is not a resident of Iconium, but Paul’s itinerant co-worker, who happens to be there to plant a church and expects Paul: The Acts of Paul and Thecla: A Critical Introduction and Commentary (WUNT, II.270), Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2009, p. 72. The arguments are taken from 2 Tim 1,16; 4,19, but as the epistle is fictitious (seemingly in Barrier’s view, too), and even there the idea that Onesiphorus is an itinerant co-worker who resides in various cities is one possible, but not compelling reading, the case is hardly convincing. In 1,16 πολλάκις does not need to refer to different towns. 1,18 and 2,19 envisage him in Ephesus. His visiting Paul in Rome (1,17) does not make him an itinerant co-worker. 5. It is impossible to know whether τῶν παιδικῶν refers to men and women or only women (ibid., p. 177). That is why we cannot know whether this is envisaged as an all-female household. 6. Ibid., p. 178. the acts of paul and thecla 357

Remarkably, the writing does not mention ecclesial offices. As Dennis MacDonald puts it, the community is quite democratic7. This is at odds with earlier writings, and even with 3 Cor, which mentions deacons and presbyters. The absence is all the more conspicuous as the APTh were allegedly written by a presbyter (Tert., Bapt. 17). The writing emphasises only the authority of Paul and Thecla, both itinerant teachers. Even Paul is a stylised, almost superhuman character (at least in Iconium)8, not the flesh and blood Paul we find in his letters. Martin Ebner suggested that teaching and leadership are conceived as separate attributions, the first assigned to itinerant preachers, the second to heads of households9. But it seems to me that authority is here essentially charismatic and bound to ascetic itinerant preachers, rather than resident officials. In the end, Onesiphorus is an entirely subordinate character, with little “leadership” role. Apparently even his children would starve, if it were not for Paul to take the initiative of buying bread (3.25). Is this because a later redaction reshaped Onesiphorus to subordinate him to Paul? Or is it because in an ascetic community, ascetic, charismatic teachers, not local heads of households hold the authority? It is also surprising that in a charismatic community we find no reference to prophets, to inspired speech (nor is the Spirit mentioned, for that matter10, not even in Thecla’s confession of faith, 4.12, where she mentions believing in God and his son). In the broader context of the work (the farewell scene in APl 12) we encounter prophetic figures like Cleobius and Myrte, who foretell the fate of Paul inspired by the Spirit, but nothing of that kind is found in the APTh. Whether the APTh reflect

7. D.R. MacDonald, The Legend and the Apostle: The Battle for Paul in Story and Canon, Philadelphia, PA, Westminster, 1983, p. 69. 8. He is envisaged as a quasi-angelic being and an embodiment of Jesus. Ann G. Brock, Genre of the Acts of Paul: One Tradition Enhancing Another, in Apocrypha 5 (1994) 119-136, pp. 122-123: Paul acquires an almost “superhuman status”; D. Marguerat, who emphasises the hieratic character of Paul: The Acts of Paul and the Canonical Acts: A Phenomenon of Rereading, in Semeia 80 (1997) 169-184, pp. 179-181. 9. M. Ebner, Gemeindestrukturen in Exempeln: Eine eindeutig frauenfreundliche Kom- promisslösung, in Id., Aus Liebe zu Paulus? (n. 3), 180-193, p. 183. 10. D.E. Smith, The Canonical Function of Acts: A Comparative Analysis, Collegeville, MN, Liturgical Press, 2002, p. 111; except for Thecla’s final prayer in the 12th-century- Codex Baroccianus Graecus 180 (ed. J.E. Grabe), cf. J.K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993; 22005, p. 373. Pace W. Rordorf, Was wissen wir über Plan und Absicht der Paulusakten?, in D. Papandreou – W.A. Bienert – K. Schäfer- diek (eds.), Oecumenica et Patristica: Festschrift für Wilhelm Schneemelcher zum 75. Geburts tag, Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, 1989, 71-82, p. 76, claiming the enormous role of the Holy Spirit all through the AP and invoking the visions of Thecla, but the text never refers to the Spirit as inducer of the visions. 358 k. zamfir indeed a debate with Montanism, as suggested by Rordorf, is difficult to say11. A female teacher is one of the most notable features of the writing. Thecla teaches already after her baptism (4.9), before being “officially” commissioned by Paul (41/4.16). Her teaching activity is efficient: she converts the household of Queen Tryphaena. The concluding summary (she enlightened many with the word of God; 43 /4.18) indicates the same. To the author (and probably the implied readers) this role is natural for an ascetic woman whose faith(fullness) has been tested. We may not know whether there are historical elements in the narrative about Thecla. But from this text and its reception by Tertullian (Bapt. 17) we may conclude that at least in some (probably ascetic) communities women did teach, inspired and legitimised by the story of Thecla. It seems likely that this was perceived as an acceptable practice, not as breaking of divine or apostolic commandments. The focus on the oikos, the lack of offices and the emphasis on a woman teaching are remarkable in the second half of the second century. Earlier writings like the Pastoral Epistles, the Didache12 or the Ignatian epistles suggest a more structured, increasingly institutionalised church, with teaching and leadership pertaining notably to officials (and prophets). Or at least this is how a number of earlier authors would desire to have the church. This could suggest an earlier tradition behind the APTh13. But the implied Sitz im Leben is perhaps not necessarily that of an earlier community. The writing may also reflect a charismatic, ascetic community with a very simple structure, without a particular hierarchy, which co- exists with more institutionalised churches. This may confirm that the transition to an institutionalised church was probably even more gradual and uneven than we would be inclined to think, and that there was no straight, uniform evolution from charismatic first century communities to increasingly institutionalised second century churches. Ultimately, itinerant preachers existed and held significant moral authority even in the mid-third century, as attested by Origen14.

11. Rordorf, Plan (n. 10), pp. 76-78. He assigns the lack of references to offices to the same background. See also C. Markschies, Haupteinleitung, in Id. – J. Schröter – A. Heiser (eds.), Antike christliche Apokryphen in deutscher Übersetzung. I.1: Evangelien und Verwandtes, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2012, 1-180, p. 73. 12. Episkopoi, diakonoi, didaskaloi, beside prophets (Vis. 3.3.5). 13. D. MacDonald finds in the lack of references to offices a proof that the APTh incorporate earlier oral legends (Legend, 69). This is not impossible, in spite of criticism by P.W. Dunn, The Acts of Paul and the Pauline Legacy in the Second Century, PhD dis- sertation at Cambridge University, 1996 (online version 2003), esp. pp. 47-55; Barrier, Acts (n. 4), pp. 33-45. 14. Cels. 3.9; rightly so, S.L. Davies, The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of the Apocryphal Acts, Carbondale, IL, Southern Illinois University, 1980, p. 30. the acts of paul and thecla 359

2. Liturgical Aspects The liturgical elements confront us with the same dilemma: do they reflect first century traditions or simple second century practices? Baptism, a central theme of the narrative, is a seal in Christ that would keep temptation away15 and a washing (λουτρόν, 4.15)16. Baptism is performed in the name of Christ, not with a Trinitarian formula17. Thecla’s baptismal formula (“In the name of Jesus Christ I baptize myself on the last day”, 4.9; also 4.13, connecting baptism and salvation on the day of Judgement) points to the strong eschatological connotation of baptism18. Some complimentary rites seem to be envisaged as well. In the arena, Thecla is stripped of her clothes, than after her rescue from the beasts and her baptism the governor asks her to take on her clothes. This sequence symbolises the spiritual death and resurrection occurring in baptism. Thecla’s profession of faith before the governor sounds like a baptismal confessio. The governor performs here the function of a mystagogue. Baptism is intimately linked with chastity. The true disciple has to be worthy of baptism, attesting perseverance in chastity. Thecla has to pass a multitude of trials until she becomes worthy of baptism19. These are steps of an initiation rite, meant to test her faithfulness and to prepare her for baptism. Thecla stands firm throughout the testing, deserving to receive baptism and to become a disciple. Through baptism she is protected from sexual temptation, she receives the seal of purity and is preserved from

15. Ep. Ap. 41-42: the light of the seal. W. Schneemelcher, New Testament Apocrypha 1, trans. R.M. Wilson, Louisville, KY, Westminster John Knox, 2003, p. 273; Elliott, Apoc- ryphal New Testament (n. 10), p. 583; E. Ferguson, Baptism in the Early Church: History, Theology, and Liturgy in the First Five Centuries, Grand Rapids, MI, Eerdmans, 2009, p. 225. As E.M. Howe remarked, in the APTh “baptism is not only an indication that the person is vowing to abstain from sexual activity; it is also a guarantee (or seal) that places the baptized person outside the realm of sexual temptation” (Interpretations of Paul in the Acts of Paul and Thecla, in D.A. Hagner – M.J. Harris [eds.], Pauline Studies: Essays Presented to Professor F.F. Bruce on his 70th Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI, Eerdmans, 1980, 33-49, p. 42). 16. Also the verb in 4,9 (probably washing / forgiveness of sins). The designation was common in the second century; Ferguson, Baptism (n. 15), p. 30. 17. The same Christological focus may be suggested by 4,15, if the one who gave Thecla the baptism and worked with Paul in the proclamation of the Gospel is Christ, not God. The latter is suggested by Barrier, Acts (n. 4), p. 179. 18. Eternal salvation also comes up in Thecla’s profession of faith (APTh, 37): the Son of God is μόνος σωτηρίας ὁδὸς καὶ ζωῆς ἀθανάτου ὑποστάσις. Léon Vouaux notes the parallel with 1 Tim 6,16 in L. Vouaux, Les Actes de Paul et ses lettres apocryphes, in Échos d’Orient 16 (2013), p. 218, n. 4. The conclusion that the one who does not believe in him will not live, but will die forever confirms the eschatological interpretation of σωτηρία. A. Leinhäupl-Wilke, Vom Einfluss des lebendigen Gottes: Zwei Bekenntnisreden gegen den Strich gelesen, in Ebner, Aus Liebe (n. 3), 139-158, p. 153. 19. We can include here Thamyris’ romantic advances, her delivery to the authorities and to death by her fiancé and by her mother, her condemnation to the pyre, her solitude when condemned, Paul’s rejection when she asks to be his follower and to baptise her, her sexual assault by Alexander, her loneliness when assaulted, and the teriomachia. 360 k. zamfir eschatological judgment. The emphasis on baptismal fidelity in the ninth beatitude also suggests that in ascetic communities baptism involved relinquishing sexual activity even within marriage20. Baptism seems to be carried out by a woman. Thecla baptises herself and possibly others21. Enlightening many with the word of God (43 /4.18) may also refer to baptism22. A woman is more explicitly envisaged as baptising in the APh 14.9 (Mariamne). The treatment of baptism may lead to two considerations. Some elements – notably the Christological baptismal formula – may suggest an early practice, all the more as a Trinitarian formula is used in earlier or roughly contemporary sources23. Others, like the rather elaborate elements of the rite (undressing, baptism, dressing, confession of faith) and the association with asceticism, seem to point to a later date. The situation may be more complicated though, as the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas also indicate a Christological understanding of baptism (baptism in the name of the Lord, the son of God)24.

20. In the ATh, after baptism Mygdonia rejects her husband, Charisius (87-103; compare 9-15: the freshly wed daughter of the king of Andrapolis and her husband abstain from marital life after a vision of Christ). In the AA, Maximilla refuses to live with her husband after being converted by Andrew. This association between baptism and sexual continence results from the understanding of baptism as mystical marriage with Christ. 21. For a discussion on the link between baptising and preaching the word of God as expression of apostolic authority, found problematic by Tertullian: J. Barrier, Tertullian and the Acts of Thecla or Paul? Readership of the Ancient Christian Novel and the Invo- cation of Thecline and Pauline Authority, SBL presentation, November 20, 2006: http:// actapauli.wordpress.com/2009/01/30/tertullian-and-the-acts-of-thecla-or-paul-readership-of- the-ancient-christian-novel-and-the-invocation-of-thecline-and-pauline-authority/. 22. Justin connects baptism, knowledge (ἐπιστήμη) and light (illumination); see C.I.K. Story, Justin’s Apology I,62-64: Its Importance for the Author’s Treatment of Christian Baptism, in VigChr 16 (1962) 172-178. On the association between baptism and light / fire in Thecla’s baptism see H.J.W. Drijvers – G.J. Reinink, Taufe und Licht: Tatian, Ebionäerevangelium und Thomasakten, in T. Baarda et al. (eds.), Text and Testimony: Essays on New Testament and Apocryphal Literature in Honour of A.F.J. Klijn, Kampen, Kok, 1988, 91-110, p. 94. On the association between baptism and light also Ep. Ap. 41-42; Ferguson, Baptism (n. 15), pp. 225-226. 23. Matt 28,19; Did. 7; Just., Apol. 61; APt 5 (Peter baptises Theon with a Trinitarian formula, but later Peter says: he received the baptism in the name of the Lord, in the same name he receives the bread / Eucharist); AJ 57 (John teaches the Smyrneans about the Father, Son, Holy Spirit and baptises them); Iren., Adv Haer. 3.17.2; Tert., Bapt. 13; J.F. White, Documents of Christian Worship: Descriptive and Interpretive Sources, Louis ville, KY, Westminster John Knox, 1992, 147-149; Ferguson, Baptism (n. 15), p. 228 (APt); p. 232 (AJ). 24. Herm., Vis. 3.7.3 (baptised in the name of the Kyrios); perhaps Sim. 9.16.3-5 (baptism as the seal of the Son of God); Vis. 3.3.5 (the tower built upon the waters means salvation through water, “the tower is founded on the word of the almighty and glorious name, and it is strengthened by the invisible power of the Master [despotēs]”). LCL 2, 203; trans. Ehrman. On Herm.: Ferguson, Baptism (n. 15), pp. 218-220. Compare Barn. 16.8 (“‘it will be built in the name of the Lord’ […] we have become new, […] we have received the forgiveness of sins and have hoped in the name”; LCL 2, 73; trans. Ehrman; though it is not clear whether this is a baptismal formula proper). the acts of paul and thecla 361

In the Iconium-episode, two instances seem to refer to a Eucharistic meal. The first one is upon Paul’s arrival in the house of Onesiphorus. “There was great joy, and bowing of knees and breaking of bread (κλάσις ἄρτου), and the word of God (λόγος Θεοῦ) concerning continence (enkrateia) and the resurrection” (3.5). “Breaking of bread” is frequently a term for a Eucha- ristic meal25. This seems to be the case here, too, due to the association with a gesture of prayer (“bowing of knees”)26 and the proclamation of the word of God27. (The household setting should also be noted.) The meal shared in the tomb/burial vault by Paul, Onesiphorus and his family, together with Thecla after her rescue from the pyre is probably also such a Eucharistic meal (25)28. There is much love (agape), they all rejoice for the holy works of Christ, and they share five loaves, vegetables (λάχανα), and water29. At first sight the Eucharistic meaning of this meal is less clear as κλάσις ἄρτου is missing, because of the ingredients (water, vegetables), and the reference to agape30. On the other hand the five loaves allude to Jesus multiplying the five loaves (Mark 6,38.41 par), itself a narrative with Eucharistic connotations. The meal is shared after fasting; this may be interesting because we know from Tertullian that from the second century the Eucharistic meal starts to be celebrated not only on Sundays, but also on fasting days31.

25. The verb in the narratives of the Last Supper and the Eucharistic allusion in Luke 24,30, and notably Paul’s breaking the bread in Acts 20,11; the noun in Acts 2,42; Did. 9, cf. 14. 26. For the term as reference to prayer, T. Nicklas, Christliche Apokryphen als Spiegel der Vielfalt frühchristlichen Lebens: Schlaglichter, Beispiele und methodische Probleme, in ASE 23 (2006) 27-44, p. 39; Barrier, Acts (n. 4), p. 79. 27. A. Merz, Tränken und Nähren mit dem Wort: Der Beitrag der Mahlszenen zur narrativen Theologie der Paulusakten, in J. Hartenstein – S. Petersen – A. Stand- hartinger (eds.), ‘Eine gewöhnliche und harmlose Speise’? Von den Entwicklungen früh- christlicher Abendmahlstraditionen, Gütersloh, Gütersloher, 2008, 269-295, p. 274; also J.N. Bremmer, Magic, Martyrdom and Women’s Liberation in the Acts of Paul and Thecla, in Id., The Apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla (Studies on the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, 2), Kampen, Kok Pharos, 1996, 36-59, p. 39; Nicklas, Christliche Apokryphen (n. 26), p. 39: Eucharist without wine. R.A. Pervo speaks of “a service consisting of prayer, sacrament, and word” (The Acts of Paul: A New Translation with Introduction and Com- mentary, Cambridge, James Clarke & Co., 2014, pp. 100-101). 28. Merz, Tränken (n. 27), p. 276 (Christian cultic meal which is also a “Sattingungs- mahl”). 29. R.A. Lipsius – M. Bonnet, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha [AAA] I, Hildesheim, 1891, p. 253 adds salt in brackets, based on the Syriac version. The salt may reflect the practice of the Syriac Church, but interestingly Acts 1,4 uses for Jesus’ sharing the meal with the disciples after his resurrection “sharing salt” (halizomenos). On salt and vegetables at meal and APTh 3.25: A. McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Chris- tian Ritual Meals (Oxford Early Christian Studies), Oxford, Clarendon, 1999, 118-125. See the discussion in Barrier, Acts (n. 4), p. 133. 30. Barrier, Acts (n. 4), p. 133: “possible Eucharistic or agape meal language”, also p. 135. 31. H.J. de Jonge, The Early History of the Lord’s Supper, in J.W. van Henten – A.W.J. Houtepen (eds.), Religious Identity and the Invention of Tradition: Papers Read at 362 k. zamfir

Although some would object that APTh 3.532 and / or 2533 are an agape meal, at this stage it is inappropriate to distinguish between an agape meal and the Eucharistic celebration proper34. To be sure, we may remark the ascetic, aquarian nature of this Eucharistic meal35.

II. social and Political Context

1. Socio-economic Background Remarkably, most characters of the APTh belong to the local or provincial elites or even to royalty, and are obviously wealthy. Thecla belongs to the first in Iconium (4.1/26, Ἰκονιέων πρώτη), and so does her mother. Tha- myris is first man in the city (3.11, πρῶτος τῆς πόλεως), and wealthy (he bribes Demas and Hermogenes with money and a lavish meal; 3.11, 3.13). Alexander is first man in Antioch ( ̓Αντιοχέων πρῶτος), possibly a Syriarch, and obviously wealthy (he is ready to buy off Paul with money and gifts; 4.1/26). Alexander’s position is not entirely clear. Text-critical issues make it difficult to decide whether Alexander is a Syrian and leading man in (Pisidian or Syrian) Antioch or a Syriarch. Συριάρχης appears only in one Greek ms (Codex C), a reading adopted by Tischendorf and Lipsius36, whereas the other Greek manuscripts (A B E37 F38 G) have σύρος and first (citizen) of Antioch39. Yet, beside the textual evidence of a NOSTER Conference in Soesterberg, January 4-6, 1999, Assen, Van Gorcum, 2001, 203- 237, p. 231, cf. Tert., Or. 19,1-4. 32. Barrier, Acts (n. 4), p. 79. 33. Dunn, Acts of Paul (n. 13), p. 86; McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists (n. 29), p. 125 (distinguishing here between a strict Eucharist and an agape). 34. M. Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft: Soziologie und Litur- gie frühchristlicher Mahlfeiern (TANZ, 13), Tübingen – Basel, Francke, 1996, cf. pp. 301, 303, 322-323 (on the margin of 1 Cor 11), 518-521; de Jonge, Early History (n. 31), pp. 203, 221, 231 (separation occurred only in the 3rd cent., as attested by Cyprian, pp. 233-236); D.E. Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist: The Banquet in the Early Christian World, Minneapolis, MN, Fortress, 2003, p. 6 (against the strict distinction between sacred and secular meal), p. 179 (“Not only were these Christians gathering for a community meal, but they were also conducting their entire worship service at the table as well. […] these were not ‘mere’ fellowship dinners”), pp. 279-287. 35. See also ATh 121; APt 2. 36. Tischendorf has used esp. three Parisian codices: A (no. 520, 11th cent.), B (1454, 10th cent), and C (1468, 11th cent), to a lesser degree the Cod. Baroccianus (G), the basis for the first edition of the APTh, prepared by Ernest Grabe (no. 1698; 12th cent., Bodl. Libr. 180). See AAA, Leipzig, 1852, XXVI. At APTh 4.1/26 he follows C (AAA, 52). A and B have ̓Αντιόχεων πρῶτος, G reads ̓Αντιόχεων πρωτοπολίτης, πολλὰ ποιῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐκείνῃ ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ αὐτοῦ. For the Greek mss used by Lipsius: AAA I, XCIX-C, CIII-CV; ad 26: 253. 37. Vaticanus gr. 797, 11th cent. 38. Vaticanus gr. 866, late 11th cent. 39. E. Esch-Wermeling, Thekla – Paulusschülerin wider Willen? Strategien der Leser lenkung in den Theklaakten (NTA, 53), Münster, Aschendorff, 2008, p. 95. Barrier opts for the acts of paul and thecla 363

Codex C, external evidence sustains the possibility that Alexander is envisaged here as Syriarch and priest of the imperial cult. The syriarchy was a provincial position; by way of analogy with the Asiarch, the Syri- arch was the head of the provincial assembly of Syria and possibly the high priest of the provincial imperial cult40. Based on numerous examples from Libanius, Liebeschuetz shows (at least for the 4th century) that the Syriarch was responsible for the organization of spectacles and games, including animal hunts and beast fights. To that purpose the official had to procure the wild animals (even from distant provinces)41. Such provincial shows were dedicated to the emperor, had to receive imperial sanction, and were organized by priests of the imperial cult42. The Syriarch was entitled to a special robe and a crown, representing imperial authority43. Many details of the Antioch-episode correspond to the description of this office, and would also suggest that Alexander is envisaged as priest of the imperial cult44. Such are Alexander’s leading role, underscored by his particular, probably official attire (χλαμύς) and his wreath (στέφανος), which according to the Syrian and Armenian versions bears the image of the emperor (4.1)45, his role in organizing the fight and procuring beasts

συριάρχης in the text, but translates “Syrian”, and discusses the position of the Syriarch in his textual notes (p. 139). Pervo has the complicated “the head of the Syrian chapter of the Empire League”; in the notes he favours the “Syriarch” (Acts [n. 27], pp. 147, 152). The question is also related to that of the location of the second episode. Esch-Wermeling, on pp. 93-96, pleads for the Pisidian Antioch (Paul comes from Syrian Antioch to Iconium and departs for Pisidian Antioch), based on the overall description of Paul’s journey in the larger context of the AP and on details concerning contemporary roads (Onesiphorus waiting him on the route that leads down toward Lystra; 3). Yet, Acts 13,14.51 would suggest that Paul comes to Iconium from Pisidian Antioch. If the APTh is an individual work written independently from the AP, there is no compelling need for a concordance of the geographic details. At any rate, Esch-Wermeling, p. 76 speaks of Alexander as Syriarch, to argue later that he is an agonothete who possibly also holds the imperial priesthood. 40. On the Syriarch as president of the provincial synodos (established to promote the imperial cult), drawn from the wealthiest city counsellors, and his role in producing enter- tainments, in particular beast fights: W. Liebeschuetz, The Syriarch in the Fourth Century, in Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 8 (1959) 113-126; S. Bradbury, Selected Let- ters of Libanius from the Age of Constantius and Julian (Translated Texts for Historians, 41), Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2004, pp. X, 5, 27. The analogy with the asiarch is clear, but it is unclear whether the asiarch was identical with the archiereus of the provincial imperial cult, or the terms referred to different offices. H. Engelmann argues for identity (Asiarchs, in ZPE 132 [2000] 173-175); also B. Burrell, Neokoroi: Greek Cities and Roman Emperors (Cincinnati Classical Studies, NS 9), Leiden, Brill, 2004, p. 21. S.J. Friesen (Asiarchs, in ZPE 126 [1999] 275-290) and R.A. Kearsley (Asiarchs, Archiereis, and the Archiereiai of Asia, in Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 27 [1986] 183-192) distinguish the two. 41. Liebeschuetz, Syriarch (n. 40), pp. 115-119, 123. 42. Ibid., pp. 123-124. 43. Ibid., pp. 118, 123; S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 170. 44. Ibid., p. 170; Esch-Wermeling, Thekla (n. 39), pp. 123-125. 45. Esch-Wermeling, Thekla (n. 39), pp. 123-124. 364 k. zamfir

(4.5/30, 4.8/33, 4.10/35), and the role of the Roman governor in sanction- ing the details of the fight. Esch-Wermeling argues on the basis of his attire and his role in organising animal fights that he was an agonothete46, but the identification is not compelling. The official attire, the crown and the role in organizing animal fights was not reserved to the agonothete, and Alexander is not mentioned as such in either version, whereas at least one ms. tradition refers to him as a syriarch. Another main character, “a wealthy woman named Tryphaena” (4.2/27) or Queen Tryphaena (4.3/28; 4.5/30) is inspired by the historical Antonia Tryphaena. Her name is known from epigraphic and numismatic evidence. Antonia Tryphaena was the daughter of King Polemon I of Pontus and of Queen Pythodoris (herself a granddaughter of Marc Antony and cousin of Claudius)47. Through her mother, Antonia Tryphaena was closely related to the imperial family48. Tryphaena was married to King Cotys VIII of Thrace49, and her sons became kings of Roman client kingdoms. Rhoem- etalces III became king of Thrace. At the time when her other son, Polemon II50 was under age, Tryphaena ruled as queen of Pontus (probably until 39); coins she issued in this time bear the inscription “Queen Tryphaena”. Polemon adhered to Judaism to marry princess Berenice, the sister of Agrippa II. Tryphaena’s youngest son, Cotys, was raised in Rome with Gaius (Caligula), who entrusted him Armenia Minor and part of Arabia.

46. Ibid., pp. 125-128. Already Ramsay, Church (n. 2), p. 396 (he is later styled into a Syriarch). Barrier regards him a munerarius, understood as a patron of the animals of the arena (Acts [n. 4], p. 144). But munerarius does not designate an office, or a patron of animals, but the term refers to a magistrate or priest of the imperial cult who offers or spon- sors spectacles or games. É. Deniaux, Sociabilité et évergétisme en Albanie à l’époque romaine: munerarii et munera, in S. Crogiez-Pétrequin (ed.), Dieu(x) et hommes: Histoire et iconographie des sociétés païennes et chrétiennes de l’Antiquité à nos jours. Mélanges en l’honneur de Françoise Thelamon, Mont-Saint-Aignan, Publications des Universités de Rouen et du Havre, 2005, 345-353, p. 346. 47. S. Reinach, Inscription de Cyzique en l’honneur d’Antonia Tryphaena, in Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 6 (1882) 612-616; IMT Kyz Kapu Dağ 1431, HellSyll 7,1872/73, 23 = PH288709 (http://epigraphy.packhum.org/inscriptions/main). 48. Ramsay, Church (n. 2), pp. 387, 427; Barrier, Acts (n. 4), p. 145. 49. See R.D. Sullivan, Dynasts in Pontus, in ANRW II.7.2 (1980) 913-930, pp. 922- 923, 926, 929; Ramsay, Church (n. 2), pp. 382-389. On numismatic evidence for Tryphaena, co-ruler with her son, Polemus II: U. Kahrstedt, Frauen auf Antiken Münzen, in Klio 10 (1910) 261-314, p. 302; coins with the inscription ΤΡΥΦΑΙΝΗΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΣΣΗΣ and the image of King Polemon. Ancient historians refer to her and her family without mentioning her name. On Tryphaena’s family, marriage and children: Str. 12, 556; on the rule of Cotys during the reign of Tiberius, his killing by his uncle, and the appeal of his wife to the Senate: Tac., Ann. 2.64-67. On her mother: Pythodoris in H. Cancik – H. Schneider – M. Landfester, Der Neue Pauly, Brill Online, 2014: http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ entries/der-neue-pauly/pythodoris-e1016230. 50. Polemon II (Julius Polemo), was the son of Antonia Tryphaena, not her brother. Sullivan, Dynasts (n. 49), p. 925; S. Dmitriev, Claudius’ Grant of Cilicia to Polemo, in CQ NS 53 (2003) 286-291, pp. 297-298. Pace Pervo, Acts (n. 27), p. 154. Her brother was probably Marcus Antonius Polemon. the acts of paul and thecla 365

Epigraphic records present Tryphaena as a benefactor of Cyzicus and serv- ing as priestess of Drusilla, Gaius’ sister, together with her sons51. Her two daughters were also married to kings: Pythodoris to her cousin, Rhoemet- alces II of Thrace, Gepaepyris probably to the king of Bosporus. (Bremmer has suggested that the name of Tryphaena’ daughter, Falconilla, was inspired by Pompeia Sosia Falconilla, wife of Sicilian consul M. Pontius Laelianus52, yet this does not seem sure, as the name is rather common, and there are no particular reasons to associate the two characters53.) It is not my purpose to argue that there is a historical core to the actions of Queen Tryphaena as described in the APTh, as these are certainly fiction. But it is noteworthy that the writing integrates into the narrative a character coming from the highest elite, a close relative of emperors, a daughter, wife and mother of Rome’s client kings, a patroness and a person associated with the imperial cult. Not many biographical details are preserved: she is a queen, a benefactor (in a different way though compared to the historical Tryphaena), and a close relative of the emperor, held in high esteem by Roman authorities (4.11/36). Her portrayal as a convert to Christianity may have been inspired by the association with a Tryphaena, co-worker of Paul, mentioned in Rom 16,12, and awareness of her son’s conversion to Judaism. Placing the plot and the characters in the world of the elite is a feature shared with other apocryphal Acts. This aspect can hardly reflect the reality of the community. As Davies remarked, on the one hand this particularity may mirror these writings’ “tendency to hyperbole”, but on the other it may also indicate that at least some converts – men as well as women – were better-off, perhaps even belonging to the elite54. Other more or less contemporary sources suggest the same. Hermas, by the mid- second century, deals repeatedly with the issue of wealth, the evils ensuing from it, the social tensions emerging from socio-economic differences, and exhorts the wealthy to the appropriate use of their possessions55. The author, probably a freedman, writes from the perspective of the lower

51. IGR 4,145 and 147 (she is praised for “having restored the long-blocked area of the channels and the lagoon from her own resources and the perimeter at her own expense and that of her son, the king of Thrace, Rhoemetalces, and in the name of his brothers, the king of Pontus, Polemo, and Cotys”); D. Braund, Augustus to Nero: A Sourcebook on Roman History, 31 bc – ad 68 (Routledge Revivals), London, Routledge, 1985, p. 247; R.A. Kearsley, Women and Public Life in Imperial Asia Minor: Hellenistic Tradition and Augustan Ideology, in Ancient West & East 4 (2005) 98-121, p. 117. 52. Bremmer, Magic (n. 27), p. 53; Id., The Apocryphal Acts of Thomas, Leuven, Peeters, 2001, p. 153. 53. Rightly, Bremmer, Magic (n. 27), p. 23. 54. Plin., Ep. X.96.9 (LCL, trans. Radice): “multi […] omnis ordinis”; Davies, Revolt (n. 14), p. 102; Bremmer, Magic (n. 27), p. 58 (wealthy women in Western Asia Minor and North-Africa). 55. For an overview: P. Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, London, Continuum, 2003, pp. 90-99. 366 k. zamfir strata and applies the motif of the evil rich and the good poor56. Since Christians belong to another city, striving for earthly possessions is useless and detrimental to salvation. That is why wealthy Christians should apply themselves to benefactions on behalf of the destitute57. What matters here is on the one hand the clear indication that wealthy individuals (whose lifestyle is quite extravagant from the perspective of the author) belong to the Church. Second, they can attain salvation only when they become benefactors of the poor. Clement of Alexandria, writing about the time when the APTh are com- pleted, dedicates a lengthy homily (Quis dives salvetur?) to the salvation of the wealthy, to the dangers and proper use of wealth, to inner freedom and the exercise of beneficence58. This shows again that wealthy individuals belonged to the Christian community by the end of the second century. Clement is much more positive about the wealthy. He largely spiritualises the issue of wealth and poverty, but agrees with other Christian and non- Christian sources about the duty of the wealthy to carry out benefactions. Tertullian, who may have come himself from the elite59, also attests the membership of the well-to-do. Compared to Clement, Tertullian is much more critical about the use of wealth, notably when it comes to women (De cultu feminarum, Ad uxorem), but he also defends wealth as a gift of the Creator given as an instrument of beneficence60. His arguments against expensive adorning and his cautioning about the dangers of wealth make sense only when at least some North-African Christians are wealthy61. These texts match the impression produced by the APTh that in the second century the better-off (if perhaps not the provincial elites) had embraced Christian faith and joined the Church. Beyond the question of socio-economic constituency, the APTh also raise the question about the appropriate use of wealth.

56. The wealthy cling to their possessions, they do not willingly share their riches and are in great danger of abandoning their faith and losing their salvation (Vis. 1.1.8; 3.6.5; Sim. 9.20). 57. Sim. 1. The similitude of the vine and the elm suggests that the rich and the poor support each other: the wealthy depend on the intercessions and prayers of the poor, prayers which express their gratitude for the benefactions they have received. Sim. 2. 58. Clem. Alex., The Rich Man’s Salvation (LCL, 92; trans. Butterworth). For a detailed discussion: H. Rhee, Loving the Poor, Saving the Rich: Wealth, Poverty, and Early Christian Formation, Grand Rapids, MI, Baker, 2012, pp. 79-98. 59. Yet see the critical discussion of D.E. Wilhite concerning the earlier scholarship on Tertullian’s social background: Tertullian the African: An Anthropological Reading of Ter- tullian’s Context and Identities, Berlin, de Gruyter, 2007, pp. 19-25. Cautiously admitting though his status and wealthy background: pp. 179-180. 60. Rhee, Loving the Poor (n. 58), pp. 102-105, Tert., Adv. Marc 4.15: “even to grant a man riches is not out of character with God, for both by these the rich obtain ease and comfort, and with them are performed many works of justice and charity (opera iustitiae et dilectionis administrantur)”. (Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem: Books 1-3, ed. and trans. E. Evans, Oxford, Clarendon, 1972, pp. 332-333). 61. Wilhite, Tertullian (n. 59), pp. 116-117. the acts of paul and thecla 367

2. The Proper Use of Wealth The use of wealth is an important theme of the writing. Fortune may be spent for right or wrong causes. Those who have no faith spend their money on pleasure-seeking and use their assets to destroy the servants of God. Thamyris bribes those who may provide him information about Paul (Demas and Hermogenes), and is ready to destroy the apostle (3.11-14). Alexander is willing to buy off Paul, to take hold of Thecla (4.1/26). As a representative of the elite and a sponsor of games, he spends his money on cruel shows, for worldly fame, and to destroy the object of his earlier infatuation. His expenses match his madness (notice the escalation of the costs with the increasing number of animals brought into the arena). More- over, his efforts may lead to the ruin of the city (4.11/36). On the other side stand Onesiphorus, Thecla and Tryphaena. Onesiphorus opens his house to the itinerant preachers (3.5, Paul, and later Thecla, 4.17) and the community (3.7). He leaves behind the things of this world (τὰ τοῦ κόσμου), to follow Paul with his household (3.23). There is some contra- diction between the two statements, as hospitality toward itinerant teachers and the local community requires certain material means. But more impor- tantly here, Onesiphorus stands for the right use of wealth, displaying independence from possessions and readiness for its proper use in the service of the community. Female characters like Thecla and Tryphaena also use their wealth for good purposes. Thecla bribes the guards with her jewels to visit Paul in prison and become a disciple (3.18). She leaves behind her family and her fiancé who would provide for social status and material security, to follow Paul and preach the word of God. Queen Try- phaena bestows her possessions on Thecla (4.14/39) and sends her jewellery to Paul to Myra to help the poor62. She exerts thus both individual patronage and euergetism toward the Christian community63. Elite women’s proper use of wealth, in particular jewellery was a common theme of ancient writings. Jewels were not only expressions of status and wealth64, but also deposits of capital, which could be turned into cash and used in difficult conditions65. As wealth resulted in economic power

62. On the proper use of wealth: Esch-Wermeling, Thekla (n. 39), p. 56. On Onesi phorus and Tryphaena as representing two models of Christian patronage: G.E. Snyder, Acts of Paul: The Formation of a Pauline Corpus (WUNT, II.352), Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2013, p. 142. 63. On Tryphaena as patroness: M. Misset-Van De Weg, A Wealthy Woman Named Tryphaena: Patroness of Thecla of Iconium, in Bremmer, The Apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla (n. 27), pp. 16-35; Pervo, Acts (n. 27), p. 151. 64. See R. Berg, Wearing Wealth: Mundus Muliebris and Ornatus as Status Markers for Women in Imperial Rome, in P. Setälä et al. (eds.), Women, Wealth and Power in the Roman Empire (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae, 25), Rome, Institutum Romanum Finlan- diae, 2002, 15-73, pp. 41-50, 54-57; C. Kunst, Ornamenta Uxoria: Badges of Rank or Jewellery of Roman Wives?, in The Medieval History Journal 8 (2005) 127-142. 65. Berg, Wearing Wealth (n. 64), pp. 56-57. 368 k. zamfir and social influence, women’s adorning was a common target of criti- cism66. The wealth of women and the influence ensuing from it were acceptable only when these were used to sustain their husband or the community67. Thecla and Tryphaena fit well this ideal of wealthy women using their possessions (including their jewels) for noble purposes. There is one difference though: as these heroines do not live in marriage, their wealth does not serve the husband, but Christian edification and euergetism. To be sure, the APTh seem less negative about (women’s) wealth compared to the Artemilla-passage (9.17).

3. Wealthy Christians: Women and Euergetism A number of passages envisage the main characters from the perspective of euergetism. Thamyris acts like a patron toward his clients, Demas and Hermogenes. Sponsoring public games, Alexander exerts one of the most typical forms of civic euergetism. Onesiphorus sustains the local community and itinerant preachers. But it is worth returning a moment to Tryphaena, and to the values she stands for. It is difficult to know why the author resorted to a queen, or precisely to this queen. To be sure, through her descent, the rule of her sons and the marriage of her daughters, as well as through her benefactions, the historical Antonia Tryphaena appears as one of the most remarkable women of the first half of the first century, whose memory was preserved from Pontus to Thrace, to Mysia, and perhaps down to Cilicia. Originally Tryphaena may have been just a wealthy woman (as suggested by the first reference to her, 4.2/27), conflated later with Queen Tryphaena. Carl Schmidt has suggested that the author may have had knowledge of the

66. In Greek and Roman moralists (Neo-Pythagorean treatises: Perictione, De mul. harm; Phintys, De mul. mod.; H. Thesleff, The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period [Acta Academiae Aboensis, 30], Ǻbo, Ǻbo Akademi, 1965, pp. 143,9-28; 153,15-28; K.S. Guthrie – D. Fideler, The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library: An Anthology of Ancient Writings Which Relate to Pythagoras and Pythagorean Philosophy, Grand Rapids, MI, Phanes, 1987, pp. 239-241, 264; Plut., Conj. praec. 26, Mor. 141E [trans. Pomeroy]; Sen., Helv. 16.3-4 [trans. J.W. Basore]), in Roman satire (Juv., Sat. 6, 457-460 [trans. M. Braund]), and in sumptuary laws (the Oppian Law and the Voconian Law: S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, Oxford, Clarendon, 1993, pp. 365-366). 67. A number of sources appreciate women who used their wealth, more specifically their jewels for noble purposes, notably to provide political and financial backing to their banned husbands (the Laudatio Turiae, CIL VI, 1527, 31670, 37053; ILS 8393; A.E. Gordon, New Fragment of the Laudatio Turiae, in AJA 54 (1950) 223-226; E. Wistrand, The So-called Laudatio Turiae: Introduction, Translation, Text, Commentary (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, 34), Göteborg, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1976; E.A. Hemelrijk, Masculinity and Femininity in the Laudatio Turiae, in CQ 54 (2004) 185-197. Appian evokes women who used their jewellery and money to save their husband. App., BCiv. 4.39- 40, 48 (Acilius is saved by his wife who bribes the soldiers with her jewellery; Virginius by his wife’s money) (LCL, trans. White). the acts of paul and thecla 369 queen through a local tradition, which could imply that the APTh were drafted in Pontus68. But there must have been some deeper reason for introducing Queen Tryphaena into the story. We could think, by way of analogy, to the forged correspondence between Paul and Seneca. Much later, the most prominent Roman (moral) philosopher of Paul’s time, belonging to the highest elite of the empire was turned into the correspondent, admirer, quasi-disciple and near-convert of the leading apostle and Chris- tian philosopher. Probably the APTh do something similar. Thecla, Paul’s chief female disciple, becomes the teacher of one of the most important female rulers of the time, who joins the Christian community and becomes its patroness. The enterprise bears perhaps the features of wishful thinking, but it also intends to show that Christian faith can be attractive to the elites; these are encouraged not only to adopt this faith, but also to act as benefactors. The role of wealthy women, in particular widows, in the early Church is well attested69. Already 1 Tim 5,9-14 implicitly witnesses to the influence of dedicated widows, notwithstanding their derogatory portrayal and the author’s endeavour to impose limitations. Queen Tryphaena embodies here the upper-class widow who embraces Christian faith, bids protection to other women, in particular ascetics, and offers financial support to the itinerant preachers and their ministry to the poor. Numerous later sources attest the patronage of aristocratic, wealthy widows, frequently associated with ascetic circles. It suffices to recall the importance of Marcella and Paula for the career of Jerome70, Melania the Elder for Rufinus71, Pentadia and Olympias in sustaining Chrysostom72.

68. Acta Pauli: Aus der Heidelberger koptischen Papyrushandschrift, Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1904, pp. 174-175. He does not commit himself to this hypothesis, but pleads more generally for Asia. 69. J.N. Bremmer, Pauper or Patroness: The Widow in the Early Christian Church, in Id. – L. Van Den Bosch, Between Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widow- hood, London – New York, Routledge, 1995, 31-57. 70. S. Letsch-Brunner, Marcella – discipula et magistra: Auf den Spuren einer römischen Christin des 4. Jahrhunderts (BZNW, 91), Berlin, de Gruyter, 1997; A. Cain, Claiming Marcella, in Id., The Letters of Jerome: Asceticism, Biblical Exegesis, and the Construction of Christian Authority in Late Antiquity, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009, 68-98; M. Sághy, The Master and Marcella: Saint Jerome Retells the Bible to Women , in L. Doležalová – T. Visi (eds.), Retelling the Bible: Literary, Historical, and Social Con- texts, Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, 2011, 127-138; A. Cain, Jerome’s Epitaph on Paula: A Commentary on the Epitaphium Sanctae Paulae with an Introduction, Text, and Trans lation (Oxford Early Christian Texts), Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 1-5, 21, 28-29, 35-36. 71. P. Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350-550 ad, Princeton, NJ – Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2012, pp. 269-272, 276-279. 72. W. Mayer, Constantinopolitan Women in Chrysostom’s circle, in VigChr 53 (1999) 265-288. 370 k. zamfir

In sum, the message of Tryphaena to better-off Christian women is clear: women who embrace Christian faith have to use their wealth for euergetism in the Church.

4. Political Background The events preceding and accompanying two trials, that of Paul in Iconium, and of Thecla in Antioch reflect issues relevant to the situation of Christians before Roman law. Some details could also point to the development of the text. a) The Trial of Paul in Iconium In the context of Paul’s hearing before the governor we find a number of different charges, which reflect various legal issues and perhaps also different times. I will attempt a systematisation. Some accusations refer to spreading new, deceptive, foreign religious beliefs. Demas and Hermogenes advise Thamyris to accuse Paul of per- suading and seducing73 the population with the καινὴ διδαχὴ Χριστιανῶν (3.14). This matches Paul’s characterisation as a deceiver, a man of deception (πλανῶν πλάνος ἄνθρωπος)74 who seduces (ἀπαθάω) young (wo?)men and virgins (3.11). (This accusation has several connections with the description of the opponents in the PE, but I will address here only the political significance.) The idea of foreignness appears in Theo- cleia’s (3.8) and Thamyris’ characterisation of Paul (3.13, before Demas and Hermogenes; 3.16, before the governor)75. Other charges refer to causing social disruption. In fact most passages of the Iconium-episode revolve around this issue. Thamyris accuses Paul of destroying (διαφθείρω) the polis and his wife to be and disallowing marriage (3.15 and 16). This accusation is consistent with what we hear earlier from Theocleia – Paul will upset the polis (3.9). It also goes well with the note on Paul’s evil influence on Thecla: he has torn apart the fundamental relationships that make up an oikos: a man was deprived of his wife, a mother of a child, and the (female) slaves of their mistress (3.10). Furthermore, Paul deceives the young people of the city precisely by turning them away from marriage (3.11). The charge is repeated several times (Demas and Hermoges: Paul deprives young men of their wives, virgins of their husbands, 3.12; Thamyris’ complaint, 3.13; the accusation before the governor, 3.16).

73. For the two meanings of ἀναπείθω: LSJ s.v. 74. The latter is found in C E G Cop1 syr, Tischendorf, but is absent in A B and dropped by Lipsius and Vouaux (Barrier, Acts [n. 4], p. 97). 75. On Paul depicted as ξένος who disrupts social order (3.8, 3.13) see also Snyder, Acts of Paul (n. 62), p. 137. the acts of paul and thecla 371

A further charge is that of magic. Thecla’s refusal to marry Thamyris and Paul’s evil influence on other women make him in the eyes of the crowd a μάγος (3.15). No wonder, since earlier we see Thecla mesmerized, captivated by Paul, under his spell (3.8-9), bound by his words like a spider at the window and possessed by a new desire and a fearful passion, immune to all attempts to reason her (3.9). She is described as the victim of a love charm. A forth type of charge could be called the “nomen ipsum”. Demas and Hermogenes suggest that accusing Paul simply of being a Christian (3.16) would lead with certainty to his perdition. These charges reflect known Roman legal and political issues: displeas- ure with religious innovation and foreign rites, struggle against religious practices that disrupt social order, a strenuous pro-marriage campaign that promotes social stability and economic prosperity, as well as specific charges against Christians (the nomen Christianum). i) Assaulting Traditional Religion and Spreading Superstition In Roman thought respect for recognised religious traditions was fundamental for social and political stability, whereas innovation (frequently associated with superstitio) was an assault to this order76. The preservation of the state required control over religion, respect for traditional beliefs and ancestral religious practices77. Religious innovation, expressed in socially and politically disruptive and/or foreign and secret religious practices had to be checked78. Livy recorded in derogatory terms a number of foreign and allegedly disruptive religious practices refrained by the state79.

76. R. Gordon, Superstitio: Superstition and Religious Repression in the Late Roman Republic and Principate (100 bce-300 ce), in Past & Present 199 (2008) 72-94. 77. E. DePalma Digeser, Religion, Law and the Roman Polity: The Era of the Great Persecution, in C. Ando – J. Rüpke (eds.), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (Potsdamer altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge, 15), Stuttgart, Franz Steiner, 2006, 68-84; J. Rüpke, Die Religion der Römer: Eine Einführung, München, Beck, 2001, pp. 37-45; J. Turpin, Cicéron, De legibus I–II et la religion romaine: Une interprétation philosophique à la veille du principat, in ANRW II.16.3 (1986) 1877-1908, esp. pp. 1900- 1903. 78. D. Baudy, Prohibitions of Religion in Antiquity: Setting the Course of Europe’s Religious History, in Ando – Rüpke (eds.), Religion and Law (n. 77), 100-114. On the margin of Tac., Ann. 15.44.3: J.G. Cook, Roman Attitudes Toward the Christians: From Claudius to Hadrian (WUNT, 261), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, 2010, pp. 51-54. 79. The outbreak of superstitious, foreign, novel rites following the draught of 429 bce (Liv. 4.30.8-11, Gordon, Superstitio [n. 76], pp. 88-89); the spread of superstitious fears and new, foreign, disturbing rites in the ignorant Roman populace, during the second Punic War, while Roman rites were abandoned (25.1.6-8.12); the severe repression of the cult of Dionysus in 186 bce, based on allegations of foreignness and disrespect for traditional religion, leading to social disruption (Liv. 39.8.1-19; 39.18.4-8; Senatus consultum de Bac- chanalibus, ILS 18 = CIL I2, 581; C. Schultz, Women’s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic (Studies in the History of Greece and Rome), Chapel Hill, NC, University of North Carolina Press, 2006, pp. 72, 82-92; R.A. Bauman, The Suppression of the Bacchanals: 372 k. zamfir

The repeated constraints imposed on associations from the time of the civil wars up to the imperial period also express the fear that uncontrolled, notably foreign (religious) groups could threaten social and political order80. A key category of the political discourse against religious innovation is that of superstitio, a flexible term used to brand and exclude antagonists of the ideal Roman polity, characterised by rationality, piety, high morality and orderliness81. During the Republic, superstition was associated with religious practices moving away from traditional, public, sanctioned religious rites, and certain psychological attitudes (anxieties, exaggeration and excessive emotionality)82. By the time of the Principate the focus shifted toward foreignness and challenging the imperial cult83. Foreignness and superstition are joint motifs in the critique of Jews and Christians in response to their anti-social attitude and their rejection of sacrifices and civic religion84. In the case of Christians, religious innovation

Five Questions, in Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 39 (1990) 334-348; Baudy, Prohibitions [n. 78], pp. 105-106). As “nothing is more deceptive […] than a false religion”, public religion should be defended against secret, foreign cults (Liv. 39.16.6-9). 80. Maecenas advises Augustus to disband all foreign cults, as the new rites lead to conspiracy, factions and superstitions, harmful to the state (Cass. Dio, Hist. 52,36, LCL, trans. Cary). Tiberius confirms the regulations against foreign cults (Suet., Tib. 36; LCL, trans. Rolfe). In Egypt, Flaccus forbids religious associations on charge of immorality (Philo, Flac. 4; LCL, trans. Colson). Trajan exerts control over associations (Plin., Ep. X.33 and 34; 92 and 93; 96.7). Associations had to be approved by the Senate or by imperial decree (Dig. 3.4.1). On control over associations: J.-P. Waltzing, Étude historique sur les corporations professionnelles chez les Romains depuis les origines jusqu’à la chute de l’Empire d’occident I, Louvain, Peeters, 1895, pp. 115-121; W. Cotter, The Collegia and Roman Law: State Restrictions on Voluntary Associations 64 bce–200 ce, in J.S. Klop- penborg – S.G. Wilson (eds.), Voluntary Associations in the Greco-Roman World, London – New York, Routledge, 1996, 74-89, pp. 75-76, 80, 82-83; A.J.B. Sirks, Die Vereine in der kaiserlichen Gesetzgebung, in A. Gutsfeld – D.-A. Koch (eds.), Vereine, Synagogen und Gemeinden im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien (STAC, 25), Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, 2006, 21-40, pp. 21, 29-30; I.N. Arnaoutoglu, Roman Law and Collegia in Asia Minor, in Revue internationale des droits de l’Antiquité 49 (2002) 27-44. 81. For a thorough analysis: Gordon, Superstitio (n. 76), pp. 72-94. 82. Ibid., pp. 79-81 (misuse of rites to fend off fear and appease divine anger); an empty religious practice, void of force and authority (p. 87). It was typically associated with deficient mental abilities (levitas animi), women, the ignorant masses, foreigners and slaves (pp. 79-81, 86-88, 90). “[S]uch persons did not belong to the imagined community of courageous, moderate and steadfast adult males, the community of sanctioned practice” (p. 88). 83. Ibid., pp. 90-91 (replacing the older focus of superstitio as unmanly, irrational attitude). “It was […] the need for a new version of the imagined community in the altered conditions of the Principate, and especially from the early second century ce, that made it plausible to emphasize the second meaning of superstitio, that of ‘foreign credulity/religion’. Roman religion outside the city of Rome now meant in practice the cult of the emperor, of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and any Roman or ‘Roman’ divinity whose cult local elites and groups of private worshippers cared to institutionalize. Superstitio came to connote religious practice outside this flexible […] notion of ‘our religion’, and thus tended to shift its dominant meaning towards the extreme pole of impiety, atheism, and malign magic” (p. 92). 84. Ibid., pp. 91-92. the acts of paul and thecla 373 adds to these charges. Fear of the subversive potential of religion was expressed in the sanctions imposed on Christian practice. As DePalma Digeser notes, “rites other than those sanctioned by ancient laws and ancient usage could potentially undermine the res publica. For this reason, only a form of Christianity dedicated to the salus of the state could be woven into the fabric of Roman society”85. The APTh never use a Greek equivalent of superstitio (perhaps because deisidaimonia is not an exact match)86, but novel, foreign, deceitful and disruptive teaching which takes hold of the ignorant (women and the young) is pretty much what makes up superstitio. ii) Concern with Marriage as Factor of Stability To comprehend how serious an anti-marriage campaign like that assigned to Paul was, we should recall that Roman legislation strongly encouraged marriage and procreation, which were regarded as public matters and expressions of civic responsibility87. The penalties imposed by Augustus on those failing to enter marriages resulting in children were reinforced several times under subsequent emperors88. The account of Dio Cassius about Augustus’ pro-marriage laws shows the intimate relationship between procreation and the welfare of the state89. Those who reject this duty are unworthy of being called men or citizens, are responsible for the potential annihilation of Rome and of the human race and are accountable for the worst of crimes – murder, sacrilege, impiety and betrayal of the country90. This association shows the gravity of being charged with hin- dering marriages. iii) Magic Magic was another concern addressed in Roman law. James Rives shows that the scope of the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficiis (81 bce),

85. DePalma Digeser, Religion (n. 77), pp. 69-70, in her interpretation of Galerius. 86. BDAG s.v. (“concern about one’s relations to the transcendent realm”; “fear of offending divinity, […] religious scruple, religiosity”); D.B. Martin, Inventing Superstition: From the Hippocratics to the Christians, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 2004, pp. 18-20, 125-135. 87. On the Augustan laws promoting marriage and procreation: Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 9.22.2; Cass. Dio, Hist. 56; Suet., Aug. 34. The Augustan legislation (Lex Julia de mari- tandis ordinibus, 18 bce, and Lex Papia Poppaea, 9 ce) has been widely discussed. See L.F. Raditsa, Augustus’ Legislation concerning Marriage, Procreation, Love Affairs and Adultery, in ANRW II.13 (1980) 278-339; Treggiari, Roman Marriage (n. 66), pp. 60-80; K. Milnor, Augustus, History, and the Landscape of the Law, in Arethusa 40 (2007) 7-23. 88. See Treggiari, Roman Marriage (n. 66), pp. 78-79, for various subsequent regulations. The ius trium liberorum was still important during Trajan, even for men (Plin., Ep. II.13; X.94; X.2). 89. Procreation, rooted in the divine order of creation (Cass. Dio, Hist. 56.3.8; 2.4-5), provides society with economic and political power (56.3.6-7). 90. Cass. Dio, Hist. 56,4-8. 374 k. zamfir originally punishing the use of potions to cause someone’s death was repeatedly broadened and by the second century it came to include magic and maleficium91. By the second century magic acquires the sense of religious deviance; it becomes the designation of a delict (of an evil magician), a change which occurs during the time of Trajan92. The law was most probably used against Apuleius (ca. 159 ce), whose case offers an interesting insight into the understanding of magic in the second-century. After marrying Aemilia Pudentilla, a wealthy widow, he was charged by her remote relations that he was a magus and had used love charms (carmina et venena) to seduce and persuade her to marry him. Other charges included using chants to induce a trance in a young slave, and performing nocturnal sacrifices (liable to the accusation of mala sacrificia)93. The episode associates magic with the deceptive influence on a woman and a youngster, to acquire control over their minds, to persuade a woman to fall in love with and marry the magus, upsetting thus the household. In his defence Apuleius defines a magus as one who through communion of speech with the gods is able to achieve any incredible thing he wishes by the power of incantation. He shows that his acts have been misrepresented: he is not a magician, but a philosopher94. Apuleius’ case is enlightening for our story: Paul is obviously regarded a magos, since he has entirely captured Thecla’ mind and heart95. In his defence before the governor, Paul does pretty much the same as Apuleius. He shows that his actions have been mistaken for magic. He is indeed in communication with God, but he is not a magos, but his authentic messen- ger who promotes true religion, marked by pure devotion and high moral standards (3.17). He does not upset therefore the ethical order. The transformation of magic into a religious offence coincides with the endeavour of Roman officials to cope with emerging Christianity96.

91. J.B. Rives, Magic in Roman Law: The Reconstruction of a Crime, in Classical Antiquity 22 (2003) 313-339, pp. 317-322. 92. Ibid., pp. 327-328, n. 44 (following Mommsen). 93. Ibid., pp. 322-327 (the law came to include mala sacrificia, i.e. probably cursing rituals, possibly the carmina magorum [cf. Quint., Inst. 7.3.7], potions producing madness or love charms); Bremmer, Magic (n. 27), p. 45 (cf. Apul., Apol.). 94. Apul., Apol. 26.6 (“communione loquendi cum deis immortalibus ad omnia quae velit incredibilia quadam vi cantaminum polleat”). 95. G. Poupon, L’accusation de magie dans les Actes Apocryphes, in F. Bovon (ed.), Les Actes apocryphes des apôtres: Christianisme et monde païen, Genève, Labor et Fides, 1981, 71-85, p. 73. Many have noted the language of love in the APTh. Barrier, Acts (n. 4), pp. 7-9, 18-19, 87-88, 90-96; Bremmer, Magic (n. 27), pp. 41-42; M. Betz, Die betörenden Worte des fremden Mannes: Zur Funktion der Paulusbeschreibung in den Theklaakten, in NTS 53 (2007) 130-145, pp. 140-144. On the similarities with the ancient novel: K. Cooper, The Virgin and the Bride: Idealized Womanhood in Late Antiquity, Cambridge, MA, – London, Harvard University Press, 1996, pp. 50-55. 96. Rives, Magic (n. 91), p. 335: “the new law on magic, as we see it in the trial of Apuleius, extended official concern with religious propriety to the entire empire. It is perhaps not a coincidence that it developed at much the same time as another empire-wide the acts of paul and thecla 375 iv) The Nomen Christianum We should now turn to the charges against Christians related to their simply belonging to this religious group (the nomen Christianum). Although the issue is debated, just as the legal grounds on which Chris- tians were persecuted during the first two centuries97, we do not have clear indications for such charge before the early second century. The idea appears explicitly for the first time in Pliny’s correspondence with Tra- jan98. During the Neronian persecution Christians were apparently accused of particular crimes (incendiarism, more generally flagitia), of superstition and religious innovation99, of hatred against humanity (odium humani gen- eris) and implicitly of undermining public welfare (utilitas publica)100. The charges cited by Tacitus and Suetonius are either concrete (crimen incendii) or refer more generally to crimes or harmful attitudes (flagitia, superstitio, odium). Superstitio reflects a long-standing concern of Roman political elites. In the early second century we notice a shift in the political discourse against Christians. Pliny’s correspondence shows that beyond the older charge of superstition101, and even when exempt of other crimes, Christians could face charges for simply being Christians. We should note that Pliny in fact asks Trajan’s advice concerning future conduct. Whether Christians should be punished for crimes or for what they are seems to be one of his dilemmas (nomen ipsum, si flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini

religious concern, that with Christians: in both cases Roman officials worked to establish empire-wide limits of acceptable religious behavior”. 97. For an overview of historians’ positions concerning the legal grounds on which Christians were persecuted: J.B. Rives, The Persecution of Christians and Ideas of Com- munity in the Roman Empire, in G.A. Cecconi – C. Gabrielli (eds.), Politiche religiose nel mondo antico e tardoantico: Poteri e indirizze, forme del controllo, idee e prassi di tolleranza: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Firenze, 24-26 settembre 2009), Bari, Edipuglia, 2011, pp. 199-216. He distinguishes three positions: a) prosecution was based on pre-existing criminal laws of different kinds which explain why Christians were persecuted sporadically and on different legal grounds (unauthorized collegia; infanticide, incest; magic; rejection of traditional religion and of the imperial cult; illegal assembly and treason [maiestas]); b) Christians were punished by Roman local officials who held the power of coercitio (the authority to intervene when they perceived a threat to sociopolitical order, compelling the inhabitants to preserve this order and punishing those who posed a threat); c) professing being a Christian was a major crime in virtue of a specific law, issued perhaps already by Nero (the debated institutum Neroniamum). 98. Plin., Ep. X.96,2-3. 99. Tac., Ann. 15.44 (mischivieous or destructive superstition, exitiabilis superstitio; LCL, trans. Jackson); Suet., Nero 16.2 (a new and mischievous superstition; superstitio nova ac malefica; LCL, trans. Rolfe). 100. Tac., Ann. 15.44 (the cruelty of their punishment produced “the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man”). On misanthropy as charge against Jews and Christians, Cook, Roman Attitudes (n. 78), pp. 62-65. 101. Ep. X.96,8 and 9. 376 k. zamfir puniantur)102. True, he has already convicted Christians for being just that, but not those who were ready to recant and return to the sanctioned official religion and the cult of the Princeps (X.96.5-6). It does not seem likely that Pliny or Roman authorities in general would have been concerned with the specific tenets of Christian doctrine and practice. What mattered was Christians’ refusal to recognise the Roman order expressed in public, Roman, sanctioned religion, more specifically the emperor cult, and the fear from unauthorised associations. The general intent of the argument seems to be that Christians re-integrated in the official cult and receding from illegal associations should be pardoned103. Trajan does not answer all of Pliny’s questions, and he leaves unanswered precisely his inquiry regarding the nomen ipsum. Yet some issues are significant: 1. Being a Christian may be punishable in itself. 2. Yet, even at this time there is no universal rule that could be invoked104. 3. Pliny is not expected to actively search for Christians, but investigate the reported cases105. 4. Those ready to amend their error and attest their loyalty by relinquishing illicit meet- ings106 and by worshipping the Roman gods (supplicando dis nostris) should be pardoned (venia)107.

102. Ep. X.96.2. 103. The superstition affects large parts of the population. Their rites are not immoral, and they were willing to give up their meetings after Pliny’s edict. The restoration of traditional cults is possible and has economic advantages. X.96.5-10. 104. X.97.1 (“Neque enim in universum aliquid, quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest”). 105. During the first two centuries is seems that this was rather the rule; provincial officials did not inquire after Christians, but tried those against whom charges had been raised. G.E.M. de Ste. Croix, Why Were the Early Christians Persecuted?, in Past & Present 26 (1963) 6-38, p. 15; Rives, Persecution (n. 97), pp. 201-202, 209-210. 106. “They had met regularly (convenire) […]. After this ceremony it had been their custom to disperse and reassemble (coeundi) […] but they had in fact given up this since my edict, issued on your instructions, which banned all political societies (hetaerias)” (96.7). 107. Some historians have claimed that Christians had been prosecuted for what they were as early as Nero, probably based on a special law (the institutum Neronianum of Tert., Nat. 1.7.8-9 interpreted as a law): P. Keresztes, The Imperial Roman Government and the Christian Church, in ANRW II.23.1 (1979) 247-315, more cautiously, R. Freundenberger, Christenverfolgungen 1: Römisches Reich, in TRE 8 (1981) 23-29, pp. 24-25. Yet, no such law has been attested. On the difficulties of the special law theory: Rives, Persecution (n. 97), pp. 206-207; Cook, Roman Attitudes (n. 78), pp. 94-96. Even Trajan claims that there are no general rules. The lack of a clear legislation in the early second century, Trajan’s dismissal of an active inquest and the pardoning of those who recanted suggest that he did not regard Christians as a group that should be pursued by any means. The main concern seemed to be Christians’ lack of civic loyalty. The rescriptum Hadriani (Just., Apol. 68.6-10; Eus., h.e. 4.8.6; P. Keresztes, The Emperor Hadrian’s Rescript to Minucius Fundanus, in Phoenix 21. 2 [1967] 120-129) demanded that proper procedures be followed in the trials against Christians and pressure from the local populace be resisted. As such, it attests the hostility against Christians, but does not indicate the existence of a general law against them. The most convincing explanation seems to be a combination between the cognitio extra ordinem, a trial procedure which gave the local magistrate a greater liberty in the assessment the acts of paul and thecla 377

The charge will be repeatedly evoked by second century apologists like Justin, Athenagoras and Tertullian, by Clement of Alexandria and the early third century Passio Perpetuae108. Thus Christians’ conviction because of their mere being Christians (nomen ipsum, nomen Christianum) is widely attested in the second century, and there is no clear evidence to that before Pliny. Therefore Demas and Hermogenes’ suggestion that Tha- myris should simply accuse Paul of being a Christian and be sure that he will destroy him fits well the second century109. It reflects the situation of Christians who could easily face trial and condemnation for what they were during local outbursts of hostility. b) The Trial of Thecla in Antioch The Antioch-episode expresses different concerns. Thecla’s tearing Alexander’s χλαμύς and dashing the crown of his head is a symbolical assault against religious and imperial authority. This explains her condemnation ad bestias (εἰς θηρία; 4,2) on account of sacrilege (she is a ἱερόσυλος; 4.3)110. Strictly speaking, sacrilege (sacrilegium) meant theft of sacred property111, and was commonly liable to capital punishment, notably damnatio ad bestias for the humiliores112. Yet it seems that the term could also be used in a broader sense, to designate any violation of religious matters, laws, things and persons that deserved religious of the case and the interpretation of the laws, and the hostility of the population against Christians. Ste. Croix, Why Were the Early Christians Persecuted? (n. 105), pp. 6-38; Rives, Persecution (n. 97), pp. 208-210. The causes of the general hostility included atheism, Christians’ association with Jews, refusal to participate in public life, obstinacy and fanaticism, claim to superior morality, foreign, novel religion, aggressive discourse, causing familial and marital problems, secret rites, negative impact on economy (Rives, Persecu- tion, p. 210, summarising J. Walsh – G. Gottlieb, Zur Christenfrage im zweiten Jahr hundert, in Id. – P. Barceló, Christen und Heiden in Staat und Gesellschaft des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts, München, Vögel, 1992, 3-86 [21-53]). See also P. Hartog, Greco- Roman Understanding of Christianity, in D.J. Bingham (ed.), The Routledge Companion to Early Christian Thought, New York, Routledge, 2010, 51-67, pp. 59-61; Cook, Roman Attitudes (n. 78), pp. 151-156. For the cognitio: A. Berger, Cognitio extra ordinem, in Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law 43 (1953), p. 394. 108. Just., 1 Apol. 4.1-3; 2 Apol. 2,16; Athenag., Leg. 1.3; 2,1-5; Tertul., Apol. 1.4; Nat. 1.3.1; 3.3; Passio Perpetuae (M. Perp. 6.4), Clem. Alex., Strom. 4.79.3; cf. Rives, Persecution (n. 97), pp. 202-203; M. Pujiula, Körper und christliche Lebensweise: Clemens von Alexandreia und sein Paidagogos, Berlin, de Gruyter, 2006, p. 18; Snyder, Acts of Paul (n. 62), pp. 137-138. 109. Ramsay, Church (n. 2), p. 392 (a later date, not the first century); F. Wieacker – U. Manthe – M. Bolten, Römische Rechtsgeschichte 2: Die Jurisprudenz vom frühen Prinzipat bis zum Ausgang der Antike, München, Beck, 2006, p. 153. 110. On the political meaning Price, Rituals (n. 43), p. 170; Esch-Wermeling, Thekla (n. 39), p. 287. On the meaning of the term: LSJ 823-824, s.v. ἱεροσυλέω κτλ. 111. Dig. 48.13.11.1 (Paulus l.S. de iudic. publ.): Sunt autem sacrilegi, qui publica sacra compilaverunt; Rives, Persecution (n. 97), p. 205. 112. Dig. 48.13.7 (Ulpianus 7 de off. procons.); 48.13.11pr. Paulus l.S. de iudic. publ.. 378 k. zamfir reverence113. “Sacrilegious” could also denote involvement in suspect collegia or practices114. Thecla’s deed fits this broader sense of sacrilege: it is an act of impiety against a person with a religious function, a violation of sacred and political borders115. Although Thecla asserts her high status in the opening of the Antioch-episode, after being expelled from her city she becomes a stranger (26/4.1) and perhaps an outlaw; this would match the severe punishment. Significantly, a little later than the APTh, Tertullian evokes that Christians who do not sacrifice on behalf of the emperor or do not worship the gods are accused of sacrilegium and maiestas116. It is debated whether Tertullian uses sacrilegium here as a juridical term117, but it is unlikely that he had made up the charge against Christians.

III. conclusions

The re-examination of the APTh seems to confirm the composite character of the work, which grew through a process of re-writing and editing of an earlier tradition. Whether this was an oral legend or one or more written texts, it is not my purpose to decide118. The simple liturgical formulas and rites and the lesser degree of institutionalisation may suggest an earlier stratum119. Yet, the evidence itself can be interpreted in more than one way. It can also suggest that even well into the second century less institutionalised communities and “simple” forms of

113. L. Schmitz, s.v. sacrilegium, in W. Smith, A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, London, John Murray, 1875, 1000, referring to Corn. Nep., Alcib. 6; Ovid., Met. XIV.539, Rem. Am. 367, Fast. III.700; Cod. Theodos. 9.29.1-2 (“even a doubt as to whether a person appointed by an emperor to some office was worthy of this office, was to be regarded as a crime equal to sacrilegium”); Adolf Berger, s.v. sacrilegium: “who through ignorance or negligence confound, violate or offend the sanctity of a divine law”, Encyclopedical Dictionary of Roman Law, 43.2 (1953) 688-689 (he takes divine to mean imperial). 114. J.B. Rives, Magic, Religion, and Law, in Ando – Rüpke (eds.), Religion and Law (n. 77), 47-67, p. 63 quotes a reference to [Cic.], In Sall. 14: the historian Sallust became involved in the association of Nigidius Figulus (abiit in sodalicium sacrilege Nigidius), a Pythagorean scholar and Cicero’s friend, who apparently has shown interest in divination and astrology. 115. Ramsay, Church (n. 2), p. 398; Esch-Wermeling, Thekla (n. 39), p. 129. Price associates the sacrilege of Thecla with other offensive acts against imperial statues and images and the assault against a priest (Rituals [n. 43], pp. 170, 195). 116. Tert., Apol. X.1; Rives, Persecution (n. 97), p. 205. 117. R.A. Bauman tended to downplay the technical sense, Tertullian and the Crime of Sacrilegium, in Journal of Religious History 4 (1967) 175-183. 118. For an earlier dating, A. Hilhorst, Tertullian on the Acts of Paul, in Bremmer, The Acts (n. 4), pp. 150-163. 119. Ramsey, Church (n. 2), p. 421 (the Christological baptismal formula, the simple worship, the meeting in private houses belong to the first century). the acts of paul and thecla 379 worship still existed, and that regional and even local diversity was still very high. The assessment of the political context faces us with the same dilemma. It reveals accusations against Christians that were already present in the first century and others that are characteristic for the second century. To be sure, the ongoing debate about the grounds for persecuting Christians in the first two centuries and the controversial interpretations of ancient literary sources among historians show how little we know about the political context of earliest Christianity. This leads us to the second remark. The analysis shows that in spite of the novelistic and hagiographic features, the legendary and sometimes fantastic details, the writing may provide valuable information about the ecclesial, social and political realities of an early Christian community. Leaving aside all apologetic intent about the historicity of the narrative, the APTh is not mere fiction. It is a witness to the life, beliefs, structures and practices of an early Christian community. Referring to the process of canonisation, Christoph Markschies described the second century as a sort of laboratory in the history of Christianity, which was characterised during the process of community formation by a broad variety of institutional forms and by very diverse expressions of theological reflection120. The APTh are one space of this laboratory, where ascetic Christians with a specific manner of understanding their faith test ways of shaping community life and forms of liturgical expression. The apocrypha mirror the diversity that characterised the life of early Christian groups121. The APTh also reflect the strained relationship between Christians and their own society, which at times led to intense hostility, notably against Christians less integrated into society. It is perhaps not by accident that the clash with a hostile pagan environment comes up notably in the ascetic-encratic apocryphal acts.

Babes-Bolyai University Korinna Zamfir Faculty of Roman Catholic Theology Iuliu Maniu 5 400095 Cluj Romania [email protected]

Research Associate (Old & New Testament) Stellenbosch University

120. Markschies – Schröter – Heiser (eds.), Antike christliche Apokryphen (n. 11), p. 34. 121. Nicklas, Christliche Apokryphen (n. 26), pp. 29, 44. 380 k. zamfir

Abstract. — The essay re-examines the ecclesial and social realities mirrored by the Acts of Paul and Thecla [APTh] and explores the community behind the text on the hypothesis that the writing reflects practices that had to be known by the author and the readers. The APTh reveals realities of the community and its social environment, Roman traditions and judicial practices, and even invokes historical characters. In spite of the novelistic and hagiographic features, and the legendary and sometimes fantastic details, the APTh is not mere fiction. It is a witness to the life, beliefs, structures and practices of an early Christian community.