DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2015-013

An Initial Appreciation of the Dialect Situation in Saluan and Batui (Eastern Sulawesi, Indonesia)

David Mead and Edy Pasanda An Initial Appreciation of the Dialect Situation in Saluan and Batui (Eastern Sulawesi, Indonesia)

David Mead and Edy Pasanda

Maps prepared by Matt Connor and John Noya

SIL International® 2015

SIL Electronic Survey Report 2015-013, November 2015 © 2015 SIL International® All rights reserved Abstract

In the eastern peninsula of the island of Sulawesi, Indonesia, the fifteenth edition of the Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) lists two Saluan languages: Coastal Saluan and Kahumamahon Saluan. Based on a survey of the Saluan area conducted in July, 2006, we conclude that this division is unjustified—only one Saluan language need be recognized, though with various dialects as we explore in this paper. Our conclusions are based on a consideration of lexical similarity (lexicostatistics), historical sound change, and informal sociolinguistic interviews. During the course of this survey, we also collected information on the small Batui lect, also known in the literature as Baha, and previously classified as a dialect of Pamona. In actuality Batui is a language closely related to Saluan. With the merger of Coastal and Kahumamahon Saluan as a single language and the recognition of Batui as a separate language, the total number of recognized languages in the Saluan-Banggai microgroup remains at six languages. An appendix presents eleven wordlists from Saluan and one from Batui. Contents

Abstract Ringkasan 1 Introduction 1.1 Current administrative boundaries 1.2 Research sites 1.3 Saluan and Batui in the literature 1.3.1 Mondono (also Mandona, Mandano, Mandana, Mandono, Mondonu, Mondone, Modone, Mendono) 1.3.2 Loinang (also La-Inang, Loindang, Lojnang, Loinan, Luinan, Loenan, Toloina) 1.3.3 Saluan 1.3.4 Madi 1.3.5 Baha and Batui 2 The evidence from lexicostatistics 3 The evidence from sound changes 3.1 Final long vowels in Saluan and Batui 3.2 Merger of final *l and *n 4 The evidence from sociolinguistic interviews 4.1 Village-by-village responses 4.2 Summary 5 Conclusions Appendix A: Lexical similarity matrices (Swadesh 100) Appendix B: Wordlists References

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Ringkasan

Tulisan ini merupakan laporan atas survei kami pada daerah bahasa Saluan dan Batui. Saluan merupakan salah satu bahasa daerah induk di semenanjung timur Propinsi Sulawesi Tengah. Menurut sebagian dari atlas-atlas bahasa (Sneddon 1983, Wurm 1994), hanya ada satu bahasa Saluan. Referensi bahasa lain, bagaimanapun juga, seperti edisi ke-15 Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) membedakan ada dua bahasa: bahasa Saluan Pesisir dan bahasa lainnya yang disebut Saluan Kahumamahon. Tentu saja memungkinkan untuk mengidentifikasi suku yang disebut dengan suku Kahumamahon, yang telah diperhitungkan sebagai suku terasing yang berada di pedalaman kecamatan Nuhon, namun diragukan apakah bahasa kelompok ini dapat dianggap sebagai bahasa yang terpisah. Untuk tujuan penyelidikan yang lebih mendetil, pada bulan Juli 2006, dengan dukungan kantor Badan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Daerah di Palu dan Luwuk, kami mengadakan penjajakan di daerah Saluan. Dari kecamatan Nuhon hingga kecamatan Boalemo di pantai utara dan dari Kecamatan Luwuk Timur hingga Kecamatan Batui di pantai selatan, kami mengunjungi dua belas lokasi, dengan tujuan untuk mengumpulkan informasi mengenai perbendaharaan kata dan menyebarkan angket kuisioner sosiolingustik. Kami menyimpulkan bahwa tidak perlu membedakan diantara kedua bahasa Saluan. Hanya ada satu bahasa Saluan, yang kami bagi dalam tiga dialek, yaitu: dialek Loinang, dialek Luwuk dan dialek Kintom-Pangimana-Boalemo (Kipabo). Dialek Loinang ternyata mengandung tiga subdialek yaitu Lingketeng, Baloa’ dan Kahumama'on. Dialek Loinang dipakai pada bagian pedalaman dulu, khususnya sepanjang sungai Sensean dan Lobu, namun sepanjang abad yang lalu, orang-orang ini telah meninggalkan desa-desa asal mereka dan telah berdikari di berbagai lokasi sepanjang pantai. Dialek Luwuk dipakai umumnya di kecamatan Luwuk dan Luwuk Timur. Dialek Kimtom-Pagimana-Boalemo (Kipabo) tentu dipakai di kecamatan Kintom, Pagimana dan Boalemo dan juga di bagian-bagian tertentu di kecamatan Bunta dan Nuhon. Hubungan diantara ketiga dialek ini adalah sebagai berikut. Luwuk dapat dianggap sebagai dialek inti. Dialek Luwuk sangat mirip dengan dialek Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo dalam hal perbendaharaan kata, sebab banyak kata yang sama diantara kedua dialek ini. Bagaimanapun, dialek Luwuk juga mirip dialek Loinang dalam hal konsonan l pada akhir kata menjadi n. Coba perhatikan kata-kata berikut ini.

Loinang Luwuk Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo

tuli mabongon mabongon mabongol tumpul mokujun mokujun mokujul sukar mahan mahan mahal celana saluan saluan salual

Meskipun perbedaan ini dan perbedaan dalam perbendaharaan kata, dilaporkan kepada kami bahwa orang yang berbicara dalam tiga dialek tersebut dapat saling mengerti satu dengan yang lain. Namun, tidak demikian dengan jenis bahasa yang bernama Batui, yang dipakai di kelurahan Balantang, Tolando, Sisipan dan Batui di Kecamatan Batui. Ketika membandingkan dua ratus kata dalam perbendaharaan kata yang mendasar, Batui berbeda dengan dialek-dialek Saluan lainnya rata-rata seperempat kali. Cobalah perhatikan kata-kata berikut ini:

Batui Loinang Luwuk Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo

telur ontolu nggalau' nggalau' nggalau' kelapa potil niuː niuː niuː dinding hinding pimpi' pimpi' pimpi' baik kopian ma'ima' ma'ima' ma'ima' jahat mahamu' ma'idek ma'idek ma'idek

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Disebabkan oleh perbedaan yang mencolok ini, dan juga karena pendapat yang kuat dari orang- orang Batui sendiri, kami menganggap Batui adalah bahasa yang terpisah, meskipun sangat berhubungan dekat dengan bahasa Saluan.1 Di sini diberikan penjelasan singkat, bagian per bagian sinopsis dari karya ilmiah ini.

Bagian 1 adalah gambaran umum pengetahuan terkini mengenai situasi bahasa di Kabupaten Banggai dan alasan mengapa kami meneliti di daerah bahasa Saluan.

Bagian 1.1 merupakan gambaran umum mengenai kondisi pembagian geografis dan politik di Kabupaten Banggai.

Bagian 1.2 merupakan penjelasan mengenai dua belas tempat dimana kami mengumpulkan data selama penelitian kami.

Bagian 1.3 merupakan kilasan nama-nama lain dimana bahasa Saluan pernah disebut selama masa penjajahan Belanda, yaitu bahasa Mendono, bahasa Loinang, bahasa Saluan dan bahasa Madi. Kami juga menjelaskan mengapa seorang ahli bahasa Belanda Adriani salah mengklasifikasi Batui (yang mana dia sebut dengan bahasa Baha) sebagai suatu dialek bahasa Pamona.

Bagian 2 menyajikan hasil-hasil dari perbandingan leksikal. Sepasang demi sepasang, setiap pasangan daftar kata dibandingkan dengan tujuan untuk menghitung persentasi tertentu dari kesamaan leksikal (jumlah kata-kata yang dianggap sama, dibagi dengan jumlah jawaban-jawaban dikalikan dengan angka 100). Kami menghitung dengan membandingkan dua ratus kata (kata seperti ‘kepala,’ ‘rambut,’ ‘mata,’ ‘hidung,’ ‘mulut,’ dsb., sampai dengan dua ratus kata) berdasarkan daftar standar yang disebut dengan daftar Swadesh 200. Secara umum, bila dua daftar kata bernilai diatas 80% sama secara leksikal, mereka dapat dianggap termasuk dalam bahasa yang sama. Hasil-hasil ini disajikan dalam bentuk bagan dan grafik.

Bagian 3 merupakan diskusi mengenai perubahan bunyi historis, yang menunjukkan bahasa Batui, Babongko, Andio dan Saluan sangat erat hubungan diantaranya dari perspektif hubungan kekerabatan.

Bagian 3.1 merupakan diskusi mengenai bunyi vokal panjang akhir dalam bahasa Saluan dan Batui. Contohnya, ketika kami mengukur cara orang Saluan mengucapkan kata siku ‘siku’ dan iku ‘ekor,’ kami dapat melihat bahwa bunyi vokal akhir u dari iku diartikulasikan hampir dua kali lebih panjang (sepanjang ~ 0.30 detik) dibandingkan dengan bunyi vokal akhir u dari siku (~ 0.15 detik).2 Simbol yang digunakan para ahli bahasa untuk vokal yang panjang adalah tanda titik dua yang menggunakan persegi tiga ( ː ), sehingga untuk Saluan ditulis ikuː ‘ekor.’ Secara umum, semua daerah Saluan konsisten dalam hal bunyi vokal akhir mana yang diartikulasikan lebih panjang, namun beberapa kata Saluan dengan bunyi vokal panjang akhir diartikulasikan dengan bunyi vokal pendek di daerah Batui, contohnya Saluan pusoː ‘pusat’ (diartikulasi dengan bunyi vokal panjang pada akhir kata) dibandingkan Batui puso (diartikulasikan dengan bunyi vokal yang biasa).

Bagian 3.2 mendiskusikan perubahan bunyi historis dalam hal mana bunyi l akhir menjadi bunyi n akhir dalam dialek Luwuk dan Loinang di bahasa Saluan. Migrasi orang Loinang dari daerah pedalaman ke daerah pesisir pada abad ke-20 juga didiskusikan.

1Sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam risalah oleh Charles dan Barbara Dix Grimes (1987:viii), “Orang awam seringkali berpendapat bahwa bila hanya menjumlah kecil orang memakai suatu bahasa, maka bahasa tersebut tak dapat disebutkan ‘bahasa,’ tetapi ‘dialek’ saja. Namun demikian, para ahli bahasa tidak membedakan antara bahasa dan dialek berdasarkan jumlah pemakai bahasa, tetapi berdasarkan faktor-faktor lain, misalnya, persentasi kesamaan kosa kata, kesamaan sistem bunyi, kesamaan struktur, faktor pengertian, faktor-faktor sosial, dsb.” Dari enam bahasa yang merupakan rumpun bahasa Saluan-Banggai, ada tiga bahasa dengan ribuan penutur—Saluan, Banggai and Balantak—namun ada juga tiga bahasa yang penuturnya hanya dua ribu atau kurang, yaitu Bobongko (di kepulauan Togian), Andio (di Kecamtan Masama) dan Batui. 2Bunyi vokal panjang adalah akibat monoftongisasi diftong di akhir kata, misalnya kata dalam bahasa Austronesia Purba *ikuR menjadi *ikuy, lalu menjadi iku di Saluan dan Batui. ː vi

Bagian 4 memuat informasi mengenai wawancara sosiolinguistik, khusunya pendapat dari orang Saluan sendiri bagaimana mereka melihat hubungan diantara dialek-dialek yang ada.

Bagian 5 menjelaskan mengenai kesimpulan kami, yaitu bahwa hanya ada satu bahasa Saluan dengan tiga dialek. Lagi pula, Batui bukanlah dialek dari Pamona namun merupakan bahasa daerah tersendiri, meskipun sangat dekat hubungannya dengan bahasa Saluan.

Appendix A memberikan angka persentasi kemiripan leksikal berdasarkan perbandingan hanya seratus kata.

Appendix B menyajikan dua belas daftar kata Saluan dan Batui yang kami kumpulkan selama penelitian kami. Tanggapan-tanggapan diwakili oleh penggunaan Abjad Fonetik Internasional (IPA), suatu sistim penulisan yang digunakan oleh para ahli bahasa. 1 Introduction

As recently as the fifteenth edition of the Ethnologue (Gordon 2005), two Saluan languages have been located on the eastern arm of Sulawesi, Indonesia: Coastal Saluan and Kahumamahon Saluan. We know of two potential justifications for this division, neither one of which, however, is necessarily linguistic in nature. First, the Kahumamahon Saluan people have been singled out by the Indonesian government as a suku terasing (suku ‘tribe, division,’ terasing ‘separated, isolated, secluded’), that is to say, they live in remote areas, follow traditional customs, and lack integration into the national culture (Team Survey 1974; Sukiyah, Silvana, and Hitipeuw 1995). Second, two separate efforts have been undertaken to translate the Bible into Saluan: one by New Tribes Missions personnel working in the interior village of Simpang (representing the ‘Kahumamahon’ variety), and the other by the Indonesian Bible Society, working in locations on the coast (thus representing the ‘Coastal’ variety). Given that other linguistic atlases such as Salzner (1960), Sneddon (1983), and Wurm (1994) recognize only one Saluan language, and that furthermore even in the Ethnologue, a geographical boundary between the two putative languages had never been drawn, we set out to do what no linguist had done before: canvass the entire Saluan area in order to determine language and dialect boundaries. Building in part on the survey work of Busenitz (1991), which covered a portion of the Saluan area, in July of 2006 we undertook a survey of the entire Saluan area. Our goals were to clarify the dialect situation in the Saluan area and to determine if there was indeed a linguistic basis for recognizing two distinct Saluan languages. To this end, we gathered wordlists and sociolinguistic information from twelve primary research sites covering the breadth of the Saluan language area,3 including the supposed Kahumamahon (emended, and hereafter in this paper: Kahumama'on) language area. In this paper, we look at three factors to determine language relatedness: lexical similarity (lexicostatistics), historical sound change, and the results of sociolinguistic interviews. Whilst in terms of word stock Kahumama'on is somewhat lexically divergent, the consensus is that it should be considered a dialect of Saluan. During the course of our survey of the Saluan language area, we also gathered information on the Batui speech variety, sometimes also known under the name of Baha. Based on extremely thin evidence, the pioneering Dutch linguist Nicolaus Adriani classified Batui as a dialect of Pamona (Adriani and Kruyt 1914:14). Having at last collected solid information on Batui, we demonstrate that it is not a Pamona dialect, but instead is closely related to Saluan. Nonetheless, we consider it distinct enough to be considered a separate language. The basis for drawing language and dialect boundaries is presented in the following sections. In §2 we present the results of a lexicostatistical comparison. In §3 we begin with an overview of sound change in the Saluan-Banggai languages. This provides background to a discussion of two further sound changes which crosscut the Saluan and Batui language area: the development and loss of contrastive vowel length (§3.1), and the merger of *l and *n as /n/ in word final position (§3.2). In §4 we briefly discuss the results of sociolinguistic interviews. Our conclusions, including a new map of the Saluan- Banggai group of languages, are given in §5. An appendix presents eleven Saluan wordlists and one Batui wordlist. Before proceeding to the heart of this paper, we give additional background information. In §1.1 we give current political boundaries in the surveyed area; in §1.2 we briefly discuss the locations where we collected data; and in §1.3 we discuss references to Saluan in the extant literature and the various names by which this language had previously been identified.

3We gratefully acknowledge the Badan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Daerah offices in Palu and in Luwuk, and their officers and staff, particularly Drs. Nurhan Maadji, for their sponsorship and assistance in this survey. 1

2

1.1 Current administrative boundaries

The Saluan homeland lies within the boundaries of the current regency (Indonesian: kabupaten) of Banggai.4 This regency, with its capital of Luwuk, comprises thirteen districts (Indonesian: kecamatan), shown in map 1. The three southeastern districts of Balantak, Lamala, and Masama are the traditional homeland of the Balantak language area (the small Andio enclave is also located in Masama). The two most southwestern districts, Toili and Toili Barat, were traditionally a kind of no man’s land or disputed area between the Saluan peoples and their Bungku neighbors, who claimed control of the coastline further to the west (Goedhart 1908:489–490). The area was rich in dammar pines, and trade in dammar resin was likely a factor which spurred settlement of this area beginning more than a century ago. Today Toili and Toili Barat are largely populated by transmigrants from places such as Java and Bali, as well as by Bugis, Pamona, and other peoples who have migrated locally from other parts of Sulawesi.

Map 1. The Banggai Regency

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission. The remaining eight districts are the traditional homeland of the Saluan people. Below we discuss certain Saluan peoples who formerly lived in the interior. At present, however, the vast majority of Saluan people live on or within only a few kilometers of the coast. In fact today the entire regency is circumscribed by an all-weather coastal road, which is also linked across the ‘neck’ through the village of Salodik. Beyond Nuhon district in the northwest, this road links the Banggai Regency with Poso, and from there to Palu, the capital of Central Sulawesi. Only in the extreme southwest (Toili and Toili Barat districts) does the road turn rutted and a bit tortuous. In this direction one can travel by car only as far as Kolo Atas (in the Morowali Regency); points further west are normally reached by boat.

4This regency is so named because it used to also include the Banggai archipelago. In 1999 the Banggai islands became their own regency, named the Banggai Archipelago Regency (Kabupaten Banggai Kepulauan). 3

1.2 Research sites

In preparing for this survey, we already had in hand four wordlists collected in 1988 by the SIL linguist Robert Busenitz in Kintom, Lumpoknyo, Sampaka, and Bahingin villages, and a fifth wordlist kindly provided to us by Robert Brown, representing the interior village of Simpang. Whilst we chose to revisit these five locations to collect sociolinguistic information and sometimes to also record a small amount of additional Saluan data, the wordlists were of sufficient quality that we were free to concentrate our efforts on ‘rounding out’ a picture of the Saluan dialect area. In total, we collected six other wordlists, while a companion team, sent to the Banggai archipelago, managed to also collect a short wordlist representing a Saluan community located in Leme-leme Bungin village. In all, we can count twelve (5 + 6 + 1) primary research sites, for which we have wordlist and sociolinguistic data. These twelve sites are shown in map 2.

Map 2. Saluan and Batui survey primary research sites

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission. A few notes about these sites are in order. First, the ‘Kondongan’ wordlist was collected outside of the area. Our respondents for this wordlist were two men from Kondongan village who had come to shop in the town of Pagimana, and who were returning by boat to Kondongan the next morning. Because we worked late at night with tired respondents, some items were not filled in, while other responses on this list are representative of the local variety of trade Malay rather than bona fide Saluan. Second, for ‘Simpang’ we collected information only on the coast. We did not visit the asli (‘true, original’) village of Simpang, which lay another eight hours by foot toward the interior. Our respondents, however, were people who had grown up in Simpang Asli. Third, we were not entirely successful in collecting wordlist data which truly represents the extreme northwest and southwest extent of the Saluan dialect area. The residents of Pakowa Bunta acknowledge that they represent a fairly recent migration from Pakowa village in the Pagimana subdistrict (and even carried the name of ‘Pakowa’ to their new home). Of our two wordlists taken in the extreme southwest, the Tolando wordlist represents the Batui lect (which we do not consider to be Saluan), while the 4

Honbola wordlist represents the Saluan language of people who only recently migrated here from the interior village (now uninhabited) of Tambunan. The responsibility for this lack is entirely ours.

1.3 Saluan and Batui in the literature

Up until the twentieth century, the Saluan people remained barely a footnote to the more important Banggai kingdom located on the archipelago to the southeast of the eastern peninsula of Sulawesi. In writings of the Dutch colonial period, the Saluan people were known by four names: Mondono, Loinang, Saluan and Madi. We discuss each of these terms in turn, and conclude with a discussion of the so-called Baha language, but more properly known as Batui, which is closely related to Saluan.

1.3.1 Mondono (also Mandona, Mandano, Mandana, Mandono, Mondonu, Mondone, Modone, Mendono)

One of the oldest names by which the Saluan language is known in Dutch writings is that of Mondono. This name derives from the Mendono River, which also lent its name to the village located where this river empties into the Gulf of Tolo. Valentijn, writing in 1724, mentioned two regions on the coast opposite Banggai: Balante or Balantak, which produced a lot of rice, and Modone, Mondone or Mandano, which he said was fairly fertile (Valentijn 1724:80, 1856:221). Bosscher and Matthijssen (1853:90–94) described Mondono as a prosperous, second capital of the Banggai kingdom, with a population of 575 people. De Clercq noted that only in Mandono was there an utusan (representative) of the Sultan of Ternate on the mainland, but considered the town to be run-down (1890:133). J. G. F. Riedel, who published much about the Sulawesi region but unfortunately was not known for his linguistic acumen, distinguished Loinan spoken on the north coast of the eastern peninsula from Mondonu and Balanta spoken on the south of the peninsula opposite Banggai (Riedel 1868:44, footnote 8; 1889:13). He was thus the first to use Mondonu—later revised to Mondono—as a language name. Brandes, following “better data,” concluded that the Mondono and Balantak languages “can very well nevertheless be considered merely dialects of Loinan” (1894:xix–xx) (our translation).5 To anyone passing through the village of Mendono today, there is little to distinguish it from any other coastal hamlet, and only a keramat (holy place) on top of a hill suggests its former importance.6 Certain families who trace their origin to this village, however, remain important in regional politics.

1.3.2 Loinang (also La-Inang, Loindang, Lojnang, Loinan, Luinan, Loenan, Toloina)

The term ‘Loinang’ has both narrow and broad uses. As far as we have been able to trace things, the term Loinang first appeared in the literature in Bosscher and Matthijssen’s list of negorijen (native villages) of the Mondono district (1853:94), where a side note indicated that “east and west La-Inang” were mountain villages. Riedel used the spelling Loinan on his 1868 map and in the accompanying prose description. In its traditional and narrow use, Loinang referred to certain peoples (and their language) who formerly inhabited interior portions on the northern divide of the peninsula, in particular areas drained by the Lobu, Toimaa, Bunta, Bohotokong and Kalumbanga rivers (all of these rivers empty into the Tomini Bay to the west of Pagimana). Kruyt (1930) divided the Loinang into two groups, the Lingketeng clan and the Baloa clan. In the conclusions to this paper, we also use Loinang in this narrow sense, that is, as a cover term for the (formerly) ‘interior’ dialects of Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on (this last

5 It is unclear where Brandes’s ‘better data’ came from. Whilst combining Loinang and Mondono was justified, Balantak is rightfully a separate language. This error was corrected on the language map in Adriani and Kruyt (1914), with correctly-placed language locations finally appearing in Esser (1938). 6 Kruyt reports that upon his visit in 1928, the district head of Mendono was in fact living in Lambangan, on the north coast a few kilometers east of Pagimana (Kruyt 1930:331). 5

was subsumed by Kruyt under his ‘Baloa’). According to Kruyt’s respondents, in origin the name ‘Loinang’ was an exonym.7 Riedel used this term in a broader way, noting that “following information of the natives, Loinan is also used in the regions of Hata, Saluan, Pati-pati and Boalemo or Aaulimo” (Riedel 1868:44, footnote 8) (our translation). Whilst Riedel himself did not specify where these regions were located, the last three are all found on Van Musschenbroek’s contemporaneous map (Van Musschenbroek 1878, 1879).8 A relevant portion of this map is reproduced in map 3. From this, it is clear that Riedel intended his term ‘Loinan’ to include all of the language area on the northern coast (up to the Balantak language area), and opposed this to his ‘Mondono’ language spoken on the southern coast.

Map 3. Extract from Van Musschenbroek’s 1878 map

Van Musschenbroek (1878). Public domain. As noted above, Brandes (1894) further extended the term Loinang (his Loeinansch) to include the language spoken on the southern coast as well, effectively doing away with Riedel’s Mondono language. Whilst we believe this to have been the right move—recognizing the linguistic unity of the northern and southern halves of the peninsula—it is moot whether ‘Loinang’ was the correct cover term to use. In our own investigations, we encountered people who used the term narrowly and others who used it broadly. On the south coast, for example, one lady was definite that she was not Loinang; Loinang people lived on the north coast, she said, and she singled out the people of Asa'an village as an example (on what basis we do not know, but several times this village in the Lingketeng area was mentioned to us to be relatively free from outside influences). Others, however, when asked about Loinang, told us there are three suku Lo (Lo divisions or ‘tribes’): the Loinang people who speak Saluan, the Lo’on people who speak Balantak, and the Lowo people who speak Banggai.9 For them, Loinang appears to be a term of cultural unity by which they distinguish themselves from other people groups living in the area, including not only the Balantak and the Banggai, but also others such as the Pamona and Gorontalo. At

7Kruyt (1930:328) writes, “Concerning the name Loinang, I have been able to gain no insight. As it often goes with such names, the people do not name themselves so. ‘We know that outsiders call us To Loinang,’ they say, ‘but we do not know the word’ ” (our translation). Barr and Barr (1979:36) suggest that Loinang is a Banggai term (meaning ‘primitive people’), but we were unable to confirm this. 8Hata (correctly: hataː with long vowel) simply means ‘level area, plain’ in the Saluan language, and its precise reference is unclear to us. Perhaps by it Riedel intended the extensive coastal plain around the present-day city of Bunta. 9No meaning is attached to ‘Lo’; it simply happens (by chance, or forgotten historical origin) to be the onset syllable of the names Loinang, Lo’on and Lowo. These are thus the three principal people groups of the Saluan-Banggai group. Sometimes people we talked to also acknowledged the smaller Andio people group as an afterthought, but the Bobongko and Batui people were never brought into this scheme. 6 the same time, however, the term ‘Loinang’ often also brought to mind a period when people lived more primitively than today and life was punctuated by intra-ethnic warfare.

Maps 4. Four views of the language situation on Sulawesi’s eastern peninsula

In summary, we can state: (a) ‘Loinang’ originally referred to certain groups living in the interior of the northern half of the peninsula, and by extension to their language; (b) even as an appellation for just these people, it appears that Loinang was originally an exonym; (c) the further extension of the term Loinang to the entire area was a Dutch invention, which has been partly assimilated by the people themselves; (d) even when people refer to themselves as being ethnically ‘Loinang’ (in the broader sense), they refer to their language as Saluan; and (e) the term Loinang, perhaps in keeping with its original reference, sometimes still carries connotations of not being properly civilized.

1.3.3 Saluan

According to Kruyt (1930), the term Saluan originally applied to a settled area on the northern coast of the eastern peninsula of Sulawesi,10 but it came to be adopted as the name for the language spoken there and similar varieties elsewhere on the peninsula. While Dutch authors of the first half of the twentieth century such as Adriani (Adriani and Kruyt 1914:82–87), Gobée (1929), and Esser (1938) continued to use the term Loinang (or less correctly, Loinan), more recent authors—including among others Barr and Barr (1979), Rozali et al. (1982), Hente et al. (1984), Wumbu et al. (1986), Huong, Pawennari and Rahim (1995), and Hente, Baisu and Ansan (2000)—have all preferred to use Saluan as the name for this language, and we heartily concur. During the course of our investigations, we encountered no objections to people calling their language Saluan, even among so-called ‘Loinang’ peoples. The only exception was among the Batui, who insisted that their language was not Saluan. We return to this last point below.

1.3.4 Madi

The term Madi has also been employed as an alternate name for Saluan (Goedhart 1908:476; Adriani and Kruyt 1914:544–555; Salzner 1960:14). It is derived from the negative term madi' (/madiɁ/) ‘no, not.’ This practice was promulgated by the Dutch, who were perhaps struck by the propensity for each

10While Kruyt (1930:328) claimed that the original Saluan people inhabited an area on the kop ‘head’ of the eastern peninsula, other mapmakers that place Saluan generally locate it near present-day Toimaa and Lontio villages, or roughly twenty-five kilometers west of Pagimana. See for example Topografischen Dienst (1940). Pinpointing the original denotation of ‘Saluan’ requires further investigation. 7

language to employ its own negative term.11 Whilst such language names have been adopted and are still in use in a few places of Sulawesi, the convention of identifying languages after their negative term no longer has currency in the Saluan area.

1.3.5 Baha and Batui

In his 1908 report of a trip through the Bungku, Mori and Banggai areas, the Dutch administrator O. E. Goedhart reported two languages to be spoken in the Batui district: the Ido or Daido language spoken in the village of Sinohowan,12 and the Baha language spoken in the district capital of Batui (Goedhart 1908:477). In both cases he had named these languages after their negative terms. For the former he provided enough information to classify it as a dialect of Pamona, but for the latter he provided no data other than the name, that is the negative term, which in fact he had mistranscribed—in actuality the word for ‘no’ in Batui is mbaha' /mbahaɁ/. Having only this single datum to go by, when Adriani prepared his language map of the Celebes (Adriani and Kruyt 1914), he decided to list Baha as a dialect of Pamona, perhaps influenced by the apparent similarity with the negative term bare'e in standard Pamona.13 As discussed below, our conclusions concerning the so-called Baha language—better named Batui—are entirely different. This lect is not a Pamona dialect; rather, by all measures it is clearly a sister language to Saluan.

2 The evidence from lexicostatistics

In this section we present the results of a lexicostatistical comparison. By lexicostatistical comparison, we simply mean a procedure whereby two wordlists are compared item by item, and the responses judged as either the ‘same’ or ‘different.’ The number of items which are the same, divided by the total number of items compared, gives a measure (usually expressed as a percentage) of lexical similarity between the varieties represented by the two wordlists. Repeated pairwise for a number of wordlists, this method has proved valuable for giving an initial overview of relationships within a language area. For lexical comparison, we had available the following Sulawesi Umbrella (488-item) wordlists from across the Saluan-Banggai language area:

Andio one wordlist collected by Robert Busenitz in August 1988 Balantak seven wordlists collected by Robert Busenitz in August 1988 Saluan twelve wordlists, including: - four wordlists collected by Robert Busenitz in August 1988 - one wordlist collected by Robert Brown in October 2001 - five wordlists collected by David Mead and Edy Pasanda in July 2006 - a partially completed wordlist collected by Kristina Tarp in July 2006 Batui one wordlist, collected by David Mead in July 2006 Banggai three wordlists, collected by Kristina Tarp in July 2006

11Likewise, Banggai was once also known as the Aki language, and Balantak as the Kosian language. 12During the course of our survey we attempted to collect information on the Ido (or Da’ido) lect as well. However, upon visiting Sinorang village (Sinoho'an is the Saluan name), we were told that the original Ido community no longer existed, and that the place was now occupied by Taa speakers who had migrated there within the past one hundred years. The Ido or Da’ido dialect of Pamona is thus very probably extinct; at any rate we were unable to uncover any evidence for its existence in the area where it was formerly spoken. 13Adriani writes, “Although we have not been able to get any, more specific information about this language, nonetheless we dare here to put forward the supposition that Baha is no other language than that of the To Wana. We thus include it among the subdialects of Taa and therewith to the Bare’e [=Pamona] language area” (Adriani and Kruyt 1914:14) (our translation). The only formal basis for this decision which Adriani recognized in writing was that “Mr. Goedhart also names the Baha language in the same breath with Taa” (1914:14) (our translation). Although strictly speaking this was true, in fact Goedhart (1908:476–477) mentioned three languages in the same clause, Madi (= Saluan), Baha, and Taa. 8

Since the Balantak and Banggai languages are outside the focus of this study, we included only one Balantak wordlist (from Tokuu village; see Busenitz 1991) and one Banggai wordlist (from Andean village, thus representing the Eastern dialect; see Aprilani, Tarp, and Susilawati 2010). Finally, in order to include data from all Saluan-Banggai languages, a Bobongko wordlist was compiled from the Bobongko lexical material available in Mead (In progress). A lexical comparison of all 488 items was not undertaken. Rather, lexical similarity scores were calculated twice off of the same database, using items corresponding to the 100- and 200-item Swadesh wordlists, as enumerated in Martens (1989b). Results based on comparing 200 items are presented in this section. Similarity scores derived from comparing only 100 items can be found in appendix A. Some adjustments, naturally, were necessary as to which items were actually included. The items ‘older brother’, ‘older sister’, and ‘younger brother’, ‘younger sister’ were omitted, since in Saluan- Banggai languages these are invariably compounds (literally ‘sibling old male/female’ and ‘sibling young male/female’). Instead we compared only responses for (generic) ‘sibling’. In addition, the following items were omitted, in order to avoid counting the same lexical items twice:

‘bark’ compounded from ‘skin’ + ‘wood’ ‘river’ overlap with ‘water’ and ‘wood’ ‘dust’ identical to ‘ash’ in Saluan languages ‘here’ overlap with the root in ‘this’ ‘there’ overlap with the root in ‘that’ ‘day’ overlap with ‘sun’

This left us with ninety-nine items to compare for the Swadesh 100 list, and an even two hundred items to compare for the Swadesh 200 list.14 In comparing individual lexical items and judging whether they were the same or different, we followed the criterion suggested by McElhanon (1967:8, cited in Sanders 1977:34) that two stems should be judged the same if fifty percent or more of their phonemes are similar, giving greater weight to consonant agreement than vowel agreement (Z’graggen 1971:6).15 In practice this criterion proved easy to apply. Table 1 gives the lexical similarity scores for the Saluan-Banggai group of languages as a whole. Because the comparison included several Saluan wordlists, the similarity scores between Saluan and other languages presented in table 1 are averaged values.

14The Balantak and Andio wordlists provided by Robert Busenitz did not include responses for ‘intestines’, ‘smooth’, ‘say, speak’, or ‘fight’, so these items were effectively discounted for these wordlists. Because there are actually several versions of the Swadesh 200 list, we follow the ‘collated’ version, containing 207 items, presented in Martens (1989b). 15In a diachronic lexicostatistical comparison, the criterion is strictly whether two forms are ‘cognate’ (inherited from the same protoform) or not, with borrowings excluded. In our approach, which is a synchronic comparison, even borrowed words can be counted as the ‘same’ provided they meet the stated criteria. For example, responses such as molekeng and morekeng ‘to count’ were judged the ‘same’, even though both are borrowed from Dutch rekenen. 9

Table 1. Matrix of Saluan-Banggai lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 200)

Bobongko

54 Batui

54 74 Saluan

48 60 62 Andio

37 46 49 64 Balantak

32 38 35 36 41 Banggai

A number of initial SIL surveys in Sulawesi have followed the general rule that similarity scores below 80% can be taken to indicate separate languages (Grimes and Grimes 1987; Friberg 1987, 1991; inter alia). However, in a study which investigated the correlation between lexical similarity scores and independent measures of intelligibility, Joseph Grimes (1988) concluded that only similarity scores below sixty percent reliably indicate that two speech varieties are indeed separate languages. Bearing this in mind, it is instructive to note that most of the similarity scores in table 1 not only fall below the ‘traditional’ 80% threshhold, but also fall below the more reliable 60% threshhold. Based on this criterion, for example, Bobongko and Banggai may safely be considered separate languages on the basis of lexical similarity alone. Andio scores 60% lexically similar with Batui, 62% lexically similar with Saluan, and 64% lexically similar with Balantak. These scores are at or marginally above the threshold. However, the position of Andio midway between these three other languages in fact makes it difficult to group Andio with one of them, to wit if Andio is not a separate language, then which language should it be considered a dialect of? The only questionable relationship in table 1 then is whether Batui—on average 74% lexically similar with Saluan—should be considered its own language or a dialect of Saluan. Table 2 shows the internal relationships between selected Saluan varieties16 (first eight rows of lexical similarity values) and Batui (ninth row).

16The Kondongan and Leme-leme Bungin sites are not included in table 2. The Kondongan wordlist contained a number of Malayisms and consequently scored low, while the Leme-leme Bungin wordlist was incomplete and did not include the full complement of Swadesh 200 items. 10

Table 2. Matrix of Saluan and Batui lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 200)

Simpang

85 Honbola

85 87 Bahingin

84 86 87 Pakowa Bunta

84 89 91 91 Sampaka

84 88 90 91 94 Kintom

80 85 89 87 91 91 Huhak

80 86 87 85 92 90 91 Lumpoknyo

79 87 84 85 90 90 93 90 Bantayan

70 72 73 74 75 76 75 77 75 Batui

Of note in table 2 is that, when compared to each other, all Saluan wordlists score above (sometimes well above) 80% lexically similar, the traditional cut-off point between language and dialect. The lone exception is Simpang-Bantayan, which at 79% lexically similar is marginally below this threshold. Batui, on the other hand, scores low versus all Saluan dialects. Figures 1 and 2 present these same results in a graphical fashion, using the method of clique analysis.17 In clique analysis, every wordlist location within a circle relates to all the other wordlists within that circle at or above the specified value of lexical similarity. We chose 90% and 84% as threshold values, as these percentages seemed particularly revealing of relationships within the Saluan area. At very high threshold values, each wordlist would be isolated within its own clique, while at low levels all wordlists would fall within a single clique. Such patterns, of course, would be unrevealing. In figures 1 and 2, geography is only roughly approximated and—in the placement of Sampaka—in fact distorted.

Pakowa Bunta Simpang Huhak Sampaka Bahingin Lumpoknyo Honbola Kintom Bantayan Batui

Figure 1. Clique analysis at threshold value of 90 percent lexical similarity.

17The method of clique analysis was presented to me by Joseph Grimes in a sociolinguistics survey course in 1984. I am not aware of a published resource which presents the methodology for clique analysis. 11

There are two things regarding figure 1 to which we would like to draw the reader’s attention. First, generally in the east, there is a large area—represented by Sampaka, Kintom, Huhak, Lumpoknyo and Bantayan—where all the wordlists relate to each other at or above 90 percent lexically similar. In an older scheme, these wordlists could be considered to represent ‘Coastal Saluan’—though given the overall high lexical similarity scores, they give the impression of constituting a dialect rather than a separate language. Furthermore, if we look at the wordlists which fall outside of this area (that is, outside the large circle on the right-hand side in figure 1), these are principally lists which represent the so-called ‘Loinang’ peoples (in the narrow sense as defined §1.3.2), specifically:

Simpang represents the Kahumama'on clan of Loinang Honbola represents the Baloa' clan of Loinang Bahingin represents the Lingketeng clan of Loinang

The only exception is the Pakowa Bunta wordlist, and at present we have no explanation as to why this list scores relatively low in comparison with other ‘Coastal Saluan’ varieties. The second thing to note in figure 1 is the centrality accorded to Kintom and Sampaka—a result which on the surface seems odd, since these places are not located close to each other (see map 2 above). Looking beyond geography, however, an explanation for their centrality is to be found in certain historical facts. As recounted by Kruyt (1930:341–350):

(a) The Boalemo area (where present-day Sampaka is located) with its principal settlement at Malik formerly served as capital of the entire Saluan area.

(b) Sometime in the second half of the eighteenth century, this capital was sacked by a combined force from Ternate and Gorontalo, after which a portion of the Saluan population of Boalemo was removed to Tilamuta in the Gorontalo area—presumably as prisoners-of-war—where their descendants live to this day (see also Riedel 1885).

(c) Owing to these same circumstances, a portion of the people and their rulers fled to the Kintom area, where they lived closer to, and were afforded protection by, the Banggai rulers, whom they now served as vassals.

It is also to be noted that people of the Lingketeng clan—but not people of the Baloa' or Kahumama'on clans—maintained regular relations with Kintom, whose ruler they regarded as their chief and to whom they paid a yearly tribute (Kruyt 1930:354 ff.). This is perhaps why our wordlist collected at Bahingin (former Lingketeng area) shows a greater affinity with Kintom than does either Honbola (former Baloa' area) or Simpang (Kahumama'on area)—even though at present Honbola is located only a few scant kilometers southwest of Kintom. We elaborate further on the topic of recent migrations in §3.2.

Simpang Pakowa Bunta

Huhak

Sampaka Bahingin Lumpoknyo Honbola Kintom

Bantayan

Batui

Figure 2. Clique analysis at threshold value of 84 percent lexical similarity. 12

Figure 2 illustrates the essential unity of the Saluan area. Whilst at this threshold value the ‘Kahumama'on’ and ‘Coastal’ varieties can still be marginally distinguished, from the viewpoint of lexical similarity there is a large degree of overlap between these groups. Note also the separate position of Batui. In fact Batui would not group with any Saluan wordlist until the threshold value was dropped to 77% lexically similar (figure not shown). Said another way, whatever dialect chaining exists in the Saluan area, Batui stands apart from it. In order to investigate the relationship between Saluan and Batui in more depth, we turn to historical sound changes and the results of sociolinguistic questionnaires.

3 The evidence from sound changes

Immediately below we list some of the most distinctive historical sound changes which both link and distinguish Saluan from it from its nearest relatives. We repeat here data which was initially presented in Mead (2003), but now include evidence from Batui to show that—as far as historical sound change is concerned—it largely patterns the same way as Saluan. We must conclude that Saluan and Batui have a considerable period of shared history and thus, from a genetic perspective, must be considered immediate sister languages to each other.

(a) Proto-Malayo-Polynesian18 *R > Ø in initial and medial position in Saluan. This change is also shared by Batui, Bobongko and Andio, though occasionally it has been obscured in Bobongko by later borrowing from Gorontalo-Mongondow (GM) languages (Mead 2003:78). In the following charts, italics indicates a non-cognate (replacement) form; a dash indicates lack of information.

PMP Saluan Batui Bobongko Andio

*Rusuk ‘rib’ usuk usuk usuk usuk *uRat ‘vein, tendon’ uat uat ugat (

(b) In certain lexemes, *u assimilated to *i in a neighboring syllable. Wherever this change is found in Saluan, it is shared by Batui, Bobongko and Andio.

PMP Saluan Batui Bobongko Andio

*kulit ‘skin’ kilit kilit kilit kilit *buni ‘hide’ suluk bini bini bini *puki ‘vagina’ piki piki piki piki *duRi ‘thorn’ hiiʔ hiiʔ dugiʔ (

(c) *b weakened to /w/ and sometimes further to zero, particularly when following another *b in the preceding syllable. This change is shared by Saluan, Batui and Bobongko, but not by Andio.

PMP Saluan Batui Bobongko Andio

*bibiR ‘lips’ biwiː biwi bifi bibi *babaw ‘above’ bawo bawo bafo babo *baba ‘bring, carry’ boa boa boa baba *bubu ‘fishtrap’ buuʔ buuʔ buuʔ — *ba-binahi ‘female’ boune boine boune bobine *tubuq ‘live’ tuuʔ tuuʔ tuuʔ tubuʔ

18Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) is a reconstructed language. It is the presumed ancestor of all Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan. In this section, we consider only low level changes, and omit the evidence that would show Batui also shares in all twelve of the changes which distinguish the Saluan-Banggai languages en bloc from PMP (Mead 2003:68–75). Interested readers may demonstrate this for themselves using data from appendix B. 13

(d) *r (from earlier *r, *d) became h in initial and medial position, and was lost in final position. This change, which did not occur in Bobongko or Andio, is shared only by Saluan and Batui.

PMP Saluan Batui Bobongko Andio

*deŋeR ‘hear’ mohongoː mohongo morongo morongo *dahun ‘leaf’ hoon hoon ron roon *rebuŋ ‘bamboo shoot’ sumpok hobung robung — *budiŋ ‘charcoal’ buhing buhing buring — *bidiŋ ‘side’ > ‘ear’ bihing bihing biring biring *kuden ‘cook pot’ kuhon kuhon — kuron *tiked ‘heel’ > ‘foot’ tengke tengke tengker tengker

In a fifth change, final diphthongs with *y (from earlier *R, *j and *y) were monophthongized. In Saluan the monophthongized vowel retained contrastive length, but in Andio and Bobongko the lengthened quality of the vowel was lost. Batui shows a mixed pattern: some lexemes exhibit length in the final vowel, but in other cases length was lost. We devote a separate section to this change below (§3.1). Finally, in §3.2 we discuss a sixth change which has heretofore not been considered, namely the merger of final *l and *n as /n/. This change is attested in only a portion of the Saluan language area. This change is important not only for considering where to draw dialect boundaries, but also for understanding migrations of the Saluan peoples.

3.1 Final long vowels in Saluan and Batui

Saluan is one of the few languages of Sulawesi to contrast long and regular vowels in final position. The only other indigenous languages of Sulawesi known to us to exhibit such a contrast—and here again only in word-final position—are the four Seko languages of northern South Sulawesi. In Seko languages long vowels reflect Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) *q. For example (data from Laskowske 2007):

PMP Pre-Proto-Seko Proto-Seko ‘ten’ *puluq > *puloq > *puloː ‘split’ *bikaq > *bikaq > *bikaː ‘feces’ *taqi > *taiq > *taiː ‘descend’ *naquR > *nauq > *nauː

By contrast, long vowels in Saluan did not develop from *q but rather developed from monophthongization of final diphthongs, and reflect PMP *R, *j and *y. To take a simple example of how this contrast developed, compare the reflexes of the PMP words for ‘elbow’ and ‘tail’ in Saluan.

PMP Saluan ‘elbow’ *siku > *siku > siku ‘tail’ *ikuR > *ikuy > ikuː

Whilst the historical origin of long vowels in Saluan was first discussed in Mead (2003), at that time their synchrony was little understood, being known only from written wordlists and information— sometimes contradictory—provided by others. Their phonetic character had yet to be analyzed, and it was unknown whether there was dialectal variation in regard to long vowels in the Saluan area. To make up for this lack, we paid particular attention to final vowel length during wordlist elicitation sessions, and in fact in seven locations (including Batui) specifically made electronic recordings for preliminary acoustic phonetic analysis. For example, figure 3 shows the waveforms and spectrograms of a person from Huhak village pronouncing the words ‘elbow’ and ‘tail.’ From this it can be seen that the final vowel of /ikuː/ is roughly twice as long (0.3038 seconds) as the final vowel of /siku/ (0.1509 seconds). Figure 4 shows the waveforms and spectrograms of a person from Tolando village (Batui). These figures were prepared using SIL’s Speech Analyzer program version 3.0.1. 14

Because of constraints on our time during the course of the survey, we recorded only one speaker in each of the seven locations. We realize therefore that our results lack statistical validity. Nonetheless the vowel length measurements summarized in table 3 provisionally suggest that a contrast between long versus regular vowels is a feature of all Saluan dialects as well as Batui—a result which was further confirmed ‘to our ears’ during the process of eliciting wordlist items in all twelve primary research sites. The two columns under each word indicate that we recorded each respondent saying that word twice (because of a technical glitch, our Simpang respondent was recorded saying each word only once).

0.1509 sec

0.3038 sec

Figure 3. Waveforms and spectrograms of /siku/ ‘elbow’ and /ikuː/ ‘tail’ as recorded in Huhak village. 15

0.1835 sec

0.3033 sec

Figure 4. Waveforms and spectrograms of /siku/ ‘elbow’ and /ikuː/ ‘tail’ as recorded in Tolando village. 16

Table 3. Length (in seconds) of final vowels of /siku/ ‘elbow’ and /ikuː/ ‘tail’ (each word recorded twice)

/siku/ ‘elbow’ /ikuː/ ‘tail’ Simpang — 0.2359 — 0.3452 Honbola 0.1509 0.1267 0.3506 0.2989 Bahingin 0.1551 0.1771 0.2502 0.2470 Sampaka 0.1386 0.2469 0.3630 0.3419 Kintom 0.1754 0.1771 0.3781 0.2827 Huhak 0.1509 0.1763 0.3038 0.3305 Batui 0.1390 0.1700 0.3102 0.3033

Table 3 indicates that the final vowel of one lexical item, /ikuː/ ‘tail,’ is articulated long in both Saluan and Batui. When we consider other lexical items with final long vowels, however, we find that the Saluan and Batui data do not always agree. That is to say, in some items (such as the response for ‘tail’), a final long vowel in Saluan corresponds to a long vowel in Batui. In other items, however, a long vowel in Saluan corresponds to a regular (unlengthened) vowel in Batui. Items which fall into these two patterns are summarized in tables 4 and 5, respectively. Table 4 presents those items for which we transcribed a final long vowel in at least one Saluan wordlist, and where the Batui response also had a long vowel. Table 5 presents those items for which we transcribed a final long vowel in at least one Saluan wordlist, but where the Batui response had a regular (unlengthened) vowel.19 The ‘item number’ given in the first column corresponds to the wordlist numbering scheme used in appendix B.

19PMP and PWMP (Proto–Western Malayo-Polynesian) reconstructions given in the last column of the tables and in this footnote have been drawn from various sources, including especially Blust and Trussel (2010) and Wurm and Wilson (1975). Proto-Celebic reconstructions are our own and have not yet been published with their supporting evidence. Because they are not germane to our discussion, we have left out a number of words which have a long vowel in one or more Saluan wordlists, but for which a cognate form is unknown in Batui. These include: 096 ‘friend’ saŋaluː (Batui beːle); 125 ‘luminous millipede’ antataː (Batui ondat), cf. PWMP *(h)antatadu; 131 ‘snake’ uloː (Batui bintanaʔ ), PMP *ulej ‘worm, maggot’; 154 ‘coconut’ niuː (Batui potil), PMP *ñiuR ‘coconut’; 156 ‘coconut shell’ baŋaː (Batui tobong), cf. Proto-Kaili-Pamona *baŋa' (Michael Martens p.c.) and Proto-Seko *baŋaː ‘coconut shell’ (Laskowske 2007:150) which together suggest *baŋaq; 172 ‘pandanus’ tondaː (Batui bahoi); 182 ‘moon’ koloaː (three wordlists; others, including Batui bituʔon); 184 ‘sky’ laŋaː (two wordlists, others including Batui laŋit); 224 ‘space underneath house’ patuː (Batui suːkan); 233 ‘bamboo water container’ pongasuː (Batui balo), cf. Proto-Bungku-Tolaki *ahuR ‘bamboo water container’ (Mead 1998:425); 256 ‘big’ bosaː (one wordlist, others including Batui dakaʔ ), PMP *besaR (Dempwolff 1925), but Dempwolff (1938) gives *besar; 260 ‘wet’ mohomeː (Batui memes); 341 ‘left’ kowiː (Batui boboʔ ), PMP *ka-wiRi; 381 ‘laugh’ kumojoː (Batui molomi); 405 ‘burn (field)’ mompapuː, PMP *pa + hapuy; 458 ‘flow’ moʔiliː (Batui moʔihis), PWMP *qiliR ‘flow downstream.’ 17

On the whole, there are two possible explanations for the pattern observed in tables 4 and 5.

(a) Just as in Bobongko and Andio, Batui lost all final long vowels via merger with regular vowels. However, in Batui a contrast was reintroduced through influence from Saluan. This explanation assumes a certain degree of contact with and bilingualism in Saluan.

Table 4. Wordlist items ending in long vowel in both Saluan and Batui

Item no. Meaning Saluan Batui Historical source 025 ‘shoulder’ oaː oaː PMP *qabaRa 028 ‘palm, sole’ palaː palaː PMP *palaj 107 ‘tail’ ikuː ikuː PMP *ikuR 122 ‘fly’ (n.) laloː laloː PMP *lalej 201 ‘water’ ueː ueː PMP *waiR 217 ‘floor’ saloː saloː PMP *saleR 262 ‘wide’ bolaː bolaː PMP *belaj ‘spread out’ 352 ‘inside’ i unoː i unoː PMP *qunej 469 ‘awaken molikoː molikoː Proto-Celebic *likoy ‘awake, someone’ alert’ 532 ‘embers’ obaː obaː PMP *baRah 534 ‘ripe’ mahaː mahaː source unknowna 534 ‘level’ hataː hataː PMP *dataR aCf. PMP *ma-iRaq ‘red,’ but this is an unlikely source since *R > h in Saluan and Batui would be irregular. Bobongko has mara ‘ripe.’

Table 5. Words ending in long vowel in Saluan but in a regular vowel in Batui

Item no. Meaning Saluan Batui Historical source 018 ‘lips’ biwiː biwi PMP *bibiR 112 ‘egg’ ontoluː ontolu PMP *qateluR ‘testicle’ 137 ‘turtle’ heʔaː heʔa source unknown 142 ‘pig’ bauː bau PMP *babuy 209 ‘fire’ apuː apu PMP *hapuy 260 ‘dry’ montuʔuː motuʔu PMP *tuquR 271 ‘thick’ butoluː butolu source unknown 293 ‘satiated’ mobosuː mobosu PMP *besuR 311 ‘yellow’ mokiniː mokini PMP *kunij 354 ‘sun, day’ sinaː sina PMP *sinaR 355 ‘night’ pihiː pihi source unknown 382 ‘hear’ mohoŋoː mohoŋo PMP *deŋeR 426 ‘swim’ molaŋuː lumaŋu PMP *laŋuy 428 ‘climb mindakoː mindako cf. Malay mendaki (mountain)’ 455 ‘delouse’ mompiaː mompipia source unknown 494 ‘navel’ pusoː puso *pusej 551 ‘go’ mambaː mamba source unknown 18

(b) A second possibility is that the merger of final long vowels with their regular counterparts is either still on ongoing process or else was arrested in Batui. The differences in these tables thus reflect lexical diffusion: Table 5 lists lexical items to which this change (merger of final long vowels with their regular vowel counterparts) has diffused, while table 4 lists lexical items—presumably high frequency lexemes—to which this change did not diffuse, or has not yet diffused, in Batui. This explanation need not assume any contact between Batui and Saluan speakers.

Which of these two explanations is to be preferred requires further investigation, but for our purposes the matter need not be settled. The important thing to note is that there are significant differences between Saluan and Batui with respect to which lexemes have final long vowels and which do not.20 A further question may arise: do we find any significant differences in regard to long vowels when comparing between Saluan dialects? We are aware of one case, the word for ‘pig,’ which we recorded as [bauʔ] in Loinang but as [bauː] elsewhere. Other cases may exist, but the situation is complicated because long vowels were not consistently represented in our outside sources; see the discussion in regard to this point in the introduction to appendix B.

3.2 Merger of final *l and *n

In this section we consider a sound change which has not previously been discussed in regard to Saluan, the merger of final *-l and *-n as -n.21 Let us begin by considering map 5, which presents the responses to five wordlist items, respectively ‘rope’ (item no. 242), ‘to pay’ (445), ‘to plant’ (406), ‘trousers’ (246), and ‘fence’ (225).22

20Curious to us is that even the long vowels which we recorded on the evening of July 26th were for the most part not present in the speech of Nurmin, a female, whom we recorded the following day. Clearly this study is not the final word on long vowels in Batui. 21Kruyt (1930:330, footnote 1) noted that “on the coast one says tonggol [‘head, leader’], conversely in the interior one speaks of tonggon. There are many examples of the same phenomenon” (translation ours), but he did not present any further examples. 22For brevity, we present the responses for only five terms. The same results are obtained even when a fuller amount of data is considered, including the responses for 067 ‘boil’ (on skin) (bisul ~ bisun); 269 ‘old (of objects)’ (piil ~ piin); 278 ‘dull’ (mokujul ~ mokujun); 289 ‘deaf’ (moboŋol ~ moboŋon); 301 ‘round’ (timpodol ~ timpodon) and 303 ‘difficult’ (mahal ~ mahan) among others. See appendix B. 19

Map 5. Responses for ‘rope’, ‘to pay’, ‘to plant’, ‘trousers’, and ‘fence’ as recorded at the twelve primary research sites

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission. Most responses end in -r, -l, or -n, and at first glance there may appear to be little basis for predicting when a form will end in a particular consonant. However, present-day forms can be explained by assuming the following historical processes.

(a) *r became h initially and medially, and was lost in word-final position in Saluan and Batui (§3). That is to say, there are no inherited forms which continue final *-r as -r.

(b) *l was retained as l initially and medially, but became -n in word-final position in a portion of the Saluan area.

(c) Subsequent to (a), and prior and/or subsequent to (b), there was a period in which borrowed words with final r were phonemicized to the local phonology: as l in areas which retained final -l, but as n in areas in which final *-l became -n.

(d) In some areas, this pattern of phonemicization ceased, so that borrowed words with final r retain -r.

Taken together, these changes allow us to explain, for example, why Malay pagar ‘fence’ variously shows up in our Saluan data as pagan, pagal and pagar, and mutatis mutandis for bayar ‘to buy’ and saluar ‘trousers, pants.’ Because in Batui all three words have -r, it is possible that in the Batui area there may never have been a period in which -r in loan words was phonemicized to -l.23 Map 6 presents the same data as in map 5, except that non-cognate forms as well as forms with final -r have been removed from consideration. Huhak and Bantayan exhibit a mixed pattern, but otherwise the pattern is clear: either a community has final -n (indicated by a purple dot) or a community has final -l (indicated by a yellow dot).

23This is also true of Nonong and Lamo, two Saluan-speaking villages in the Batui subdistrict. 20

In addition to the primary research sites shown in maps 5 and 6, during our canvass of the Saluan area we briefly stopped in a number of other villages to elicit the local terms for ‘rope,’ ‘to buy,’ ‘to plant (with dibble),’ ‘trousers’ and ‘fence,’ and as well as to ask about terms used in neighboring villages. Map 7 expands on map 6 by reporting these results for the twenty-nine villages where we collected data ourselves (circle),24 as well as for twenty additional villages for which we obtained information second- hand (square).

Map 6. Selected responses for ‘rope’, ‘to pay’, ‘to plant’, ‘trousers’, and ‘fence’ as recorded at the twelve primary research sites

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission.

24That is to say, our twelve primary research sites plus seventeen other villages where we stopped briefly to collect data solely regarding the fate of *l in word-final position. 21

Map 7. Distribution of -n versus -l as reflex of Proto-Saluan *-l

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission. In broad outline, from map 7 we can note that northeast Saluan (Boalemo area and as far west as Taloyon) is solidly an ‘l-dialect’ area, while in the southeast (Luwuk area, from Hunduhon to Bubung) there is likewise a solidly ‘n-dialect’ area, with areas of alternating l- and n-dialect villages found in the northwest and southwest. On closer examination, however, nearly to a one if a village in the northwest or southwest speaks an n-dialect, that village was formerly located in the interior. In particular, we make note of the following migrations as they have been reported to us.

(a) From Lingketeng. Lingketeng was a complex of twenty or so villages formerly located in the interior, in the watershed of the Sensean, a tributary of the Lobu.25 The Lingketeng area was still densely inhabited at the time of Kruyt’s visit in 1928, but nonetheless some people from Lingketeng had by then recently relocated above Pagimana (in present-day Hohudongan?); near the mouth of the Pouhua River immediately to the west of Pagimana; and near the mouth of the Lobu River in the villages of Kadodi, Balean, Bomban, Niubulan, and Lobu (Kruyt 1930:331, 335). Today the former Lingketeng area is uninhabited, its people having relocated to various other coastal communities including—in addition to the ones already mentioned—Toima, Matabas, Bahingin, Nain, Asa'an, and Pinapuan. The last four are names of former interior villages which the settlers brought with them to the coast.

(b) From Baloa'. The traditional Baloa' area was roughly another dozen kilometers southwest of Lingketeng, located on the upper reaches of the Lobu River and under the shadow of Bulutumpu, a principal mountain of the area. Tambunan, Baloa', and Doda were always mentioned to us as the chief villages of this area. This region likewise is presently uninhabited, its former residents having settled in the villages of Gonohop, Doda Bunta, and Nganga-nganga'on, and in the Baompon hamlet of Pongian village. All of these places are located in the broad coastal plain surrounding Bunta. In

25According to Kruyt (1930), villages falling under Lingketeng included Panimbuluan, Salingan, Mongolos, Damak, Pinapuan (= Salean), Bumbuk, Padang, Sopa, Bulakan, Buhangas, Heyuha, Bahingin, Indang, Lingketeng, Kolomboi, and Dodong (see the map included with his article for locations). To these we can add the following village names, supplied by our own respondents: Nain, Asa'an, Pinujat, and Hohudongan. 22

addition, a portion of the people from Tambunan settled Honbola on the southern coast, reportedly in two migrations in 1923 and 1932 (this is also mentioned by Kruyt 1930:350, who places his Hoombola “above Batui”).

(c) From Simpang (Kahumama'on). By all accounts, Simpang in the interior was settled by people who left (or fled from) the villages of Tambunan, Baloa', and Doda and settled a two days’ journey to the west on the other side of Bulutumpu mountain. The name of their principal village is Simpang. They are called the Kahumama'on people after the place where they live (kahumama'on means ‘abundance of kahumama' trees’26 and refers generally to the area between the Tobelombang and Bunta rivers) (Robert Brown 2013:pers.comm.). The original Simpang village is still inhabited. In addition, over the past century Kahumama'on people have been migrating to the coastal plain around Bunta. Today these people can be found in the villages of Simpang I and Simpang II (both of these are on the coastal plain); Dowiwi, Mantan A, and Mantan B. Kahumama'on people also comprise a portion of the populations of Gonohop and Pibombo villages.

(d) From Buyangge. The village of Buyangge was located on the upper reaches of the Mendono River, on the southern side of the watershed divide, on the path connecting Lingketeng with the southern coast. Presumably Buyangge had at some time in the past been settled from Lingketeng.27 Floods and landslides caused this site to finally be abandoned as a village in 1983, although people still maintain gardens there. Inhabitants of former Buyangge have settled in Solan and in present-day Buyangge (bringing the village name with them) on the coast.

From these descriptions, it is apparent that the alternating patterns found in the northwest and the southwest are primarily the result of recent migrations (within the past one hundred years or so) of interior, n-dialect speakers—representing the Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on clans—into coastal areas, perhaps supplemented by migrations of l-dialect speakers westward. See the summary presented in map 8.

26Possibly bur-flower trees such as Neolamarckia cadamba (Roxb.) Bosser and/or Neolamarckia macrophylla (Wall.) Bosser. 27As described by Kruyt, the Lingketeng people paid yearly tribute to their lord, bosanyo, in Kintom, while the Baloa' people owed their allegiance to the bosanyo in Tangkian, also on the southern coast. The resulting intercourse led to “a few villages of Loinang which lie above Kintom, Tangkian and Batui” (Kruyt 1930:354) (translation ours). Presumably the hamlet of Molontobe in the interior, above and administratively part of Batui town—and still inhabited—is another such location. As reported to us, the people of Molontobe still wear loincloths, hunt game, and eat tubers rather than rice. 23

Map 8. Hypothesized prior distribution of -n (purple) and -l (yellow) dialect areas and subsequent migrations

Boalemo

Pagimana

Lingketeng Luwuk Kahumama'on Baloa' Kintom

Batui

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission. We present map 8 as an initial, rough and even idealized approximation, which doubtless will need to be modified as more becomes known about the Saluan area. We hope that future researchers will be able to provide a more detailed picture, as well as step further back in time. The following are some questions which remain unanswered at the present time.

(a) To what extent was the coastline from Pagimana westward uninhabited, due to headhunting and raiding for slaves, prior to the establishment of Dutch colonial authority in the area? According to Kruyt, Pagimana, the principal commercial center, was “exclusively inhabited by people from outside” (1930:331), while many Gorontalo people—whom the colonial administration brought in to work coconut plantations—ended up settling in Lobu and Bunta (1930:335–336).

(b) For how long have l-dialect speakers been established in the southwest (Kintom area)? Do they represent a fairly recent (within the past 300 years) migration from the Boalemo area, as suggested by Kruyt (1930:341 ff.) (see also the discussion at the end of §2), or does their presence in this location trace back further than this?

(c) Assuming that the merger of *-n and *-l > n signifies a period of shared history, then the people of southeastern, coastal Luwuk must be related at a deeper level to the Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on people of the interior west. When did this split occur, and was it a migration of interior peoples to the coast, or of coastal peoples to the interior? Is any connection acknowledged in present-day legends or traditions?

4 The evidence from sociolinguistic interviews

In this section we provide a summary of information gleaned from informal sociolinguistic interviews. These interviews were conducted at each of the primary research sites listed in §1.2. We present these results geographically in roughly clockwise fashion, beginning in the Bunta area (northwest) and ending in Batui (southwest). 24

4.1 Village-by-village responses

(a) Simpang I (Nuhon District). According to respondents in the village of Simpang I, there are two dialects in Saluan: that which is used in Simpang, and that which is used in Batui. Besides this, they also acknowledge that there are also differences between various Saluan communities, but such differences do not impede mutual understanding.

According to them, the purest and best Saluan is that which is spoken in Simpang. They believe that the Saluan which they use is pure, and has not been tainted by outside influences, whereas the Saluan spoken in coastal villages has been influenced by outsiders.

(b) Pakowa Bunta (Nuhon District). According to respondents in Pakowa Bunta village (Nuhon District), Saluan has four dialects, namely Boalemo, Pagimana, Batui and Simpang. They say that their speech is exactly the same as that spoken in Pagimana and Boalemo. The Saluan which is spoken in Simpang and Asa'an has a slightly different ring or accent, while the Saluan spoken in Batui is very different from their speech and difficult to understand.

According to them, the best Saluan is that which is spoken in Lokait (a hamlet of Simpang I village) and in Asa'an. The people in Pakowa Bunta originally came from Pakowa (a village in Pagimana Subdistrict) some scores of years ago.

(c) Bahingin (Pagimana District). According to respondents in Bahingin village, Gonohop, Matabas and Huhak (Bunta Subdistrict) are villages whose speech is exactly the same as that of Bahingin, while Pakowa (Pagimana Subdistrict) and Kintom were acknowledged to have a somewhat different accent. Those with very different speech were the people of Balantak and Batui. According to them, the best and truest Saluan is that which is used in Bahingin.

(d) Kondongan (Walea Kepulauan District, Tojo-Unauna Regency). According to our two respondents from Kondongan village, whom we encountered in the town of Pagimana on the mainland, there are no dialects in Saluan, although there are differences in accent between Saluan as spoken in the islands and that of the mainland. In Walea Kepulauan District, the Saluan speech in Kondongan, Katogop, Tingki, Pongidan, Pasokan, Salinggoha', and Tumpang is slightly different from that spoken in Dolong, Malapo, Biga, Tomudon, Loe, and Kalia'.

(e) Huhak (Pagimana District). According to respondents in Huhak village, there are principally two dialects of Saluan, namely Batui and Pagimana. Apart from the major difference with Batui, they acknowledge that there are other, minor differences within Saluan, but people can still understand each other because they amount only to differences in accent. The Saluan spoken in Huhak is exactly the same as that spoken in Pagimana.

According to them, the most original and best Saluan is that which is spoken in Baloa', a village towards the interior of Pagimana Subdistrict.

(f) Sampaka (Boalemo District). According to respondents in Sampaka village, there are no dialects within the Saluan language, only differences in accent such as between Pagimana, Bunta and Batui. According to them, the speech of Sampaka is exactly the same as that which is used in Tikupon, Siuna, Mayayap, Toiba, Longkoga, and Binsil (all neighboring villages in Boalemo Subdistrict).

According to them, the best and purest Saluan is that which is used in Kintom, as well as that which is used in Boalemo. Their ancestors originated from Tompotika Mountain, from whence also originated all the Saluan, Balantak, and Banggai peoples.

(g) Bantayan (Luwuk Timur District). According to respondents in Bantayan village, there are no dialectal differences in Saluan, although there are differences in accent such as between Bunta, Pagimana, and Lumpoknyo. According to them, their speech is exactly the same as that spoken in Biak and Kilongan, two villages slightly further to the west. 25

According to them, the best Saluan is that which is used in Sampaka, and also in Pakowa in the Pagimana District. People in Bantayan village likewise trace their origin back to Tompotika Mountain.

(h) Lumpoknyo (Luwuk District). According to respondents in Lumpoknyo, Saluan has three dialects: that of Asa'an village (in the Pagimana District), Kintom, and Batui, but acknowledge people in Lumpoknyo can understand the Saluan speech of anywhere else.

According to them, the best Saluan is spoken in Asa'an, whereas they admit that their own speech has been greatly influenced by outsiders. Formerly the village of Lumpoknyo was located on Keles Mountain (behind the city of Luwuk), before they moved and established a new village on the outskirts of Luwuk.

(i) Kintom (Kintom District). In the opinion of our respondents in Kintom, there are no major dialects in Saluan, only differences in accent (articulation), for example the accent of Saluan people in Bunta is different from that of Kintom and Pagimana. However, they acknowledge that the speech in Batui (which they call the Batui language) is difficult to understand owing to divergences in word meanings and other differences, which can result in misunderstandings.

According to them, the best Saluan is spoken in Kintom, Pagimana and also Boalemo. The Saluan people, including those of Kintom, originate from the area of Tompotika Mountain in the Boalemo area, from where they spread out to different areas over the course of hundreds of years.

(j) Honbola (Batui District). Honbola is a Saluan-speaking village located within the political district of Batui. They recognized the speech varieties of Batui to their west and Kintom to their east as being different to the point where they are difficult to undesrstand. They also acknowledged certain unique features of their own variety (for example, in Honbola they say matta for ‘eye’, in other places they say mata).

According to them, the best and most pure Saluan is that which is used in Simpang village.

(k) Tolando (Batui District). According to our respondents in Tolando village, the language spoken in Batui and Tolando is not Saluan, rather it is its own language, which they called the Batui language. There are no dialects within Batui. In addition to Tolando and Batui, this language is also spoken in the villages of Sisipan and Balantang.

4.2 Summary

Despite the sometimes free-ranging responses, and different folk conceptions concerning what constitutes an ‘accent’ (Indonesian: klentong, logat) versus what constitutes a ‘dialect’ (Indonesian dialek), nonetheless the following patterns emerge from the responses.

(a) The essential unity of the Saluan area, apart from Batui. We found no basis in sociolinguistic interviews for maintaining a distinction between coastal and Kahumama’on varieties of Saluan. People acknowledged that, despite some differences in ‘accent,’ the Saluan dialects were all mutually intelligible. The only exception was Batui, which, with a fair degree of consistency, was singled out as being different. Despite this, most Saluan speakers were willing to accord Batui a place within Saluan. However, our respondents in the Batui area itself felt strongly that their language was not Saluan.

(b) Differences in what constitutes the ‘best’ Saluan. We had hoped to get at people’s notions of a central dialect by asking one or both of the questions: If officials had to choose the speech of one community for radio broadcasts for the entire Saluan area, which village would be the best choice? / If someone wanted to learn the best Saluan, so that he or she didn’t speak with an accent, where should they live? Nonetheless, these questioned elicited two different kinds of responses. On the one hand, people thought of areas where the language had the least amount of outside 26

influences. In this case, the villages of Simpang and Asa'an were most frequently singled out. In their thinking, ‘best’ was equated with ‘most pure.’ Apart from this, people generally felt that their own variety of Saluan would suffice, though there was a slight tendency to single out the speech of Kintom, Pakowa (in Pagimana District) and the Boalemo area.

5 Conclusions

Based on a consideration of all the factors discussed above, we find no basis for distinguishing a Coastal Saluan language from a Kahumama'on Saluan language. Rather, we consider these to compose a single language, with three principal dialect areas: Loinang, Luwuk, and Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo (here we use Loinang in a narrow sense as discussed in §1.3.2). As illustrated in figure 5, Luwuk groups closely with Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo in terms of word stock (lexicostatistics) (§2), but groups with Loinang in terms of the merger of final *-l and *-n as n (§3.2).

word stock

Loinang Luwuk Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo

*-l, *-n > n

Figure 5. Relationship between the three principal Saluan dialects. In these terms, Luwuk can be regarded as the ‘central’ dialect. However, owing to its status as the dialect of the former ruling class, Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo can be regarded as the ‘prestige’ dialect, while Loinang, particularly as expressed in Simpang and Asa'an villages, can be regarded as the most ‘pure’ dialect (least mixed with outside influences). Loinang itself encompasses some amount of dialectal diversity, and can further be divided into the Lingketeng, Baloa' and Kahumama'on subdialects. These groupings also correspond to ethnographic divisions. Despite being geographically discontinuous, the Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo dialect is fairly homogeneous. Apart from the pair Pakowa Bunta-Huhak, which scored 87 percent lexically similar, all four wordlists representing this group relate to each other at or above 90 percent lexically similar (see table 2). As the reader may have guessed reading between the lines, we hesitate to elevate any of the terms ‘Kintom’, ‘Pagimana’, or ‘Boalemo’ as a (single) name for this dialect, since we could find no basis for treating one area as more prominent than the others. Perhaps in the future, and in good Indonesian fashion, a blend based on first syllables such as ‘Kipabo’ will come to be used as an appropriate cover term. Finally, Batui cannot be considered a dialect of Pamona (as it was previously classified), but clearly shares a close genetic affiliation with Saluan. This is demonstrated not only by the relatively high degree of lexical similarity between Batui and Saluan (§2), but also by shared historical sound changes (§3). The only question is whether—at 74 percent (on average) lexically similar—Batui should be considered a dialect of Saluan, or a sister language to it. In this study, we conclude that Batui should be considered a distinct language, for the following reasons:

(a) Lexicostatistically, Batui scores uniformly low against all Saluan wordlists. It thus stands apart from the dialect chaining which characterizes other Saluan lects (§2).

(b) From the perspective of historical sound change, Batui does not participate in the merger of final *l and *n, which might have suggested inclusion within Saluan (§3.2). Rather, in Batui final long vowels have undergone unique developments (partially merging with regular vowels), which are not mirrored in any Saluan dialect (§3.1).

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(c) In Batui, people reacted strongly when we asked if their speech variety should be considered a dialect of Saluan. “Batui adalah bahasa daerah tersendiri!”—Batui is a local language in and of itself! We never encountered a reaction like this anywhere else in the Saluan area. On the other side, Saluan respondents in places such as Honbola, Kintom, Bahingin, and Pakowa acknowledged that Batui was difficult to understand (§4.1).

Nonetheless during the course of this survey we did not conduct any tests to measure degree of inherent intelligibility between Batui and Saluan. Therefore our classification of Batui as a separate language—although made on the best available evidence—must be considered provisional. With the collapse of Coastal Saluan and Kahumamahon Saluan as a single language, and the recognition of Batui as a separate language, the number of recognized Saluan-Banggai languages remains at six. Map 9 presents the locations of these six languages.

Map 9. The Saluan-Banggai languages of eastern Sulawesi, Indonesia

©2015 SIL International. Includes geodata from worldgeodatasets.com. Used with permission. The snapshot in map 9 is admittedly coarse grained, and does not reflect the significant number of outsiders who have settled in the Saluan-Banggai area. These people include not only Gorontalo, Bugis, Pamona, and other people from elsewhere on the island of Sulawesi, but also transmigrants from Java and Bali who have arrived more recently on the shores of eastern Sulawesi. Doubtless these admixtures, as well as the recent intermingling of formerly interior and coastal Saluan dialects, will have a lasting impact on the continuing development and even vitality of the Saluan language. Although these are significant matters, because of the short time we spent in the field, these concerns unfortunately lie beyond the scope of the present survey. Appendix A: Lexical similarity matrices (Swadesh 100)

The following tables correspond to tables 1 and 2 in the main text. The only difference is that the lexical similarity scores presented in tables 1 and 2 were calculated by comparing two hundred items (items corresponding to the Swadesh 200 list), while the scores presented here were calculated by comparing only a subset of those items, namely the items corresponding to the Swadesh 100 list. As is consistent with other studies (see for example Martens 1989a:25), lexical similarity scores based on comparing one hundred items generally range higher than when two hundred items are compared.

Table A1. Matrix of Saluan-Banggai lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 100)

Bobongko

60 Batui

60 80 Saluan

55 58 60 Andio

47 46 50 66 Balantak

38 35 37 33 40 Banggai

Table A2. Matrix of Saluan and Batui lexical similarity scores (Swadesh 100) Simpang

93 Honbola

94 96 Bahingin

94 94 98 Pakowa Bunta

94 95 97 98 Sampaka

93 92 97 97 98 Kintom

89 91 93 94 96 95 Huhak

85 89 88 88 93 90 91 Lumpoknyo

86 89 88 89 92 91 98 88 Bantayan

75 81 78 81 80 80 80 81 82 Batui

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Appendix B: Wordlists

B.1 Transcription and presentation of wordlist responses

Of the twelve wordlists which are presented below, six we collected ourselves, and six we obtained from others: four from the hand of Robert Busenitz, a fifth from Robert Brown, and a sixth from Kristina Tarp. In addition we have sometimes supplemented their lists, either by eliciting additional items (which appear below, items 489 to the end), or by reeliciting selected words in order to verify or amend their transcriptions. Because of our different sources, presenting the results ‘as received’ would have forced the reader into the awkward position of having to determine whether a particular response had been transcribed orthographically, phonetically, or somewhere in between—and potentially drawing incorrect conclusions. In order to avoid confusion, we have made certain changes from the originals in order to present the data in a consistent fashion. The voiced velar nasal is represented consistently as ŋ and not as ng. The voiced palatal nasal is represented consistently as ɲ and not as ny. The voiced palatal fricative is represented consistently as ʤ and not as j. The voiceless palatal fricative (in recent loanwords only) is consistently represented as ʧ and not as c. Glottal stop is represented consistently as ʔ and not as apostrophe. Superscripted u, superscripted w and non-superscripted w in the originals have all been consistently represented as non-superscripted w. In some cases the w may be phonemic, but in other cases it may represent a non-phonemic transition glide only. Likewise, superscripted j, superscripted y, superscripted i and non-superscripted j and y have all been consistently represented as non-superscripted y. In this regard, we have departed from standard IPA usage (which would require j), in order to avoid potential confusion with Indonesian j (which is orthographic for a voiced palatal fricative). As with w, in some cases the y may be phonemic, but in other cases it may represent a non-phonemic transition glide only. Because of our diverse sources, the following must necessarily remain areas of (minor) inconsistency. Most of these inconsistencies result from our hesitation to supply information which was not included in the original—that is, we have endeavored to report others’ transcriptions as nearly as they were reported to us.

(a) Stress. Stress (sometimes including secondary stress) is indicated in all cases where we have elicited a response, including cases where we reelicited words which originally appeared on someone else’s wordlist. (Tarp’s wordlist we checked ourselves by listening to her recorded data.) In general, stress is non-phonemic, occurring on the penultimate syllable (but see the discussion below concerning long vowels, where indication of stress is significant).

(b) Initial glottal stop. In words which we recorded, we have indicated the phonetic, non-contrastive glottal stop which appears at the beginnings of words. However, it is not indicated in the wordlists which we obtained from others, and we have not made an attempt to supply a glottal stop to the transcription. Responses such as the following for 084 ‘sibling’ should be regarded as equivalent:

Kintom utus Huhak ˈʔutus Lumpoknyo utus Bantayan ˈʔutus

(c) Nasalization. Nasalized vowels are marked in the wordlist responses which we recorded, even though all indications are that vowel nasalization is non-phonemic. Vowel nasalization was not indicated in the wordlists provided to us by others, and we have not attempted to add any indication of it.

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30

(d) Long vowels and double vowels. According to our analysis, Saluan contrasts the following in word final position: regular vowels, long vowels, and geminate vowels (two vowels of the same quality, without any intervening consonant). Long vowels are distinctive in that they do not attract stress, which falls on the preceding (viz. penultimate) syllable; and they cannot be followed by a consonant. In our transcriptions, these are distinguished through the use of the IPA length symbol and stress placement. Compare:

regular vowel: ˈsiku ‘elbow’ long vowel: ˈʔikuː ‘tail’ geminate vowels: tuˈmuːʔ ‘live, grow’

In wordlists obtained from others, geminate vowels are consistently represented as ii, ee, aa, oo, and uu, which we have maintained, thus our tuˈmuːʔ and others’ tumuuʔ should be regarded as equivalent. Long vowels in our outside sources are represented inconsistently, and in fact often there is no indication that the vowel is long, and the reader should keep this point in mind when interpreting wordlist responses. For example, the following responses for item 304 ‘smooth’ may in fact involve only an apparent duplicity.

location transcription actual form? Simpang malondo Bahingin malondoo [ maˈlondoː ] Huhak maˈlondoː

In a number of cases (but as with the response for ‘smooth,’ not quite all cases), we reelicited items with (potentially) long vowels in order to confirm length to our own ears. In this case we present the items in our own transcription. In some cases Robert Busenitz used a notation such as iku(u) ‘tail.’ Since this always corresponded to a long vowel in our transcriptions, we have not hesitated to convert such instances to our notation. In a narrow phonetic transcription, one could probably even further distinguish half long vowels from long vowels, but we have not taken that approach. Length is represented everywhere by triangular colon ( ː ), while the triangular half colon ( ˑ ) is not used.

(e) Lengthened consonants. Lengthening of root-medial consonants was peculiar to the wordlist which we collected in Honbola (representing the Baloa' subdialect), and appears to be non-phonemic. Lengthened root-medial consonants are represented consistently, at least insofar as we heard them, e.g. ˈmatːa ‘eye.’ If they occur in other dialect areas, we have no knowledge of it.

In addition, the genitive linker nu can result in a preceding stop becoming lengthened, compare Bantayan ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ ‘tree bark’ (from kilit ‘skin’ + nu + kauʔ ‘tree’). A transcription such as kilittu kauʔ should be regarded as equivalent. Some people maintain the n of nu in careful speech, which by the way is also the preference in writing: kilit nu kau.

(f) Unreleased consonants. While not marked in our notation, final /p/, /t/ and /k/ in Saluan are invariably unreleased.

(g) Hyphen. In some cases, Robert Busenitz employed a hyphen in his transcriptions to indicate a morpheme boundary (including following two-syllable reduplication). Hyphen is also used in the Simpang wordlist when two syllables have been reduplicated. We have carried over hyphens in places where they were used in our sources, but we have not introduced the use of hyphen into other wordlists.

(h) Comparing entries. In some cases, but hardly in a consistent manner, we have used ‘(cf. …)’ following a wordlist response in order to direct the reader to another item of potential interest—usually because the two responses share a common root. For example, under item 356 ‘morning,’ the Tolando response reads:

daŋaˈdodop (cf. 361) 31

If you turn to entry 361, you will discover there that ˈdodop is the Tolando word for ‘tomorrow.’

(i) Unresolved inconsistencies. Because of the preliminary nature of the data, they should be used with caution. In some cases differences between responses are to be noted, but it is unknown whether these represent true differences between speech communities, or simply mistranscriptions owing to our (or others’) unfamiliarity with hearing Saluan sound patterns, particularly in word-final position. Inconsistencies which should be regarded as suspect (one or the other was possibly mistranscribed) include cases where: one response was transcribed with final glottal stop, another with -k (or rarely -t); one response transcribed with final -n, another with final -ŋ; one response transcribed with final glottal stop, another as vowel final; one response transcribed with long vowel or double vowel, another with regular vowel; and, finally, differences in stress placement.

B.2 Multiple responses

As often happens, sometimes a single wordlist item elicited multiple responses. Where multiple responses were recorded, this is indicated by separating the responses using a vertical line ( | ). In some cases, a succinct indication of how the terms differ is included parenthetically following one or more of the responses, but we have not been able to provide disambiguation of close synonyms in all cases. We have never deleted any response, even when it is known that a word was an inappropriate response for that wordlist item. For example, for item 430 ‘to hunt,’ the Simpang responses are given as:

mombebas | mogala (set traps)

even though it is clear that only the former, not the latter, matches the meaning ‘to hunt.’ We have retained all responses because we recognize that solid data on the Saluan and Batui languages is still relatively hard to come by. Consequently, we have desired to supply as full a record of these languages as possible. In the case of multiple responses, and we have not been able to disambiguate them, there is no significance regarding which term is listed first and which terms are listed second or later. When two responses were given which involve the same root, but differed in regard to affixation, then this is indicated by tilde ( ~ ) or occasionally by including the optional portion of the word in parentheses. For example:

moˈdieʔ ~ ˈdieʔ s(um)uhaŋ (equivalent to: suhaŋ ~ sumuhaŋ)

When the completive marker -mo (allomorph -o) or the third person singular possessive pronoun -ɲo was included as part of a response, we have retained these morphemes in our transcriptions.

B.3 Wordlist metadata

We have assigned a three-letter code for each of the twelve wordlists. See map 2 in the main text for geographic locations. Here follows other particulars about each list. The column I/O indicates whether data were collected inside or outside of the village which it purports to represent. 32

Code Village District28 Language Dialect (Subdialect)

SIM Simpang I Bunta Saluan Loinang (Kahumama'on) HON Honbola Batui Saluan Loinang (Baloa') BAH Bahingin Pagimana Saluan Loinang (Lingketeng) PKB Pakowa Bunta Nuhon Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo KND Kondongan Walea Kepulauan Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo SAM Sampaka' Boalemo Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo KIN Kintom Kintom Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo HHK Huhak Pagimana Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo LMP Lumpoknyo Luwuk Saluan Luwuk BTY Bantayan Luwuk Timur Saluan Luwuk LLB Leme-leme Bungin Buko Saluan Kintom-Pagimana-Boalemo TLD Tolando Batui Batui

Code Date I/O Linguist Respondent(s) (male/female, age)

SIM 10-10-2001 In R. Brown L. (m ~30–35) HON 26-07-2008 In D. Mead D.D. (m 60), B.L. (m 47), M.K. (m 50) BAH 27-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — PKB 23-07-2008 In D. Mead B.P. (m 83), A. (m 50) KND 23-07-2008 Out D. Mead Y. (m 35), N. (m 50) SAM 29-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — KIN 26-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — HHK 21-07-2008 In D. Mead I. (m 30), R. (m 31), K. (m 75), A. (m 40) LMP 25-08-1988 In R. Busenitz — BTY 25-07-2008 In D. Mead D. (m 42), T.M. (m 35), H.K. (m 37) LLB 26-07-2008 In K. Tarp — TLD 26-07-2006 In D. Mead D. (m 76), R.H. (m 57) H.H. (m 58), N. (f 35)

Wordlist responses

Through item 488, responses follow the numbering scheme for the Sulawesi Umbrella Wordlist. Items 489 through the end are additional items, not all of which were elicited in every location.

28All districts are located in the Banggai Regency, except for the districts of Walea Kepulauan (located in the Tojo- Unauna Regency) and Buko (located in the Banggai Kepulauan Regency). 33

body 001 brain 004 badan, tubuh otak SIM ˈbutoŋ SIM ˈʔutok HON ˈbutoŋ HON ˈʔutːok BAH ˈbutoŋ BAH ˈʔutok PKB ˈbutoŋ PKB ˈʔutok KND ˈbutoŋ KND ˈʔotak (

forehead 007 eyebrow 010 dahi kening, alis mata SIM siˈakan SIM baŋˈkulaŋ HON siˈakan HON baŋˈkulaŋ BAH siˈakan BAH baŋˈkulaŋ PKB siˈakan PKB baŋˈkulaŋ KND siˈakan KND baŋˈkulaŋ SAM siˈakan SAM baŋˈkulaŋ KIN siˈakan KIN baŋˈkulaŋ HHK siˈakan HHK beŋˈkulaŋ LMP siˈakan LMP beŋˈkulaŋ BTY siˈakan BTY biŋˈkulaŋ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈsundaʔ TLD banˈkulaŋ eye 008 eyelashes 011 mata bulu mata SIM ˈmata SIM kuˈkulap HON ˈmatːa HON ˌbulunuˈmatːa BAH ˈmata BAH bulu nu mata PKB ˈmata PKB kiˈkilap KND ˈmata KND kiˈkilap SAM ˈmata SAM bulu nu mata KIN ˈmata KIN bulu nu mata HHK ˈmata HHK kiˈkilap LMP ˈmata LMP bulu nu mata BTY ˈmata BTY kiˈkilap LLB ˈmata LLB — TLD ˈmata TLD ˌbulunuˈmata pupil of the eye 009 tear (from crying) 012 biji mata, manik mata air mata SIM santuuʔ u mata SIM ˈloluʔ HON maˈʔimaʔ ˈmatːa HON ˈloluʔ BAH santuuʔ BAH ˈloluʔ PKB mianˈmiannu ˈmata (cf. 069) PKB ˈloːluʔ KND — KND ˈloluʔ SAM anak nu mata SAM ˈloluʔ KIN loluŋ nu mata (cf. 215) KIN ˈloluʔ HHK ˈbatu nu ˈmata (= eyeball?) HHK ˈloluʔ LMP anak nu mata LMP ˈloluʔ BTY ˈanakːu ˈmata BTY ˈloːluʔ LLB — LLB — TLD — TLD ˈloluʔ 35

temple 013 cheekbone 016 pelipis tulang pipi, pasu-pasu (cf. 013, 051) SIM — SIM gagisiŋ HON siˈakan HON gaˈgisiŋ BAH kahaˈbisan BAH paŋihiŋ PKB koˌŋiaˈŋiaʔ PKB ˌbukunu gaˈgisiŋ KND — KND — SAM koŋiaŋiaʔ SAM buku nu gagisiŋ KIN — KIN — HHK gaˈgisiŋ | ˈhabis (sideburns) HHK ˌbukunu gaˈgisiŋ LMP kaniˈpisan LMP buku nu kanipisan BTY ˈhabis BTY gamˈpisiŋ LLB — LLB — TLD kamˈpisiŋ (cf. 015) TLD buˈkuɲo kamˈpisiŋ nose 014 mouth 017 hidung mulut SIM ˈsuːŋ SIM ŋaŋaʔ HON ˈsuːŋ HON ˈŋaŋaʔ BAH ˈsuːŋ BAH ŋaŋaʔ PKB ˈsuːŋ PKB ˈŋaŋaʔ KND ˈsuːŋ KND ˈŋaŋaʔ SAM ˈsuːŋ SAM ŋaŋaʔ KIN ˈsuːŋ KIN ŋaŋaʔ HHK ˈsuːŋ HHK ˈŋaŋaʔ | ˈguʔos (gums) LMP ˈsuːŋ LMP ŋaŋaʔ BTY ˈsuːŋ BTY ˈŋaŋaʔ LLB ˈsuːŋ LLB ˈŋaŋaʔ TLD ˈsuːŋ TLD ˈŋaŋaʔ cheek 015 lip 018 pipi bibir SIM gaˈgisiŋ SIM ˈbiwiː HON gaˈgisiŋ HON ˈbiwiː BAH gaˈgisiŋ BAH ˈbiwiː PKB gaˈgisiŋ PKB ˈbiwiː KND gaˈgisiŋ KND ˈbiwiː SAM gaˈgisiŋ SAM ˈbiwiː KIN gaˈgisiŋ KIN ˈbiβiː HHK gaˈgisiŋ HHK ˈbiβiː LMP gaˈgisiŋ LMP ˈbiwiː BTY gaˈgisiŋ BTY ˈbiwiː LLB — LLB ˈbiwiː TLD kamˈpisiŋ (temple + cheek area) TLD ˈbiwi 36

tongue 019 ear 022 lidah telinga SIM ˈʤilaʔ SIM bihiŋ HON ˈʤilaʔ HON ˈbihiŋ BAH ˈʤilaʔ BAH bihiŋ PKB ˈgilaʔ PKB ˈbihiŋ KND ˈʤilaʔ KND ˈbihiŋ SAM ˈʤilaʔ SAM bihiŋ KIN ˈʤilaʔ KIN bihiŋ HHK ˈʤilaʔ HHK ˈbihiŋ LMP ʤilaʔ LMP bihiŋ BTY ˈʤilaʔ BTY ˈbihiŋ LLB ˈʤilaʔ LLB ˈbihiŋ TLD ˈʤilaʔ TLD ˈbihiŋ tooth 020 neck 023 gigi leher SIM beseʔ SIM bokokoʔ | gogohoŋ (for animal) HON ˈbɛseʔ HON goˈgohoŋ BAH beseʔ BAH gogohoŋ PKB ˈbeseʔ PKB goˈgohoŋ KND ˈbeseʔ KND goˈgohoŋ SAM beseʔ SAM gogohoŋ KIN beseʔ KIN gogohoŋ HHK ˈbeseʔ HHK goˈgohoŋ LMP beseʔ LMP gogohoŋ BTY ˈbeseʔ BTY goˈgohoŋ LLB ˈbeseʔ LLB — TLD ˈbeseʔ TLD goˈgohoŋ chin 021 throat (esophagus) 024 dagu kerongkongan SIM aʤe SIM oɲopan HON ˈʔaʤe HON boˈkokoʔ | ʔoˈɲopan (equivalent) BAH aʤe BAH oɲopan PKB ˈʔaʤe PKB boˈkokoʔ KND ˈʔaʤe KND goˈgohoŋ SAM aʤe SAM bokokoʔ | bokokoek KIN aʤe KIN bokokowek HHK ˈʔaʤe HHK kokoˈɲoek LMP aʤe LMP kokoɲoet BTY ˈʔaʤe BTY koˈkoek LLB — LLB goˈgohoŋ TLD ˈʔaʤe TLD gaˈleleŋ 37

shoulder 025 palm of hand 028 bahu tapak tangan SIM oa SIM ˈpalaː HON ˈʔoaː HON ˈpalaː BAH bikoaŋ BAH ˈpalaː PKB ˈʔoaː PKB ˈpalaː KND ˈʔoaː KND ˈpalaːnu ˈlima SAM bikoaŋ SAM ˈpalaː KIN owaa KIN ˈpalaː HHK ʔoˈaː HHK ˈpalaː LMP pelua LMP ˈpalaː BTY poˈlua BTY ˈpalaː LLB ʔoˈaː LLB ˈpalaː TLD ˈʔoaː TLD ˈpalaː elbow 026 span (eight inches) 029 siku jengkal SIM ˈsiku SIM ʤaŋan HON ˈsiku HON ˈʤaŋan BAH ˈsiku BAH ʤaŋan PKB ˈsiku PKB ˈʤaŋan KND ˈsiku KND ˈʤaŋan SAM ˈsiku SAM ʤaŋan KIN ˈsiku KIN ʤaŋan HHK ˈsiku HHK ˈʤaŋaŋ LMP siku LMP ʤaŋan BTY ˈsiku BTY ˈʤaŋan LLB — LLB — TLD ˈsiku TLD ˈʤaŋan hand, forearm 027 finger 030 tangan jari (cf. 027, 150) SIM lima SIM buaʔ nu lima HON ˈlima HON ˈkaŋkam BAH lima BAH kaŋkam PKB ˈlima PKB ˈkaŋkam KND ˈlima KND ˌʤariˈʤari nu ˈlima (ʤari < Malay) SAM lima SAM kaŋkam KIN lima KIN kaŋkam HHK ˈlima HHK ˈkaŋkam | ˈbuaʔu ˈlima LMP lima LMP ˈkaŋkam BTY ˈlima BTY ˈkaŋkam LLB ˈlima LLB — TLD ˈlima TLD ˈbuaʔu ˈlima 38

thumb 031 back (person) 034 ibu jari punggung, belakang SIM kanumpu SIM toŋaʔ HON toˈmundoʔ HON ˈtoŋaʔ BAH kanumpu BAH tundun (probably ‘nape,’ cf. 493) PKB kaˈnumpu PKB ˈtoŋaʔ KND ibu ʤari (

belly 037 calf of leg 040 perut betis SIM kompoŋ SIM bitis HON ˈkompoŋ HON ˈbitːis BAH kompoŋ BAH bitis PKB ˈkompoŋ PKB ˈbitis KND ˈkompoŋ KND ˈbitis SAM kompoŋ SAM bitis KIN kompoŋ KIN bitis HHK ˈkompoŋ HHK ˈbitis LMP kompoŋ LMP ˈbitis BTY ˈkompoŋ BTY ˈbitis LLB ˈkompoŋ LLB — TLD ˈkompoŋ TLD ˈbitis leg, foot 038 knee 041 kaki lutut (cf 051) SIM ˈteŋke SIM buku | ike-ikeʔ (kneecap) HON ˈteŋke HON ˈbuku BAH ˈteŋke BAH buku PKB ˈtɛŋke PKB ˈbuku KND ˈteŋke KND ˈbuku SAM ˈteŋke SAM buku KIN ˈteŋke KIN buku | tubaŋon HHK ˈteŋke HHK tuˈbaŋon LMP ˈteŋke LMP tubaŋon BTY ˈteŋke BTY tuˈbaŋon LLB ˈteŋke LLB — TLD ˈteŋke TLD tuˈbaŋon thigh 039 popliteal space 042 paha (pe)lipatan lutut SIM paʔa SIM pekoʔan HON ˈpaʔa HON peˈkoʔan BAH paʔa BAH pekoʔan PKB ˈpaʔa PKB peˈkoʔan KND ˈpaʔa KND peˈkoʔan SAM paʔa SAM pekoʔan KIN paʔa KIN pekoʔan HHK ˈpaʔa HHK peˈkoʔan LMP paʔa LMP pekoʔan BTY ˈpaʔa BTY peˈkoʔan LLB — LLB — TLD ˈpaʔa TLD peˈkoʔan 40

ankle 043 LLB — pergelangan kaki TLD panˈtideʔ SIM bulansiŋ toe 046 HON loˈsuan jari kaki (cf. 030, 038, 150) BAH ikeʔikeʔ (= knee cap? cf. 041) SIM buaʔ u teŋke PKB buˈlansiŋ (ankle bone) HON ˈkaŋkamnu ˈteŋke KND — BAH kaŋkam SAM bulansiŋ PKB ˈkaŋkamːu ˈteŋke KIN bulansiŋ | bohowoi KND — HHK loˈsikan (ankle) | buˈlansiŋ (ankle SAM kaŋkam bone) KIN buaʔ nu teŋke LMP bulansiŋ HHK ˈkaŋkamnu teŋke BTY loˈsikan (ankle) | buˈlansiŋ (ankle LMP ˈkaŋkam bone) BTY ˈkaŋkamːu ˈteŋke LLB — LLB — TLD loˈsuanːu ˈteŋke TLD ˈbuaʔu ˈteŋke sole of foot 044 body hair 047 tapak kaki bulu (badan) (cf. 113) SIM palaː (nu teŋke) SIM bulu ue HON ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke HON ˌbuluˈʔueː BAH ˈpalaː BAH bulu PKB ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke PKB ˈbulu KND — KND ˈbulunu ˈbutoŋ (cf. 001) SAM ˈpalaː SAM bulu KIN ˈpalaː KIN bulu HHK ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke HHK ˈbulu LMP ˈpalaː LMP bulu BTY ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke BTY ˈbulu LLB — LLB — TLD ˈpalaːnu ˈteŋke TLD ˈbulu heel 045 skin (person) 048 tumit kulit SIM — SIM ˈkilit HON ˈtunop HON ˈkilit BAH pantigan BAH ˈkilit PKB panˈtigan PKB ˈkilit KND ˈtunop KND ˈkilit SAM tunop SAM ˈkilit KIN tunop | pantigan (equivalent) KIN ˈkilit HHK ˈtunop HHK ˈkilit LMP tunop LMP ˈkilit BTY ˈtunop BTY ˈkilit 41

LLB ˈkilit BTY ˈbuku TLD ˈkilit LLB ˈbuku meat, flesh 049 TLD ˈbuku (jaringan) daging rib 052 SIM antok tulang rusuk HON ˈʔantok SIM haas BAH antok HON ˈhaːs PKB ˈʔantok BAH haas KND ˈʔantok PKB ˈhaːs SAM antok KND ˈbukunu ˈʔusuk KIN antok SAM buku nu haas HHK ˈʔantok KIN haas | usuk LMP antok HHK ˈhaːs (rib bone) | ˈʔusuk (side, flank) BTY ˈʔantok LMP haas LLB ˈʔantok BTY ˈhaːs (rib bone) | ˈʔusuk (side, flank) TLD ˈʔantok LLB — fat 050 TLD ˌbukuˈʔusuk lemak heart 053 SIM lompoʔ jantung HON ˈlompoʔ SIM ˈsule BAH lompok HON ˈpusːuʔ PKB ˈlompoʔ BAH ˈsule KND — PKB ˈsule SAM lompoʔ KND ˈʤantuŋ (

BTY ˈbasoʔ BTY ˈpouʔ LLB ˈbasoʔ LLB — TLD ˈbasoʔ TLD ˈpouʔ vein (blood) 055 lungs 058 urat darah paru-paru SIM uat SIM mahoʔ HON ˈpoːs HON ˈmãhõʔ BAH uat BAH dampilan PKB ˈʔuwatːu ˈbasoʔ PKB ʔambaʔamˈbahaʔ KND ˈʔuat KND ˌparuˈparu (

BTY ˈbolok BTY ˈtedeʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbolok TLD ˈtedeʔ anus 061 penis 064 dubur, pelepasan kemaluan laki-laki SIM bolok SIM lasuʔ | ahop (lit. front) | kubaʔ HON ˈtompos HON ˈlasːuʔ | onˈtoluː (testicles) BAH boloʔ BAH lasuʔ PKB ˈtompos PKB ˈlasuʔ | buˈlesek | panˈdoliŋ KND ˈmatanu ˈbolok KND ˈlasuʔ SAM bolok SAM — KIN tompos KIN lasuʔ HHK ˈbolok ˈtedeʔ HHK ˈlasuʔ (penis) | onˈtoluː (male genitals) LMP tompos | ˈkubaʔ (pubic region, either sex) BTY ˈboloʔu ˈtedeʔ LMP — LLB — BTY ˈlasuʔ TLD ˌmataˈbolok TLD ˈlasuʔ urine 062 vagina 065 air kencing kemaluan perempuan SIM tatidiʔ SIM — HON taˈtːidiʔ HON ˈpikːi | ˈpahaʔ BAH taatidiʔ BAH piki PKB taˈtidiʔ KND ˈpiki KND ˈʔueːnu taˈtidiʔ SAM — SAM tatidiʔ PKB ˈpiki | ˈmeheŋ KIN tatidiʔ KIN pikiʔ | pepeʔ HHK taˈtidiʔ HHK ˈpiki (coarse) | ˈkalaʔ (refined) LMP tatidiʔ | ˈpeŋet (refined) BTY taˈtidiʔ LMP — LLB — BTY ˈpiki TLD soˈʔue TLD ˈpiki excrement 063 scar 066 tahi bekas luka SIM tedeʔ SIM pakit HON ˈtedeʔ HON ˈpakːit BAH tedeʔ BAH pakit PKB ˈtedeʔ PKB ˈpakit KND ˈtedeʔ KND ˈbakasːu ˈbela (calque from Malay) SAM tedeʔ SAM pakit KIN tedeʔ KIN pakit HHK ˈtedeʔ HHK ˈpakit LMP tedeʔ LMP pakit 44

BTY ˈpakit BTY ˈmian LLB — LLB ˈmian TLD ˈpakit TLD ˈmian boil 067 man, male 070 bisul laki-laki SIM bisun SIM moʔane HON ˈbisːun HON moˈʔane BAH bisun BAH moʔane PKB ˈbisul PKB moˈʔane KND ˈbisul KND moˈʔane SAM bisul SAM moʔane KIN bisul KIN moʔane HHK ˈbisul HHK moˈʔane LMP bisun LMP moʔane BTY ̪ˈbisun BTY moˈʔane LLB — LLB moˈʔane TLD ˈbisul TLD moˈʔane sweat (n) 068 woman, female 071 keringat perempuan SIM lisoŋu SIM boune HON liˈsoŋu HON boˈune BAH limuyuk BAH boune PKB liˈasaʔ PKB boˈune KND liˈasaʔ KND boˈune SAM liasaʔ SAM boune KIN liasaʔ | kuyuŋ | limuyuk KIN boune HHK liˈasaʔ HHK boˈune LMP kuyuŋ LMP boune BTY ˈkuyuŋ BTY boˈune LLB — LLB boˈune TLD ˈbahaŋ TLD boˈine person 069 husband 072 orang suami SIM mian SIM osoaɲo | moʔaneɲo | laŋkaiʔɲo HON ˈmian | laŋkadeŋɲo BAH mian HON laŋˈkaiʔ PKB ˈmian BAH laŋkaiʔ KND ˈmian PKB laŋˈkaiʔ | ʔoˈsoa SAM mian KND laŋˈkaiʔ KIN mian SAM laŋkaiʔ HHK ˈmian KIN osowa LMP mian HHK laŋˈkaiʔ 45

LMP laŋkaiʔ HHK ˈtina BTY laŋˈkaiʔ LMP tina LLB ʔoˈsoa BTY ˈtina TLD moʔaˈneɲo | ʔoˈsoa (spouse, generic) LLB ˈtina wife 073 TLD ˈtina isteri child 076 SIM osoaɲo | bouneɲo | beŋkeleʔɲo anak HON beŋˈkeleʔ SIM anak | hikoʔ BAH beŋkeleʔ HON ˈʔanak PKB beŋˈkeleʔ (cannot be called osoa; cf. BAH anak 072) PKB ˈʔanak | ˈhikoʔ (small child) KND beŋˈkeleʔ KND ˈʔanak SAM beŋkeleʔ SAM anak KIN biŋkeleʔ KIN anak HHK biŋˈkeleʔ | beŋˈkeleʔ (old woman) HHK ˈʔanak LMP beŋkeleʔ LMP anak BTY biŋˈkeleʔ ~ beŋˈkeleʔ (equivalent) BTY ˈʔanak LLB beŋˈkeleʔ | boˈune LLB ˈʔanak TLD biŋkeˈleʔɲo (beŋkeleʔɲo is ‘Saluan’) TLD ˈʔanak father 074 first born child 077 bapak, ayah anak sulung SIM tuma (referential) | mamaʔ (vocative) SIM tumpe HON ˈtuːma (referential) | ˈmama (vocative) HON ˈtumpe BAH tuuma BAH tumpe PKB ˈtuːma PKB ˈtumpe KND ˈpapaʔ KND ˈʔanak anu ˈdakaʔ SAM tuma SAM anak tumpe KIN tuma KIN anak tumpe HHK ˈtuːma HHK ˈanak ˈtumpe LMP tuma LMP anak tumpe BTY ˈtuːma BTY ˈanak ˈtumpe LLB ˈbaːba LLB — TLD ˈtuːma TLD ˈtumpe mother 075 last born child 078 ibu anak bungsu SIM tina (referential) | nene (vocative) SIM tampaluiʔ HON ˈtina (referential) | ˈneneʰ (vocative) HON ˌtampaˈlui BAH tina BAH tampaluiʔ PKB ˈtina PKB ˌtampaˈluiʔ KND ˈmamaʔ KND ˈʔanak anu ˈʔiseʔ SAM tina SAM tampuluiʔ KIN tina KIN tampaluiʔ 46

HHK tampaˈluiʔ HHK ˈkaiʔ LMP tampaluiʔ LMP kaiʔ BTY tampaˈluiʔ BTY ˈkaiʔ LLB — LLB — TLD tampaˈluiʔ TLD ˈkaiʔ grandchild 079 ancestor 082 cucu nenek moyang SIM anu moŋkaiʔ, anu mompopuʔ (lit. one SIM anu mompoleeʔ who makes someone a grandparent) HON ʔanu nompoˈleːʔ HON ʔanumoŋˈkaiʔ (♂) | ʔanumoŋˈkeleʔ (♀) BAH lokon | ampueʔ BAH makumpu PKB ˌʔanumpoˈleːʔ (lit. one having PKB maˈkumpu descendants) KND maˈkumpu KND — SAM makumpu SAM anompoleeʔ KIN tumpu | makumpu KIN anumpoleeʔ HHK maˈkumpu HHK ʔanompoˈleːʔ LMP tumpu LMP anompoleeʔ BTY maˈkumpu BTY ˌʔanumpoˈleːʔ TLD tumpu LLB — grandmother 080 TLD ˌʔanumpuˈleːʔ nenek perempuan offspring 083 SIM popuʔ keturunan HON ˈkeleʔ SIM leeʔ ~ leeʔɲo BAH keleʔ HON ˈleːʔ PKB ˈkeleʔ BAH leeʔ KND ˈneneʔ boˈune (calque from Malay) PKB ˈleːʔ SAM keleʔ KND turunan (

KIN ˈʔutus KIN — HHK ˈʔutus HHK ˈutus ˈdieʔ moˈʔane LMP utus LMP ʔutus moʔane diedieʔ BTY ˈʔutus BTY ̪ˈʔutusdiˈeʔɲo (younger sibling) LLB — LLB — TLD ˈʔutus TLD (addressed with oko) older brother 085 younger sister 088 kakak laki-laki (cf. 256, 270) adik perempuan (cf. 257) SIM — SIM — HON ˈʔutːus ˈtuʔa (older sibling) HON — BAH utus tuʔa moʔane BAH utus iseʔ boune PKB utus tuʔa moʔane PKB utus ʔiseʔ boune KND — KND — SAM utus tuʔa moʔane SAM utus iseʔ boune KIN utus tuʔaɲo moʔane KIN — HHK utus tuʔa moˈʔane HHK utus dieʔ boˈune LMP ʔutus dakaʔɲo moʔane LMP ʔutus boune diedieʔ BTY ʔutusdaˈkaʔɲo (older sibling) BTY — LLB — LLB — TLD (addressed with kita) TLD — older sister 086 mother’s brother 089 kakak perempuan (cf. 256, 270) saudara laki-laki dari ibu SIM — SIM baboʔ HON — HON baːboʔ BAH utus tuʔa boune BAH baaboʔ PKB utus tuʔa boune PKB ˈbaːboʔ KND — KND ˈbaboʔ SAM utus tuʔa boune SAM baaboʔ KIN — KIN baaboʔ HHK utus tuʔa boˈune HHK baːboʔ LMP ʔutus daˈkaʔɲo boune LMP baaboʔ BTY — BTY ˈbaːboʔ LLB — LLB ˈbaːboʔ TLD — TLD pontuˈmaʔon younger brother 087 father’s brother 090 adik laki-laki (cf. 257) saudara laki-laki dari ayah SIM — SIM baboʔ HON ˌʔutːus ˈʔiseʔ (younger sibling) HON — BAH utus iseʔ moʔane BAH baaboʔ PKB ˈutus ˈʔiseʔ moˈʔane PKB ˈbaːboʔ KND — KND — SAM utus iseʔ moʔane SAM baaboʔ 48

KIN baaboʔ KND — HHK baːboʔ SAM botuwan LMP baaboʔ KIN botuwan BTY ˈbaːboʔ HHK boˈtuan LLB ˈbaːboʔ LMP botuwan TLD pontuˈmaʔon BTY boˈtuan mother’s sister 091 TLD boˈtuwan saudara perempuan dari ibu widow 094 SIM kakaʔ janda HON ˈkaːkaʔ SIM balu BAH dadaʔ HON ˈbalu PKB ˈkaːkaʔ BAH balu KND ˈkeleʔ (= grandmother? cf. 080) PKB timˈbalaʔ (male or female) SAM kakaʔ KND — KIN kaakaʔ SAM timbalaʔ HHK ˈkaːkaʔ (first vowel must be long, KIN baluʔ can’t say ˈkakaʔ) HHK ˈʤanda LMP taataʔ LMP ʤanda BTY ˈkaːkaʔ BTY ˈʤanda LLB ˈtaːtaʔ LLB — TLD pontiˈnaʔon TLD ˈʤanda | mamaˈʤanda (vocative) father’s sister 092 guest 095 saudara perempuan dari ayah tamu SIM kakaʔ SIM anu nolibaʔ (lit. the one who has come HON — into the house) (cf. 427) BAH dadaʔ HON mianˈtokːa | baˈhou (interlocutor) PKB ˈkaːkaʔ BAH toʔutus-utus KND — PKB anu tuˈmoka | mianˈtoka | ˈtamu SAM kakaʔ KND — KIN kaakaʔ SAM saweʔ HHK ˈkaːkaʔ KIN saweʔ LMP taataʔ HHK ˈtamu BTY ˈkaːkaʔ LMP dagaŋ LLB ˈtaːtaʔ BTY ˈtamu TLD pontiˈnaʔon LLB — slave 093 TLD ˈsaweʔ hamba, budak companion 096 SIM mantoloos | anu lewaʔ opoka-pokau kawan, teman (li. the one who is ordered around) SIM saˈŋaluː HON ˌʔanuʤoˈʤoːŋ (cf. 472) HON saŋˈgaluː BAH botuan BAH saˈŋaluː PKB boˈtuan PKB saˈŋaluː 49

KND saˈŋaluː PKB ˈʔia | beˈleːɲo SAM saˈŋaluː KND ˈʔia KIN saˈŋaluː SAM ia HHK saˈŋaluː KIN ia LMP saˈŋaluː HHK ˈʔia BTY saˈŋaluː LMP ia LLB — BTY beˈleːɲo TLD ˈbeːle (beːˈleɲo) LLB ˈʔia I 097 TLD ˈʔia aku, saya we (excl.) 100 SIM aku kami HON ˈʔakːu | ˈbutoŋ (cf. 001) SIM kami BAH aku | butoŋku (cf. 001) HON ˈkami PKB ˈʔaku | beˈleːŋku (myself) BAH kami KND ˈʔaku PKB ˈkami | ˌbeleːˈmami SAM aku KND ˈkami KIN aku SAM kami HHK ˈʔaku KIN kami LMP beleŋku HHK ˈkami BTY ʔaku LMP kami LLB ˈʔaku BTY ˈkami TLD ʔiˈauʔ LLB ˈkami you (fam.) 098 TLD ˈkami engkau, kamu we (incl.) 101 SIM ako | komiu kita HON ˈʔokːo (coarse) | ˈkitːa (to someone SIM kita who is older) HON ˈkitːa BAH oko BAH kita PKB ˈʔoko | beˈleːnto (polite) | beˈleːum PKB ˈkita KND ˈʔoko KND ˈkita SAM oko SAM kita KIN oko KIN kita HHK ˈʔoko | beˈleːum HHK ˈkita LMP beleeyum LMP kita BTY ʔoko (coarse) | beleːum (polite) BTY ˈkita LLB ˈʔoko LLB — TLD ˈʔoko | kita (polite) TLD ˈkita | ʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot (cf. 295) he, she 099 you (plural) 102 dia, ia kalian SIM ia SIM komu HON ˈʔia HON koˈmiu BAH ia BAH komiu 50

PKB koˈmiu PKB ʔoˈnuaŋ KND koˈmiu KND ʔaˈnuaŋ SAM komiu SAM onuaŋ KIN komiu KIN onuaŋ HHK koˈmiu | beleˈmiu (two or three) HHK ʔoˈnuaŋ LMP komiyu LMP onuaŋ BTY koˈmiu BTY ʔoˈnuaŋ LLB koˈmiu LLB — TLD koˈmiu TLD ʔoˈnuaŋ they 103 horn 106 mereka tanduk SIM aha SIM tanduk HON ˈʔaha HON ˈtanduk BAH aha BAH tanduk PKB ˈʔaha PKB ˈtanduk KND ˈʔaha KND ˈtanduk SAM aha SAM tanduk KIN aha KIN tanduk HHK ˈʔaha HHK ˈtanduk LMP aha LMP tanduk BTY ˈʔaha BTY ˈtanduk LLB ˈʔaha LLB — TLD ˈʔaha TLD ˈtanduk water buffalo 104 tail 107 kerbau ekor SIM beŋga SIM ˈʔikuː HON kahamˈbauʔ HON ˈʔikuː BAH kahambauʔ BAH ˈʔikuː PKB kahamˈbauʔ | ˈbeŋga PKB ˈʔikuː KND ˌkahamˈbau KND ˈʔikuː SAM kahambauʔ SAM ˈʔikuː KIN kahambauʔ KIN ˈʔikuː HHK kahamˈbauʔ HHK ˈʔikuː LMP kahambauʔ LMP ˈʔikuː BTY kahamˈbauʔ BTY ˈʔikuː LLB — LLB ˈʔikuː TLD kahamˈbauʔ TLD ˈʔikuː anoa depressicornis 105 bird 108 anoa burung SIM onuaŋ SIM tomonsiʔ HON ʔoˈnuaŋ HON toˈmonsiʔ BAH onuaŋ BAH tomonsiʔ 51

PKB toˈmonsiʔ (small) | ˌmanuˈmanuk wing 111 (large) sayap KND ˈsomaʔ SIM polipik SAM somaʔ HON poˈlipːik KIN tomonsik | manumanuk BAH polipik HHK ˈsomaʔ PKB poˈlipik LMP somaʔ KND poˈlipik BTY ˈsomaʔ SAM polipik LLB ˌmanuˈmanuk KIN polipik TLD ˌmanuˈmanuk HHK poˈlipik crow 109 LMP polipik burung gagak BTY poˈlipik LLB poˈlipik SIM — TLD poˈlipik HON ˌpaːˈpaːʔ ~ paˈpaː BAH kogaak egg (chicken) 112 PKB ˌpaːˈpaːʔ telur (ayam) KND paˈpaːʔ SIM ŋalauʔ SAM paapaaʔ HON ŋaˈlauʔ ~ ŋgaˈlauʔ KIN paapaaʔ BAH ŋgalauʔ HHK ˌpaːˈpaːʔ PKB ŋgaˈlauʔ LMP paapaaʔ KND ŋgaˈlauʔ BTY ˌpaːˈpaːʔ | boˈɲiaʔ (large, eats SAM ŋgalauʔ chickens) KIN ŋgalauʔ LLB — HHK ŋgaˈlauʔ TLD ˌpaːˈpaːʔ LMP ŋgalauʔ chicken 110 BTY ŋgaˈlauʔ ayam LLB ŋgaˈlauʔ TLD onˈtolu SIM manuk HON ˈmanuk feather 113 (cf. 047, 110) BAH manuk bulu (ayam) PKB ˈmanuk SIM bulu KND ˈmanuk HON ˈbulunu ˈmanuk SAM manuk BAH bulu KIN manuk PKB ˈbulunu ˈmanuk HHK ˈmanuk KND ˈbulu LMP manuk SAM bulu BTY ˈmanuk KIN bulu LLB — HHK ˈbulunu ˈmanuk TLD ˈmanuk LMP bulu BTY ˈbulunu ˈmanuk LLB ˈbulunu ˈmanuk TLD ˌbulunu ˈmanuk 52

louse (chicken) 114 LLB — kutu ayam TLD ˈtumaʔ | manˈdeːŋ (bedbug)̠ SIM kutu nu manuk bat 117 HON ʔonˈsisi kelelawar BAH onsisi SIM ponikiʔ PKB ʔonˈsisi HON ˈmõhĩʔ KND ˈkutu BAH ponikiʔ SAM onsisi PKB ˈmohĩʔ KIN onsisi KND poˈnikiʔ HHK ʔonˈsisi SAM mohiʔ LMP onsisi KIN mohiʔ | ponikiʔ BTY ʔonˈsisi HHK ˈmõhĩʔ TLD ˈlios LMP mohiʔ | ponikiʔ louse (head) 115 BTY ˈmohĩʔ kutu (kepala) TLD poˈnikiʔ SIM kutu fruit bat, flying fox 118 HON ˈkutːu keluang, kalong BAH kutu SIM taʔon PKB ˈkutu | tuˈbeleŋ (large, mother) HON poˈnikːiʔ | ˈkoŋe | ˈlisaʔ (nit) | ˈluwat (small) BAH taaʔon KND ˈkutu PKB poˈnikiʔ SAM kutu KND poˈnikiʔ KIN kutu SAM ponikiʔ HHK ˈkutu | tuˈbeleŋ (large) | ˈliːsaʔ KIN taʔon | ponikiʔ (small) HHK poˈnikiʔ LMP kutu LMP taʔon BTY tuˈbeleŋ (large, dark) | ˈlisaʔ BTY poˈnikiʔ | ˈluat (small, newly hatched) LLB — LLB ˈkutu TLD poˈnikiʔ (no difference large or small) TLD ˈkutu caterpillar 119 louse (clothes) 116 ulat tuma (pakaian) SIM lonsiiʔ SIM olibobos (crawl all over) | kolokat HON ˈsonsoŋ (bite) BAH tatanduʔ HON ˈtumaʔ PKB taˈlambiʔ BAH tumaʔ KND ˈʔulat (

LLB — LLB ˈlaloː TLD ˈkoeʔ TLD ˈlaloː butterfly 120 termite 123 kupu-kupu anai-anai SIM tenteleŋan SIM aneʔ HON tenteˈleŋan HON ˈʔaneʔ BAH tenteleŋan BAH aneʔ PKB ˌtenteˈleŋan PKB ˈʔaneʔ KND ˌtenteˈleŋan KND ˈʔane SAM tenteleŋan SAM aneʔ KIN tenteleŋan KIN aneʔ HHK tenteˈleŋan HHK ˈʔaneʔ | piˈsouʔ (termite mound) LMP tenteleŋan LMP aneʔ BTY tenteˈleŋan BTY ˈʔaneʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˌtoːˈtoːde TLD ˈʔaneʔ mosquito 121 centipede 124 nyamuk lipan SIM momot SIM olipan HON moˈmot HON ʔoˈlipan BAH momot BAH olipan PKB ˈmomot PKB ʔoˈlipan KND ˈmomot KND ʔoˈlipan SAM momot SAM olipan KIN momot KIN olipan HHK ˈmomot HHK ʔoˈlipan LMP momot LMP olipan BTY ˈmomot BTY ʔoˈlipan LLB ˈmomot LLB — TLD ˈmomot TLD ʔoˈlipan fly 122 luminous millipede 125 lalat kelema(n)yar SIM ˈlaloː SIM intam HON ˈlaloː HON ʔunˈtataː BAH ˈlaloː BAH ʔanˈtataː PKB ˈlaloː PKB ʔanˈtataː KND ˈlaloː KND — SAM ˈlaloː SAM antata KIN ˈlaloː KIN antata HHK ˈlaloː HHK — LMP ˈlaloː LMP andap BTY ˈlaloː BTY ʔunˈtataː 54

LLB — LLB — TLD ˈʔondat TLD ˌɲiːtˈɲiːt firefly 126 spider 129 kunang-kunang labah-labah SIM kuhap SIM loaʔ HON ˈkuhap HON ˈloaʔ | ˈʤolaʔ (cockroach) BAH kuhap BAH loaʔ PKB ˈkuhap PKB ˈloaʔ KND ˌʔaliˈpopo KND ˈloaʔ SAM kuhap SAM loaʔ KIN kuhap | boyaiʔ KIN loaʔ HHK boˈyaiʔ ~ boiˈaiʔ HHK ˈloaʔ LMP boyaiʔ LMP loaʔ BTY ˈkuhap BTY ˈloaʔ LLB — LLB ˈloaʔ TLD ˌboiˈyai TLD ˌkaluˈaŋkaŋ scorpion 127 earth worm 130 kalajengking cacing tanah SIM sipitodoŋ SIM kutu nu tanoʔ HON ˌsipːit ˈkodoŋ HON ʔonʤoluˈateʔ BAH sipitkodoŋ BAH onʤoluateʔ PKB beˈyuaʔ PKB ˌʔonʤoluˈateʔ KND kalaˈʤeŋkiŋ (

LLB binˈtanaʔ LLB — TLD binˈtanaʔ TLD ˈʔansaŋ fish 132 eel (freshwater) 135 ikan ikan belut (di air tawar) SIM ikan (marine) | isi nu ue (freshwater) SIM tindoliʔ HON ˈʔikan HON ʤoˈloʤik | tinˈdoliʔ BAH ikan BAH tindoliʔ PKB ˈʔikan PKB ʤoˈloʤik KND ˈʔikan KND ʤoˈloʤik SAM ikan SAM ʤolooʤik KIN ikan KIN ʤoloʤik | tindoliʔ (very big) HHK ˈʔikan | podeʔ (marine) LMP ikan HHK ʤoˈloʤik BTY ˈʔikan LMP ʤolooʤik LLB ˈʔikan BTY ʤoˈloʤik TLD ˈʔikan TLD ʤoˈloʤik fish scales 133 frog 136 sisik katak SIM sonuku SIM bahanoʔ | ˌbahaŋˈkakak (toad) HON soˈnuku HON buˈhansuʔ (stays in water) | BAH sonuku ˌbahaŋˈkakak (toad) PKB soˈnuku BAH bahaŋkoak (inedible) | keŋkeŋ (small) KND soˈnuku PKB bahaˈkakak SAM sonuku KND ˈtodaʔ KIN sonuku SAM bahaŋkakak (generic term) HHK soˈnuku KIN bahakakak | ɲoɲikop (black, inedible) LMP sonuku | buˈhansuk (larged, edible) BTY soˈnuku HHK baˈhaːnoʔ LLB — LMP bahaŋkakak (generic term) TLD ˈʔunap BTY ˌbahaˈkakak (small) | puˈlala (large) fish gills 134 TLD bahaˈkakak | ˈtibiŋ (loud call) insang turtle (freshwater) 137 SIM bihiŋ (cf. 022) kura-kura (di air tawar) HON ˈŋahaŋ SIM heʔa BAH ansaŋ HON ˈheʔaː PKB ˈʔansaŋ BAH heeʔa | bokoʔ (marine) KND ˈʔansaŋ PKB ˈheʔaː SAM ansaŋ KND ˈbokoʔ KIN ansaŋ SAM heeʔa | bokoʔ (marine) HHK ˈʔansaŋ KIN heeʔa | bokoʔ LMP ansaŋ HHK ˈheʔa BTY ˈʔansaŋ LMP heeʔa | bokobokoʔ (marine) 56

BTY ˈheʔaː BTY ˈbalan LLB — LLB — TLD ˈheʔa TLD ˈbalan crocodile 138 rat, mouse 141 buaya tikus SIM buaaʔ SIM bokotiʔ | poŋka | pihiɲo | pintuŋ HON buˈaːʔ HON boˈkotiʔ BAH buaaʔ BAH bokotiʔ PKB buˈaːʔ PKB boˈkotiʔ KND buˈaːʔ KND boˈkotiʔ SAM buaaʔ SAM bokotiʔ KIN buaaʔ KIN bokotiʔ | poŋka HHK buˈaːʔ HHK boˈkotiʔ LMP buaaʔ LMP bokotiʔ | poŋka BTY buˈaːʔ BTY boˈkotiʔ LLB — LLB boˈkotiʔ TLD buˈaː (no final glottal stop confirmed) TLD boˈkotiʔ deer 139 pig (wild) 142 rusa babi (yg liar) SIM ʤoŋa SIM bauʔ | bokeʔ (domesticated) HON ˈʤoŋa HON ˈbauʔ BAH ʤoŋa BAH ˈbauʔ PKB ˈʤoŋa PKB ˈbauː KND ˈʤoŋa KND ˈbauː SAM ʤoŋa SAM ˈbauː KIN ʤoŋa KIN ˈbauː HHK ˈʤoŋa HHK ˈbauː LMP ʤoŋa LMP ˈbauː BTY ˈʤoŋa BTY ˈbauː LLB — LLB — TLD ˈʤoŋaʔ (final glottal stop confirmed) TLD ˈbau (no final glottal stop) ape 140 dog 143 monyet anjing SIM balan SIM dedeŋ HON ˈbalan | molomˈpuʔun (lone monkey) HON ˈdɛdeŋ BAH balan BAH dedeŋ PKB ˈbalan PKB ˈdedeŋ KND ˈbalan KND ˈdedeŋ SAM balan SAM dediŋ KIN balan | koŋeap KIN dediŋ HHK ˈbalan HHK ˈdedeŋ LMP balan | belentediŋ | tehus LMP dediŋ 57

BTY ˈdedeŋ BTY ˈpaŋaʔ LLB ˈdedeŋ LLB ˈpaŋaʔ TLD ˈdɛdeŋ TLD ˈpaŋaʔ tree 144 root 147 pohon akar SIM kauʔ (cf. 149) SIM bakat HON ˈpuʔun HON ˈbakat BAH puʔun BAH bakat PKB ˈpuʔun PKB ˈbakat KND ˈpuʔun KND ˈbakat SAM puʔun SAM bakat KIN puʔun KIN bakat HHK ˈpuʔun HHK ˈbakat LMP puʔuɲo LMP bakat BTY ˈpuʔun BTY ˈbakat LLB — LLB ˈbakat TLD ˈpuʔun TLD ˈbakat leaf 145 bark (tree) 148 daun kulit kayu (cf. 048, 149) SIM hoon SIM kilit HON ˈhoːn HON ˈkilitnu kauʔ BAH hoon BAH kilit PKB ˈhoːn PKB ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ KND ˈhoːn KND ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ SAM hoon SAM kilit KIN hoon KIN kilit | kuaŋ HHK ˈhoːn HHK ˈkilittu ˈkauʔ LMP hooɲo LMP kilit BTY ˈhoːn BTY ˈkilitːu ˈkauʔ LLB ˈhoːn LLB — TLD ˈhoːn TLD ˈkilitu ˈkauʔ branch 146 wood 149 cabang kayu SIM paŋaʔ SIM kauʔ HON ˈpaŋaʔ HON ˈkauʔ BAH paŋaʔ BAH kauʔ PKB ˈpaŋaʔ PKB ˈkauʔ KND ˈpaŋaʔ KND ˈkauʔ SAM paŋaʔ SAM kauʔ KIN paŋaʔ KIN kauʔ HHK ˈpaŋaʔ HHK ˈkauʔ LMP paŋaʔ LMP kauʔ 58

BTY ˈkauʔ BTY ˈhiːʔ LLB ˈkauʔ LLB — TLD ˈkauʔ TLD ˈhiːʔ fruit 150 banana 153 buah pisang SIM buaʔ u kauʔ SIM ˈsagin HON ˈbuaʔ HON ˈsagin BAH buaʔ BAH ˈsagin PKB ˈbuaʔ PKB ˈsagin KND ˈbuaʔ KND ˈsagin SAM buaʔ SAM ˈsagin KIN buaʔ KIN ˈsagin HHK ˈbuaʔ HHK ˈsagin LMP buaʔ LMP ˈsagin BTY ˈbuaʔ BTY ˈsagin LLB ˈbuaʔ LLB — TLD ˈbuaʔ TLD ˈsagin flower 151 coconut (ripe) 154 bunga (yg di halaman) kelapa tua SIM buhak SIM ˈniuː HON ˈbuhak HON ˈniuː BAH buŋa BAH ˈniuː PKB ˈbuŋa PKB ˈniuː gasaŋ KND ˈbuŋa KND ˈniuː SAM leelaŋ SAM ˈniuː KIN buŋa KIN ˈniuː HHK ˈbuŋa HHK ˈniuː LMP buŋa LMP ˈniuː BTY ˌbuŋaˈbuŋa BTY ˈniũː LLB ˈbuŋa LLB ˈniuː TLD ˈbuːhak TLD ˈpotil thorn 152 coconut (unripe) 155 duri kelapa muda SIM hiiʔ SIM timbuhuŋ HON ˈhiːʔ HON timˈbuhuŋ BAH hiiʔ BAH timbuhuŋ PKB ˈhiːʔ PKB timˈbuhuŋ KND ˈhiː KND timˈbuhuŋ SAM hiiʔ SAM timbuhuŋ KIN hiiʔ KIN timbuhuŋ HHK ˈhiːʔ HHK timˈbuhuŋ LMP hiiʔ LMP timbuhuŋ 59

BTY timˈbuhuŋ LMP ladaŋ LLB — BTY ˈladaŋ TLD timˈbuhuŋ LLB — coconut shell 156 TLD ˈladaŋ tempurung nipa palm 159 SIM ˈbaŋaː | bunut nipah HON ˈbaŋaː SIM nipaʔ BAH ˈbaŋaː HON ˈnipːaʔ PKB ˈbaŋaː BAH nipaʔ KND ˈbaŋaː PKB ˈnipaʔ SAM ˈbaŋaː KND ˈnipaʔ KIN ˈbaŋaː SAM nipaʔ HHK ˈbaŋaː KIN nipaʔ LMP ˈbaŋaː HHK ˈnipaʔ BTY ˈbaŋaː LMP nipaʔ LLB — BTY ˈnipaʔ TLD ˈtoboŋ LLB — bamboo 157 TLD ˈndipaʔ bambu rattan 160 SIM balo | peliŋ | awok | buluʔ | rotan topikan SIM ueʔ HON ˈbalo | ˈpehiŋ | ˈʔawok HON ˈʔueʔ BAH balo BAH ueʔ PKB ˈbalo PKB ˈʔueʔ KND ˈbalo KND ˈʔueʔ SAM balo SAM uweʔ KIN balo KIN ueʔ HHK ˈbalo HHK ˈʔueʔ LMP balo LMP uweʔ BTY ˈbalo BTY ˈʔueʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈpehiŋ | ˈʔawok | tamˈbalaŋ | boˈloiʔ TLD ˈʔueʔ sago palm 158 sugarcane 161 rumbia tebu SIM ladaŋ SIM tumbaʔ HON ˈladaŋ HON ˈtumbaʔ BAH ladaŋ BAH tumbaʔ PKB ˈladaŋ PKB ˈtumbaʔ KND ˈladaŋ KND ˈtumbaʔ SAM ladaŋ SAM tumbaʔ KIN ladaŋ KIN tumbaʔ HHK ˈladaŋ HHK ˈtumbaʔ 60

LMP tumbaʔ HHK poˈpokiʔ BTY ˈtumbaʔ LMP popokiʔ LLB — BTY poˈpokiʔ TLD ˈtumbaʔ LLB — peanut 162 TLD poˈpokiʔ kacang tanah ginger 165 SIM saŋgoleŋ jahe HON saŋ̝ˈgoleŋ SIM loyaʔ BAH saŋgoleŋ HON ˈloyaʔ PKB saŋˈgoleŋ BAH loiaʔ KND ˈkaʧaŋ PKB loˈiyaʔ SAM saŋgoreŋ KND loˈiaʔ KIN saŋgoleŋ SAM loiyaʔ HHK ˈkaʧaŋ KIN loiyaʔ LMP saŋgoleŋ HHK loˈiyaʔ BTY ˈkasaŋ | saŋˈgoreŋ (already fried) LMP loiyaʔ LLB — BTY loˈiaʔ TLD ˈkasaŋ LLB — kapok 163 TLD ˈloyaʔ kapok cassava 166 SIM kabu-kabuŋ ubi kayu HON ˌkabuˈkabuŋ SIM sakudiiʔ BAH kabukabuŋ HON kasuˈdiːʔ PKB ˌkabuˈkabuŋ BAH kasudiiʔ KND ˌkabuˈkabuŋ PKB kaˈsubiʔ SAM kabukabuŋ KND kasuˈbiː KIN kabukabuŋ | kauŋkauŋ SAM kasubiiʔ HHK ˌkabuŋˈkabuŋ KIN kasubii LMP kabukabuŋ HHK kasuˈbiːʔ BTY ˌkabuˈkabuŋ (still on tree) LMP kasubiiʔ | ˌkauŋˈkauŋ (used in mattress) BTY ka suˈbiːʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˌkabuˈkabuŋ TLD kasuˈbiːʔ eggplant 164 sweet potato 167 terung ubi jalar SIM — SIM kelaʔ HON poˈpokːiʔ HON ˈkelaʔ BAH popokiʔ BAH kelaʔ PKB poˈpokiʔ PKB ˈkelaʔ KND poˈpokiʔ KND ˈkelaʔ SAM popokiʔ SAM kelaʔ KIN popokiʔ KIN kelaʔ 61

HHK ˈkelaʔ HHK ˈdekut LMP kelaʔ LMP hemput | bomboŋ BTY ˈkelaʔ BTY ˈhɛmput LLB — LLB ˈbomboŋ TLD ˈkelaʔ TLD ˈhemput (tall) | ˈbomboŋ (low, betel 168 spreading) sirih sword grass 171 SIM hampaʔ alang-alang HON ˈhampaʔ SIM padaŋ BAH hampaʔ HON ˈpadaŋ PKB ˈhampaʔ BAH padaŋ KND ˈhampaʔ PKB ˈpadaŋ SAM hampaʔ KND ˈpadaŋ KIN hampaʔ SAM padaŋ HHK ˈganʤeŋ KIN padaŋ LMP hampaʔ HHK ˈpadaŋ BTY ˈganʤeŋ LMP padaŋ LLB — BTY ˈpadaŋ TLD ˈhoːɲo LLB — areca nut (betelnut) 169 TLD ˈpadaŋ pinang pandanus 172 SIM popos pandan HON ˈpopos SIM tinahas (general) | aɲamon | mempan BAH popos | bahoi PKB ˈpopos HON tiˈnahas | ˈpondan (fragrant) KND ˈpopos BAH pondan SAM popos PKB ˈtondaː (for mat) | ˈpondan (fragrant) KIN popos KND ˈtondaː | ˈpondan (fragrant) HHK ˈpopos SAM pondan LMP popos KIN pondan BTY ˈpopos HHK ˈtondaː (for mat) | ˈpondan (fragrant) LLB — LMP pondan TLD ˈpopos BTY ʔaˈɲamon (thorned, for mat) (cf. 442) short grass 170 | ˈpondan (fragrant) rumput TLD baˈhoi | ˈpondan (fragrant) SIM hemput | belebean seed 173 (cf. 213) HON ˈhemput biji BAH bomboŋ SIM beʔa | opis (of mango) PKB ˈhɛmput HON baˈtuɲo KND ˈhɛmput BAH batu SAM hemput | bomboŋ PKB baˈtuɲo KIN hemput | bomboŋ KND baˈtuɲo 62

SAM batu BAH timpaaɲo KIN batu PKB ˈpae HHK baˈtuɲo KND ˈpae LMP batu SAM lesol BTY baˈtuɲo KIN pae TLD ˈbatu HHK ˈbineʔ (rice) seedling 174 LMP otaʔ | koŋkom bibit (padi) BTY ˈgaba LLB — SIM bineʔ | palaŋaʔ (coconut, chocolate) TLD ˈpae | sopaʔ (banana, pineapple, sago) HON ˈbibit | ˈbineʔ (still seed, not yet hull of rice 177 planted) sekam (gabah) BAH bineʔ SIM otaʔ PKB ˈbibit HON ˈʔotaʔ KND ˈbibitːu ˈpae BAH otaʔ SAM bineʔ PKB ˈʔotaʔ KIN bineʔ KND ˈʔotaʔ HHK ˈbineʔ (for dry field) | ˈbibit (for SAM otaʔ paddy) KIN otaʔ LMP bineʔ HHK ˈʔotaʔ BTY ˈbibit (rice) | ʔumˈbaŋon (eggplant, LMP otak etc.) BTY ˈʔotaʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbineʔ TLD ˈʔotaʔ field rice 175 hulled rice 178 padi beras SIM pae SIM hoas HON ˈpae HON ˈhoas BAH pae BAH hoas PKB ˈpae PKB ˈhoas KND ˈpae KND ˈhoas SAM paeʔ SAM hoas KIN pae KIN hoas HHK ˈpae HHK ˈhoas LMP pae LMP hoas BTY ˈpae BTY ˈhoas LLB — LLB — TLD ˈpae TLD ˈhoas rice (cut, unhulled) 176 cooked rice 179 gabah nasi SIM tibalamba SIM bokuŋ | opae HON ˈpae HON ˈsasak 63

BAH inunʤaŋ (cf. 387) | koʤiok moon 182 PKB ˈnasi bulan KND ˈnasi SIM bituʔon | koloa SAM inunʤaŋ (cf. 387) HON koˈloaː KIN pae BAH bituʔon | koloa HHK ˈnasi PKB biˈtuʔon LMP masasak KND biˈtuʔon BTY ˈnasi | ˈbokun (cold leftover cooked SAM bituʔon rice) KIN bituʔon LLB — HHK biˈtuʔon TLD ˈpae maˈnanoŋ LMP bituʔon corn 180 BTY biˈtuʔon jagung LLB biˈtuʔon TLD biˈtuʔon SIM binde HON ˈbinde star 183 BAH binde bintang PKB ˈbinde SIM mandalaʔ KND ˈbinde HON manˈdalaʔ SAM binde BAH mandalaʔ KIN binde PKB manˈdalaʔ HHK ˈbinde KND ˈbintaŋ (

cloud 185 thunder 188 awan guntur SIM ehebut SIM gohuŋ HON ˈsehuʔ HON ˈgohuŋ BAH seehuʔ BAH ŋguluk PKB ˈkundom PKB ˈgohuŋ KND ˈkundom KND ˈgohuŋ SAM kundom SAM gohuŋ KIN kundom KIN gohuŋ HHK ˈkundom HHK ˈgohuŋ LMP antoŋ LMP gohuŋ BTY ˈkundom BTY ˈgohuŋ LLB ˈkundom LLB ˈgohuŋ TLD ˈʔantoŋ TLD ˈgohuŋ raincloud 186 lightning 189 awan hitam kilat SIM ehebut SIM kilat (day, with thunder) HON ˈsehuʔ moˈʔitom | boŋki-boŋkit (night, little or no BAH seehuʔ moʔitom | kundom thunder) PKB mbahuŋmˈbahuŋ HON ˌboŋkiˈboŋkit KND duŋˈkoːp BAH kilat SAM kundom moʔitom PKB ˈkilat (loud) | boŋkiˈboŋkit KIN — KND ˈkilat HHK punˈdoːk SAM kilat LMP — KIN kilat BTY — HHK ˌboŋkiˈboŋkit LLB — LMP kilat TLD ˈʔantoŋ moˈʔitom BTY bɛˈheseʔ fog 187 LLB ˈkilat kabut TLD ˈkilat SIM hakut rain 190 HON ˈsehuʔ hujan BAH pintuŋ SIM uʤan | lohidiʔ PKB ˈʔundop HON ˈʔuʤan (infrequent) KND ˈseyu BAH uʤan SAM duuŋkop PKB ˈʔuʤan KIN seehuʔ KND ˈʔuʤan HHK ˈsehuʔ SAM uʤan LMP tabuhoŋkoʔ KIN uʤan BTY ˈsehuʔ HHK ˈʔuʤan LLB ˈsehũʔ | kunˈdou LMP uʤan TLD tiŋkoˈumon BTY ˈʔuʤan 65

LLB ˈʔuʤan LLB ʔamˈbai TLD ˈʔuʤan TLD toˈbui rainbow 191 shore 194 pelangi pantai SIM tandaloʔ | ponihaaʔ (partial rainbow) SIM habeʔ u ambai (cf. 199) HON tanˈdaloʔ HON ˈpante (

BTY taiˈluaʔ BTY tiˈmuson LLB — LLB tiˈmuson TLD lamˈpetak TLD timˈbuson earth, ground 197 sugar 200 tanah gula SIM tanoʔ | katanoʔan SIM gulaʔ puteʔ HON ˈtanoʔ HON ˈgulaʔ BAH tanoʔ BAH gulaʔ PKB ˈtanoʔ PKB ˈgula KND ˈtanoʔ KND ˈgulaʔ SAM tanoʔ SAM gulaʔ KIN tanoʔ KIN gulaʔ HHK ˈtanoʔ HHK ˈgulaʔ LMP tanoʔ LMP gulaʔ BTY ˈtanoʔ BTY ˈgula LLB ˈtanoʔ LLB — TLD ˈtanoʔ TLD ˈgulaʔ earthquake 198 water 201 gempa bumi air SIM luluʔ SIM ˈʔueː HON ˈluluʔ HON ˈʔueː BAH luuluʔ BAH ˈʔueː PKB ˈluːluʔ PKB ˈʔueː KND ˈluluʔ KND ˈʔueː SAM luuluʔ SAM ˈʔueː KIN luuluʔ KIN ˈʔueː HHK ˈluːluʔ HHK ˈʔueː LMP luuluʔ LMP ˈʔueː BTY ˈluːluʔ BTY ˈʔueː LLB — LLB ˈʔueː TLD ˈluluʔ TLD ˈʔueː salt 199 waterfall 202 garam (cf. 193) air terjun SIM ambai SIM ombuʔan HON tiˈmuson HON ʔomˈbuʔan BAH timuson BAH ombuʔan PKB ˈʔambay PKB ʔomˈbuʔan KND ˈʔambay KND ˌʔuemaˈnabuʔ SAM timuson | ambai SAM ombuʔan KIN timuson KIN ombuʔan HHK tiˈmuson HHK milaˈloa (to jump down, dive) LMP timuson LMP ombuʔan 67

BTY ʔomˈbuʔan BTY biˈtiʔɲo LLB — LLB — TLD ˌʔueːmaˈnabuʔ TLD tutuˈbulɲo | titiŋˈgilɲo (edge of cliff) spring 203 woods, forest 206 mata air hutan SIM mata nu ʔueː SIM alas (virgin) | kuhat (former garden) HON maˈtaɲo HON ˈʔalas BAH mata nu ʔueː | supak BAH kuhat PKB buˈlakan PKB ˈʔalas | ˈkuhat (equivalent) KND ˈmatanu ˈʔueː KND ˈʔalas SAM mata nu ʔueː SAM kuhat | dekut KIN mata nu ʔueː KIN kuhat HHK ˈmatanu ˈʔueː HHK hoˈhoː(ɲo) LMP mata nu ʔueː LMP dekut BTY buˈlakan (native word) | ˌmatanu ˈʔueː BTY ʔalaˈsonɲo (virgin forest) LLB — LLB ˈkuhat TLD ˌmatanuˈʔueː ~ ˌmataˈʔueː TLD ˈʔalas mountain 204 river 207 gunung sungai SIM buŋkutɲo | panimbuluon SIM ue | kauɲo (big) | sepeʔ (small) HON buŋˈkutɲo HON kaˈuɲo BAH buŋkutɲo BAH kauɲo PKB buŋˈkutɲo PKB ˈʔueː KND buŋˈkutɲo KND kaˈuɲo SAM buŋkutɲo SAM kauɲo KIN buŋkut KIN kauɲo HHK buŋˈkutɲo HHK kaˈuɲo | ˈsepɛʔ LMP ampiɲo LMP kauɲo BTY buŋˈkutɲo BTY kaˈuɲo LLB — LLB — TLD buŋˈkutɲo TLD kaˈuɲo ( cf. kaˈuʔɲo ‘his wood’) summit 205 lake 208 puncak danau SIM puge-pugeʔɲo SIM dowiwi HON buŋˈkutɲo HON doˈwiwi | ˈlimbo (pond, pool) BAH pasasaweʔan BAH liouʔ PKB bambaˈwoɲo | buˈaɲo PKB doˈwiwi KND ˈbawoɲo KND ˈdanaw (

BTY tamˈparaŋ BTY ˈʔabuʔ LLB ˈlelaŋ LLB ˈʔabuʔ TLD ˈbuntoŋ TLD ˈʔabuʔ fire 209 dust 212 api debu SIM ˈʔapuː SIM abuʔ HON ˈʔapuː HON ˈʔabuʔ BAH ˈʔapuː BAH abuʔ PKB ˈʔapuː PKB ˈʔabuʔ KND ˈʔapuː KND ˈʔabuʔ SAM ˈʔapuː SAM abuʔ KIN ˈʔapuː | bilat KIN abuʔ HHK ˈʔapuː HHK ˈʔabuʔ LMP ˈʔapuː LMP abuʔ BTY ˈʔapuː BTY ˈʔabuʔ LLB ˈʔapuː LLB ˈʔabuʔ TLD ˈʔapu TLD ˈʔabuʔ smoke (from fire) 210 stone 213 asap batu SIM tibuk SIM batu HON ˈtibuk HON ˈbatu BAH tibuk BAH batu PKB ˈtibuk PKB ˈbatu KND ˈtibuk KND ˈbatu SAM tibuk SAM batu KIN tibuk KIN batu HHK ˈtibuk HHK ˈbatu LMP tibuk LMP batu BTY ˈtibuk BTY ˈbatu LLB ˈtibuk LLB ˈbatu TLD siˈbuna TLD ʔonˈdoluʔ ashes 211 lime 214 abu kapur SIM abuʔ SIM tilon HON ˈʔabuʔ HON ˈtiːlon BAH abuʔ BAH tiilon PKB ˈʔabuʔ PKB ˈtiːlon KND ˈʔabuʔ KND ˈtilon SAM abuʔ SAM tiilon KIN abuʔ KIN tiilon HHK ˈʔabuʔ HHK ˈtiːlon LMP abuʔ LMP tiilon 69

BTY ˈtiːlon LMP ˈsaloː (wood, bamboo) | lante LLB — (cement) TLD ˈtiːlon BTY ˈsaloː shadow 215 LLB — bayang-bayang TLD ˈsaloː SIM loluŋ wall (of house) 218 HON ˈloːluŋ dinding BAH looluŋ SIM pimpiʔ PKB ˈloːluŋ HON ˈpɪmpiʔ KND ˈloluŋ BAH pimpiʔ SAM looluŋ PKB ˈpimpiʔ KIN looluŋ KND ˈpimpi HHK ˈloːluŋ SAM pimpiʔ LMP loolu KIN pimpiʔ BTY ˈloːluŋ HHK ˈpɪmpiʔ LLB — LMP pimpiʔ TLD ˈloːluŋ BTY ˈpimpiʔ house 216 LLB — rumah TLD ˈhindiŋ SIM laigan | tahop door 219 HON boˈnua | laˈigan (native word) pintu BAH bonua SIM pontumban PKB boˈnua HON ponˈtumban KND boˈnua BAH tumban SAM bonua PKB ˈtumban KIN bonua KND ˈtumban HHK boˈnua | laˈigan SAM tumban LMP bonua KIN tumban BTY boˈnua HHK ˈtumban LLB buˈnua LMP tiŋkop TLD boˈnua BTY ˈtumban floor 217 LLB — lantai TLD saˈbatan SIM ˈsaloː roof 220 HON ˈsaloː atap BAH ˈsaloː SIM atop PKB ˈsaloː HON ˈʔatːop KND ˈsaloː BAH atop SAM ˈsaloː PKB ˈʔatop KIN ˈsaloː KND ˈʔatop HHK ˈsaloː SAM atop KIN atop 70

HHK ˈʔatop KIN ohiiʔ LMP atop HHK oˈhiːʔ | toˈtolon BTY ˈʔatop LMP totolon LLB ˈʔatop BTY toˈtolon TLD ˈʔatop LLB — rafter 221 TLD ʔoˈhiːʔ kasau space under house 224 SIM kasoʔ lalaki kolong HON ˈkasːoʔ SIM ˈpatuː BAH kasoʔ HON ˈpatuː PKB ˈkasoʔ BAH ˈpatuː KND ˈkasoʔ PKB ˈpatuː SAM kasoʔ KND ˈpatuː KIN kasoʔ SAM ˈpatuː HHK ˈkasoʔ KIN ˈpatuː LMP kasoʔ HHK ˈpatuː BTY ˈkasoʔ LMP ˈpatuː LLB — BTY ˈpatuː TLD ˈkasoʔ LLB — storage shelf above hearth 222 TLD ˈsuːkan para fence 225 SIM sisigan (smoking rack) | ombaʔ pagar (wall shelf) | maŋkalak (attic) SIM bola (by garden) | pagan (by house) HON siˈsigan HON ˈpagan BAH sisigan BAH pagan PKB ˈʔombaʔ PKB baˈlabat | ˈpagar KND taˈpaʔan KND ˈpagar SAM tapaʔan SAM ˈbala KIN tapaʔan KIN ˈpagal | baˈlabat (keep out livestock) HHK ʔomˈbaʔan HHK baˈlabat (crisscross) | ˈpagar (upright) LMP tapaʔan LMP ˈtondok | ˈpagar BTY taˈpaʔan BTY baˈlabat (garden) | ˈpagar (house) LLB — LLB ˈpagar TLD taˈpaʔan TLD ˈpagar house post 223 canoe, boat 226 tiang rumah perahu SIM ohiiʔ SIM duaŋan HON ʔoˈhiːʔ HON duˈaŋan BAH ohiiʔ BAH duaŋan PKB ʔoˈhiːʔ PKB duˈaŋan KND ʔoˈhiːʔ KND duˈaŋan SAM ohiiʔ SAM duaŋan 71

KIN duaŋan KIN buhiŋ HHK duˈaŋan HHK ˈbuhiŋ LMP duaŋan LMP buhiŋ BTY duˈaŋan BTY ˈbuhiŋ LLB — LLB — TLD duˈaŋan TLD ˈbuhiŋ canoe paddle 227 three-stone fireplace 230 dayung tungku SIM pombose SIM tolukun HON ˈbosːe HON toˈlukun BAH bose BAH tolukun PKB ˈbose PKB toˈlukun KND ˈbose KND toˈlukun SAM bose SAM tolukun KIN boseʔ KIN tolukun HHK ˈbose HHK toˈlukun LMP bose LMP tolukun BTY ˈbose BTY toˈlukun LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbose TLD toˈlukun raft 228 cooking pot 231 rakit periuk, belanga SIM akiʔan SIM kuhon HON ˈlantiŋ HON ˈkuhon BAH akiʔan BAH kuhon PKB — PKB ˈkuhon KND — KND ˈkuhon SAM akiʔan SAM kuhon KIN akiʔan KIN kuhon HHK ˈrakit HHK ˈkuhon LMP rakit LMP kuhon BTY ʔaˈkiʔan BTY kuˈlaluk LLB — LLB — TLD ˈlantiŋ TLD ˈkuhon charcoal 229 water jar 232 arang tempayan SIM oba (= embers? cf. 532) SIM — HON ˈbuhiŋ HON ˈgumbaŋ BAH buhiŋ BAH gumbaŋ PKB ˈbuhiŋ PKB ˈgumbaŋ KND ˈbuhiŋ KND ˈgumbaŋ SAM buhiŋ SAM gumbaŋ 72

KIN gumbaŋ KIN keleŋkuk HHK ˈgumbaŋ HHK keˈleŋkuʔ LMP gumbaŋ LMP keleŋkuk BTY ˈgumbaŋ BTY keˈleŋkuʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈgumbaŋ TLD keˈleŋkuʔ bamboo water container 233 pestle (rice) 236 tempat air bambu (cf. 157) penumbuk, alu SIM ˈbalo | poˈŋasuː SIM aluʔ HON ˈbalo | poˈŋasuː HON ˈʔaluʔ BAH poˈŋasuː BAH aluʔ PKB poˈŋasuː PKB poˈŋuʤaʔ KND ˈbalo KND ˈʔalu SAM ˈbalo SAM aluʔ KIN ˈbalo KIN aluʔ HHK ˈbalo poˈŋasuː HHK ˈʔaluʔ LMP ˈbalo LMP aluʔ BTY ˈbalo BTY ˈʔaluʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbalo TLD ˈʔaluʔ ladle of coconut shell 234 knife 237 gayung pisau SIM saŋkuʔ SIM pisoʔ HON pənˈtauk HON ˈpisːoʔ BAH pontauk BAH pisoʔ PKB taˈtauk PKB ˈpisoʔ KND ponˈtauʔ KND ˈpisoʔ SAM pontauk SAM pisoʔ KIN pontauk KIN pisoʔ HHK ponˈtauʔ HHK ˈpisoʔ LMP pontauk LMP pisoʔ BTY ˈsaŋkuk BTY ˈpisoʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ponˈtambuk TLD ˈpisoʔ mortar 235 machete 238 lesung parang SIM keleŋkuʔ SIM baŋkoʔ HON keˈleŋkuʔ HON ˈbaŋkoʔ BAH keleŋkuʔ BAH baŋkoʔ PKB keˈlɛŋkuʔ PKB ˈbaŋkoʔ KND keˈlɛŋku KND ˈbaŋkoʔ SAM keleŋkuk SAM baŋkoʔ 73

KIN baŋkoʔ KIN sinsiŋ HHK ˈbaŋkoʔ HHK ˈsinsiŋ LMP baŋkoʔ LMP sinsiŋ BTY ˈbaŋkoʔ BTY ˈsinsiŋ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbaŋkoʔ TLD soˈsolut sheath for machete 239 rope 242 sarung parang tali (besar, pintal) SIM kakat SIM kohohon HON ˈsaluŋ HON ponˈsegot BAH saluŋ BAH kaˈhohon PKB ˈgumaʔ PKB ˈputal | ˈtali (

KIN pakaʔut SAM ampas HHK paˈkaʔut KIN ampas LMP pakaʔut HHK ˈʔampas BTY paˈkaʔut LMP ampas LLB paˈkaʔut BTY ˈʔampas TLD paˈkaʔut LLB — sarong 245 TLD ˈʔampas sarung (cf. 248) blanket 248 (cf. 245) SIM sabut | lipaʔ selimut HON lipaʔ (Muslim prayer sarong) | ˈtoik SIM sabut (sleep sarong) | hude (cloth in general) HON ˈtoik | ˈsabut | saˈulu (long) BAH sabut | alumbuʔ BAH lipaʔ PKB ˈsabut PKB ˈsabut | ˈhudeʔ KND ʔaˈlumbu KND ˈhude SAM sabut SAM lipaʔ | toik KIN sabut KIN toik HHK ˈsabut HHK ˈhudeʔ (sarong, cloth) | ˈlipaʔ (sarong) LMP sabut LMP lipaʔ BTY ˈsabut | haˈlumbuʔ BTY ˈhude LLB — TLD ˈtoik TLD ʔaˈlumbu (no final glottal stop trousers 246 confirmed) celana pillow 249 SIM saluan (shorts) | koʤa (long pants) bantal HON saˈluan SIM taŋonan BAH saluan HON taˈŋonan PKB saˈlual BAH taŋonan KND saˈlual PKB taˈŋonan SAM salual KND taˈŋonan KIN salual SAM taŋonan HHK saˈlual KIN taŋonan LMP saluan HHK taˈŋonan BTY saˈluan LMP taŋonan LLB saˈlual BTY taˈŋonan TLD saˈluar LLB — mat 247 TLD taˈŋonan tikar loincloth 250 SIM ampas cawat, kain pinggang HON ˈʔampas SIM tuŋkek BAH ampas HON ˈpetak PKB ˈʔampas BAH petak KND ˈʔampas PKB ˈpetak 75

KND ˈʧawat (

PKB ˈdakaʔ BAH maʔidek KND ˈdakaʔ PKB maˈʔidek SAM dakaʔ KND maˈʔidik KIN dakaʔ SAM maʔidek HHK ˈdakaʔ | ˈbosaː KIN maʔidek LMP dakaʔ HHK maˈʔidek BTY ˈdakaʔ LMP maʔidek LLB ˈdakaʔ BTY maˈidek TLD ˈdakaʔ LLB maˈʔidek small (object) 257 TLD maˈhamuʔ kecil wet 260 SIM iteʔ basah HON ˈʔiteʔ | ˌʔiteˈʔiteʔ (very small) SIM humpis | kuus BAH iseʔ HON moˈhome PKB ˈʔiseʔ BAH humpis KND ˈʔiseʔ PKB moˈhome SAM iseʔ KND moˈhomeː KIN iseʔ SAM mohome HHK moˈdieʔ ~ ˈdieʔ KIN mohome | hunʤaʔ LMP iseʔ HHK moˈhomeː BTY moˈdieʔ LMP mohome LLB ˌʔiseˈʔiseʔ BTY moˈhomeː TLD ˈʔiseʔ LLB moˈhomeː good 258 TLD ˈmemes baik dry 261 SIM maimaʔ kering HON maˈʔimaʔ SIM moˈtiːs | moˈtiʔiː (half dry) BAH maʔimaʔ | moˈʔoti (out of water) PKB maˈʔimaʔ HON moˈtiːs KND maˈʔimaʔ BAH moˈtiʔiː | moˈʔoti (said of river) SAM maʔimaʔ PKB moˈtiːs | moˈtiʔiː | moˈtuʔuː (still KIN maʔimaʔ damp) HHK maˈʔimaʔ (clothing) | maˈnonoŋ KND ˈmaŋgas (person) SAM moˈtiːs | moˈtiʔiː | ˈmaŋgas LMP maʔimaʔ KIN moˈtiʔiː | ˈmaŋgas BTY maˈnonoŋ HHK ˈmaŋgas LLB maˈʔimaʔ LMP moˈtiːs | moˈtuʔuː | ˈmaŋgas TLD koˈpian BTY ˈmaŋgas | moˈtuʔuː bad, evil 259 LLB moˈtiːs | moˈtuʔu | ˈmaŋgas jahat TLD moˈtuʔu SIM maidek HON maˈʔidek 77

wide 262 LLB — lebar TLD maˈhoson SIM ˈbolaː weak 265 HON ˈbolaː lemah BAH ˈbolaː SIM lupe (person) | moŋuhaʔ (wood) PKB ˈbolaː HON ˈlundeŋ KND ˈbolaː BAH lundeŋ SAM ˈbolaː PKB ˈlundeŋ KIN ˈbolaː KND ˈlundiŋ HHK ˈbolaː SAM lundeŋ LMP ˈbolaː KIN lundeŋ BTY ˈbolaː HHK ˈlundeŋ (person) LLB ˈbolaː LMP lundeŋ TLD ˈbolaː BTY ˈlundiŋ narrow 263 LLB — sempit TLD ˈlundeŋ SIM soki far 266 HON ˈbonsok jauh BAH bonsok SIM maʤoʔon PKB ˈbonsok HON maˈʤoʔon KND ˈbonsok BAH maʤoʔon SAM bonsok PKB maˈʤoʔon KIN bonsok KND maˈʤoʔon HHK ˈbonsoʔ | ˈsoki SAM maʤoʔon LMP bonsok KIN maʤoʔon BTY ˈbonsok HHK maˈʤoʔon LLB ˈbonsok LMP ʤooʔoom TLD ˈbonot BTY maˈʤoʔon strong 264 LLB maˈʤoʔon kuat TLD maˈʤoʔon SIM mahoson (person) | madodo (house) near 267 | mokuut (wood) | montahan (tool) dekat HON maˈhoson SIM ohani BAH mahoson HON ʔoˈhani PKB moˈhoson BAH ohani KND moˈhoson PKB ʔoˈhani SAM mahoson | madodo KND ʔoˈhani | ˈhegeʔ KIN mahoson | madodo SAM ohani HHK maˈhoson (person) | maˈdodo KIN ohani (building) HHK ˈhɛge LMP mahoson | madodo LMP ohani BTY maˈhoson BTY ʔoˈhani 78

LLB ʔoˈhani LLB laŋˈkaiʔ | moˈtuʔa TLD ˈhani TLD laŋˈkaiʔ new (objects) 268 thick (object) 271 baru tebal SIM buʔou | salaʔʤe SIM butolu HON buˈʔou | salaʔʤe HON buˈtoluː BAH buʔoi BAH butolu PKB buˈʔoi PKB buˈtoluː KND buˈʔoi KND buˈtolu SAM buʔoi SAM butolu KIN buʔoi KIN butolu HHK buˈʔoi HHK biˈtoluː | ˈbalaʔ LMP buʔou LMP bitolu BTY buˈʔoi BTY buˈtoluː LLB buˈʔou LLB buˈtoluː TLD buˈʔou TLD buˈtolu old (objects) 269 thin (object) 272 lama tipis SIM piino SIM monipis HON ˈpiːn HON moˈnipis BAH piin BAH monipis PKB ˈpiːl PKB moˈnipis KND piˈniːlmo | maˈnau KND moˈnipis SAM piil | manauʔ SAM monipis KIN piil | manauʔ KIN monipis HHK ˈpiːl | maˈnau (thing) HHK moˈnipis LMP binimmo LMP monipis BTY ˈpiːl BTY moˈnipis LLB — LLB moˈnipis TLD ˈpiːl | maˈnauʔ (old, of things) TLD moˈnipis old (persons) 270 skinny 273 tua kurus SIM laŋkaiʔo (male) | beŋkeleʔo (female) SIM magende HON tuˈʔaɲo HON maˈgesːuk BAH motuʔa BAH magesuk PKB motuˈʔamo PKB maˈgesuk KND maˈtuʔa KND maˈgesuk SAM motuʔa SAM magesuk KIN motuʔa KIN magesuk HHK motuˈʔamo (person) HHK maˈgesuk LMP tuaaɲomo LMP magesuk BTY laŋˈkaiʔmo BTY maˈgesuk 79

LLB — LLB ˈhonto TLD maˈgesuk | maˈgeŋgeŋ (equivalent) TLD ˈloːp fat 274 (luke)warm (water) 277 gemuk hangat (air) SIM molompoʔ SIM moŋoŋo ~ maŋoŋo HON moˈlompoʔ HON maˈbahaŋ BAH molompoʔ BAH mohoonap PKB moˈlompoʔ PKB moˈŋoːŋõ KND moˈlompoʔ KND ˌlaoˈlao SAM molompoʔ SAM moŋoŋo KIN molompoʔ KIN moŋooŋo HHK moˈlompoʔ HHK moˈŋoːŋo | ˌlaoˈlao LMP molompoʔ LMP lalau BTY moˈlompoʔ BTY moˈŋoŋo LLB — LLB — TLD moˈlompoʔ TLD maˈŋalum hot (water) 275 dull (knife) 278 panas (air) tumpul SIM mapanas SIM makuʤun HON maˈpanas HON moˈkuʤun BAH mapanas BAH mokuʤun PKB maˈpanas PKB maˈkuʤul KND maˈpanas KND moˈkuʤul SAM mapanas SAM mokuʤul KIN mapanas KIN mokuʤul HHK baˈlaʔon HHK moˈkuʤul LMP mapanas LMP mokuʤun BTY baˈlaʔon BTY moˈkuʤul LLB maˈpanas LLB moˈkuʤul TLD ˈpanas TLD moˈkuʤul cold (water) 276 sharp (knife) 279 dingin (air) tajam SIM loop SIM mataʤom HON ˈloːp HON maˈtaʤom BAH loop BAH mataʤom PKB ˈloːp PKB maˈtaʤom KND ˈloːp KND maˈtaʤom SAM loop | mabakil (chill, w/o bathing) SAM mataʤom KIN loop | mabaki KIN mataʤom HHK ˈloːp HHK maˈtaʤom LMP mabakiʔ LMP mataʤom BTY ˈloːp BTY maˈtaʤom 80

LLB maˈtaʤom BTY ˈmantan TLD maˈtaʤom LLB ˈmantan short (length) 280 TLD ˈmantan pendek rotten (fruit) 283 SIM kodoʔ busuk HON ˈkodoʔ ~ ˈkoʤoʔ SIM mahuʔ BAH kodoʔ HON maˈbusːik | maˈnohõŋ PKB ˈkodoʔ BAH mabusik KND ˈkodoʔ PKB maˈbusik SAM kodoʔ KND maˈbusik KIN kodoʔ SAM mabusik HHK ˌkodoˈkodoʔ KIN mabusik LMP kodoʔ HHK maˈbusik BTY ˌkodoˈkodoʔ LMP mabusik LLB ˈkodoʔ BTY maˈbusik TLD ˌkodoˈkodoʔ LLB maˈbusik short (height) 281 TLD maˈbusik (very rotten) | maˈboŋkok rendah sour 284 SIM kodoʔ masam, asam HON ˈkodoʔ | ˈhobop SIM malosiŋ BAH heedeʔ HON maˈlosːiŋ PKB ˈheːdeʔ | maˈtanoʔ BAH malosiŋ KND ˈhedeʔ PKB maˈlosiŋ SAM heede KND maˈlosiŋ KIN hedeʔ SAM malosiŋ HHK ˈheːdeʔ KIN malosiŋ LMP kodoʔ HHK maˈlosiŋ BTY ˈhɛdeʔ LMP malosiŋ LLB — BTY maˈlosiŋ TLD ˈhobop LLB — long (object) 282 TLD ˈmeːleʔ panjang bitter 285 SIM mantan (board) | mataŋkas (house) pahit | mandoaŋ (person) SIM mapakat HON ˈmantan HON maˈpakat BAH mantan BAH mapakat PKB ˈmantan PKB maˈpakat ~ moˈpakat KND ˈmantan KND maˈpakat SAM mantan SAM mapakat KIN mantan KIN mapakat HHK ˈmantan HHK maˈpakat LMP mantan LMP mapakat 81

BTY maˈpakat BTY maˈpisok LLB — LLB — TLD maˈpakat TLD maˈpisok sweet 286 deaf 289 manis tuli SIM matamiʔ SIM maboŋon HON maˈʔasːiŋ HON maˈboŋon BAH maʔasiŋ BAH maboŋon PKB maˈtamiʔ PKB maˈboŋol KND maˈtamit KND maˈboŋol SAM matamiʔ SAM maboŋol KIN maŋkalumamiʔ KIN maboŋol | lompiŋ HHK maˈtamiʔ HHK maˈboŋol LMP mamiʔ LMP maboŋon BTY maˈtamiʔ BTY maˈboŋol LLB — LLB — TLD ˈmamiʔ TLD maboŋol fragrant 287 pain, to be sick 290 harum, wangi sakit SIM manohoŋ ahiʔ maimaʔ SIM mapalak (sick) | malanit (in pain) HON maˈnohõŋ HON maˈpalak BAH manohoŋ BAH masakit (sick) | mapoos (painful) PKB maˈnohoŋ | malanit (very small pain) KND maˈnohoŋ PKB maˈbahaŋ SAM manohoŋ KND maˈsakit KIN manohoŋ SAM masit (sick) | mapalak (pain) HHK maˈnohoŋ KIN mabahaŋ (sick) | masakit (pain) LMP manohoŋ HHK maˈsakit (general) | maˈpalak (hit, BTY maˈnohoŋ injured) LLB — LMP motoŋo (sick) | mapalak (pain) TLD maˈhoŋaŋ BTY maˈbahaŋ blind 288 LLB maˈsakit buta TLD maˈnembel SIM paha thirsty 291 HON maˈpisːok haus BAH mapisok SIM megot | paka PKB maˈpisok HON ˈmegot KND ˈbutaʔ (

HHK ˈmegot KIN saŋgaʔat LMP megot HHK saŋˈgaʔat BTY ˈmegot LMP saŋgaʔat LLB — BTY saŋgaˈʔatan (the other one) TLD ˈmegot LLB saŋgaˈlaːsan hungry 292 TLD saŋgaˈlasan lapar all 295 SIM moʔohop semua HON moˈʔõhõp SIM iwi-iwiʔ BAH moʔohop HON ˌʔiŋkotˈʔiŋkot PKB moˈʔohop BAH iwiʔiwiʔ KND moˈʔõhop PKB ˌʔiβiˈʔiβiʔ SAM moʔohop KND ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot KIN moʔohop SAM iŋkoʔiŋkot | iwiʔiwiʔ (equivalent) HHK moˈʔõhõp KIN iwiʔiwiʔ LMP moʔohop HHK ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot | ˌʔiwiˈʔiwiʔ BTY moˈʔõhõp LMP iŋkoʔiŋkot LLB — BTY ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot TLD mõˈʔõhõp LLB ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot full (satiated) 293 TLD ˌʔiŋkoˈʔiŋkot kenyang many 296 SIM moˈbosuː banyak HON moˈbosuː SIM manʤooʔ (things) | daʔisan (people) BAH moˈbosuː HON manˈʤoːʔ PKB moˈbosuː BAH manʤooʔ KND moˈbosuː PKB manˈʤoːʔ SAM moˈbosuː KND manˈʤoːʔ KIN moˈbosuː SAM manʤooʔ HHK moˈbosuː KIN manʤooʔ LMP moˈbosuː HHK manˈʤoːʔ BTY moˈbosuː LMP manʤooʔ LLB — BTY manˈʤoːʔ TLD moˈbosu LLB — other, different 294 TLD biˈaiʔ lain (orang lain) heavy 297 SIM mian sagaʔat (person) | sansaʔaŋuʔan berat (thing) SIM maboat HON saŋˈgaʔat HON maˈboat BAH saŋgaʔat BAH maboat PKB ˈmian niˈʔolot (a different person) PKB maˈboat KND saŋˈgaʔat KND maˈboat SAM saŋgaʔat SAM maboat 83

KIN maboat SAM hodiʔ HHK maˈboat KIN hodiʔ LMP maboat HHK ˈhodiʔ BTY maˈboat LMP hodiʔ LLB maˈboat BTY ˈhodiʔ TLD maˈboat LLB — hard (substance) 298 TLD ˈhondo keras round (spherical) 301 SIM mokuut bulat (seperti bola) HON moˈkuːt SIM timpodon BAH beleŋ HON timˈpodon PKB moˈkuːt BAH timpodon KND moˈkuːt PKB timˈpodol SAM mokuut (uncooked food) | beleŋ KND timˈpodol (wood) SAM timpodol KIN mokuut | beleŋ KIN timpodol HHK moˈkuːt HHK timˈpodol LMP mokuut LMP timomot BTY moˈkuːt BTY timˈpodol LLB — LLB — TLD maˈkuːt TLD timˈpodol dirty 299 lonely 302 kotor sunyi, sepi SIM kudulon | tampakilon SIM madiʔ ko mianɲo (lit. without people) HON ˈkoton HON ˈliːŋ (lonely, longing) BAH koton | ˈmadiʔ koˌmiamiˈanɲo PKB maˈheyũʔ BAH liiŋ KND ˈkotor PKB koˈuŋon SAM kalut KND ˈsuɲi (

SAM mahal | susa SAM maleeŋ KIN katam KIN maleeŋ HHK sanˈsala HHK maˈleːŋ LMP mahan LMP maleeŋ BTY ˈsusaʔ BTY maˈleːŋ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈsusaʔ TLD maˈlioʔ smooth 304 full (container) 307 halus, licin penuh SIM malondo | molondeʔ SIM mobukeʔ HON moˈloɲũ HON moˈbukːeʔ BAH malondoo | maloɲu BAH bukeʔ PKB ˈʔalus PKB moˈbukeʔ KND ˈʔalus KND ˈbukeʔ SAM alus | moloɲu (smooth like hair) SAM mobukeʔ KIN moloɲu KIN mobukeʔ HHK ˈʔalus (smooth) | maˈlondoː HHK ˈbukeʔ LMP alus LMP bukebukeʔ BTY moˈloɲũ BTY ˈbukeʔ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈʔalus TLD ˈbukeʔ fast 305 true, correct 308 lekas, cepat benar SIM maliaʔ SIM totuʔu | hondo HON maˈliaʔ HON ˌkinoˈnamo | ˈhondo | ˈkona BAH maliaʔ BAH totuʔu PKB maˈliaʔ PKB toˈtuʔu KND maˈliaʔ KND ˈkona SAM lialiaʔ SAM totuʔu KIN maliaʔ KIN totuʔu HHK maˈliaʔ HHK toˈtuʔu | ˈkona LMP maliaʔ LMP totuʔu BTY paˈliaʔ BTY ˈkona LLB — LLB toˈtuʔu TLD maˈliaʔ TLD tuˈtuʔu | ˈkona deep 306 white 309 dalam (airnya) putih SIM maleeŋ SIM moputeʔ HON maˈleːŋ HON moˈputːeʔ BAH maleeŋ BAH moputeʔ PKB maˈleːŋ PKB moˈputeʔ KND maˈleːŋ KND moˈputeʔ 85

SAM moputeʔ SAM momeaʔ KIN moputeʔ KIN momeaʔ HHK moˈputeʔ HHK moˈmeaʔ LMP moputeʔ LMP momeaʔ BTY moˈputeʔ BTY moˈmeaʔ LLB moˈputeʔ LLB moˈmeaʔ TLD moˈputeʔ TLD moˈmeaʔ black 310 green 313 hitam hijau SIM moitom SIM mobulou HON moˈʔitːom HON ˈbiluʔ BAH moʔitom BAH mobiluʔ PKB moˈʔitom PKB moˈbiluʔ KND moˈʔitom KND ˈhiʤaw (

SAM madiʔan SAM ano KIN mbaaʔanan KIN anu HHK ˈmbaːʔan HHK ˈʔanu LMP mbaaʔan LMP anu BTY ˈmbaʔan BTY ˈʔanu LLB — LLB — TLD ˌmbahaʔ ˈkoː TLD ˈʔanu no 316 now, already (perfective) 319 buk an sudah SIM misaʔ SIM poloʔo HON ˈmisaʔ HON laˈpaso | noˈkomo BAH misaʔ BAH lapasmo PKB ˈmiːsaʔ PKB noˈkomo KND miˈsaʔan KND ˈsuda (

SAM aiya SAM aiya KIN aiya KIN i aiya HHK ˈʔaya HHK ʔiˈʔaya LMP — LMP aide BTY ˈʔaya BTY ʔaˈide LLB ˈʔayːa LLB — TLD ˈʔaya TLD ˌʔukaˈmae that 322 there 325 itu di situ (cf. 322) SIM atinaʔ SIM atu HON ˈʔaʤoʔ HON ˌʔayʤoʔ ˈmae BAH aiʤoʔ BAH i tinaʔ PKB ʔaˈiʤoʔ PKB ʔaˈiʤoʔ | ʔaitu (equivalent) KND ʔaˈitu KND iˈkiʤo SAM aiʤoʔ SAM aiʤoʔ KIN aiʤoʔ KIN i aiʤoʔ HHK ʔaˈiʤoʔ HHK ʔiˈʔayʤoʔ LMP aiʤoʔ LMP aiʤoʔ ma BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ LLB ʔaˈiʤoʔ LLB — TLD taˈiʤoʔ TLD ˈtiːʤoʔ ~ taˈiʤoʔ that distant 323 way over there 326 itu yang jauh di sana SIM aʤoʔ (level) | ataʔ (uphill) SIM kiʤoʔ mae | kitaʔ mae | kayoŋ mae | akaoŋ (downhill) HON ˌkiʤoʔ ˈmae HON ˌʔaʤoʔˈmae BAH kiiʤoʔ | aiʤoʔ mae BAH — PKB ʔaˌiʤoʔ ˈmae PKB ʔaˌiʤoʔ ˈmae KND ʔaˈiʤoʔ ˈmae KND ʔaˈiʤoʔ SAM aitaʔ mai SAM aiʤoʔ mai KIN i aiʤoʔ mai KIN aiʤoʔ mai HHK iˈʔayʤoʔ ˈmai HHK aˌiʤoʔ ˈmae LMP aiʤoʔ maa LMP — BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ mae BTY ʔaˈiʤoʔ ˈmae LLB — TLD taˌiʤoʔ ˈmae | taˌiʤoʔ ˈmule TLD ˌkitaʔ ˈmae (up) | ˌkayoŋˈmae (down) here 324 one 327 di sini (cf. 321) satu SIM aya SIM isaʔ HON ˌʔayaˈmae HON ˈʔisaʔ | saˈʔaŋu BAH aiya BAH isaʔ PKB iˈʔayːa PKB saˈʔaŋu | samˈbatu KND ˈʔaya KND samˈbatu 88

SAM isaʔ SAM opat KIN isaʔ KIN opat HHK saˈʔaŋuʔ HHK ˈʔopat LMP isaʔ LMP opat BTY ˈʔisaʔ | saˈʔanuʔ BTY ˈʔopat LLB samˈbatu LLB ˈʔopat TLD saˈʔaŋuʔ | samˈbatu TLD ˈʔopat two 328 five 331 dua lima SIM ohuaʔ SIM olimaʔ HON ʔoˈhuaʔ HON ʔoˈlimaʔ BAH ohuaʔ BAH olimaʔ PKB ʔoˈhuaʔ PKB ʔoˈlimaʔ KND ʔoˈhuaʔ KND ʔoˈlimaʔ SAM ohuaʔ SAM olimaʔ KIN ohuaʔ KIN olimaʔ HHK ʔoˈhuaʔ HHK ʔoˈlimaʔ LMP ohuaʔ LMP olimaʔ BTY ʔoˈhuaʔ BTY ʔoˈlimaʔ LLB ʔoˈhuaʔ LLB — TLD ʔoˈhuaʔ TLD ʔoˈlimaʔ three 329 six 332 tiga enam SIM totolu SIM anom HON toˈtoluʔ HON ˈʔanom BAH totoluʔ BAH anom PKB toˈtoluʔ PKB ˈʔanom KND toˈtoluʔ KND ˈʔanom SAM totoluʔ SAM anom KIN totoluʔ KIN anom HHK toˈtoluʔ HHK ˈʔanom LMP totoluʔ LMP anom BTY toˈtoluʔ BTY ˈʔanom LLB toˈtoluʔ LLB — TLD toˈtoluʔ TLD ˈʔanom four 330 seven 333 empat tujuh SIM opat SIM popituʔ HON ˈʔopːat HON poˈpitːuʔ BAH opat BAH popituʔ PKB ˈʔopat PKB poˈpituʔ KND ˈʔopat KND poˈpituʔ 89

SAM popituʔ SAM sampuluʔ KIN popituʔ KIN sampuluʔ HHK poˈpituʔ HHK samˈpuluʔ LMP popituʔ LMP sampuluʔ BTY poˈpituʔ BTY samˈpuluʔ LLB — LLB — TLD poˈpituʔ TLD samˈpuluʔ eight 334 twenty 337 delapan dua puluh SIM ualuʔ SIM uampuluʔ HON ʔuˈaluʔ HON ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ BAH uwaluʔ BAH uampuluʔ PKB ʔuˈaluʔ PKB ˌʔuamˈpuluʔ KND ʔuˈaluʔ KND ˌduaˈpuluʔ (

SAM samadala SAM kowanan KIN samadala KIN kowanan HHK samaˈdala HHK koˈwanan LMP samadala LMP kowanan BTY samaˈdala BTY koˈanan LLB — LLB koˈanan TLD samaˈdala TLD koˈanan at 340 west 343 di barat SIM i SIM kinsooban HON ʔi HON kinˈsoban BAH i BAH kinsoban PKB ʔi PKB ˈbarat (

SAM patak u ndalaŋon PKB ʔiˈbawo KIN moʔahop i ambai KND ʔiˈbawo HHK — SAM i bawo LMP moʔahop i ambai KIN i bawo BTY kadiˈeʔan (south) | kaʔiˈseʔanu ˈtanoʔ HHK ʔiˈbawo (cf. 257) LMP i bao TLD ʔindaˈlaŋon BTY baˈoɲo toward the interior 346 LLB ʔiˈbawo ke arah (pe)dalam(an) TLD ʔiˈbawo SIM mokita behind 349 HON mamˈbai ˈlipuʔ (cf. 551) di belakang BAH sasu lipuʔ SIM i hiku | i paduŋ (yard behind house) PKB mambaibuŋˈkutɲo (cf. 204, 551) HON hiˈkuɲo KND — BAH i hiku SAM patak u hoho (no people) | patak u PKB ʔiˈhiku lipuʔ KND ʔiˈhiku (where old people used to live) SAM i hiku KIN moʔahop i lipuʔ KIN i hiku HHK — HHK ʔiˈhiku LMP moŋahop i lipuʔ LMP i hiku BTY kadaˈkaʔan (north) | kadaˈkaʔanu BTY hiˈkuɲo ˈtanoʔ (cf. 197, 256) LLB — TLD kantaˈnoʔan (cf. 197) TLD ʔiˈhiku under 347 in front 350 di bawah di depan SIM i alukɲo SIM i ahop HON ʔaˈlukɲo HON ˈʔahop BAH i aluk BAH i ahop PKB ʔiˈʔaluk PKB ʔiˈʔahop KND ʔiˈʔaluk KND ʔiˈʔahop SAM i aluk SAM i ahop KIN i aluk KIN i ahop HHK ʔiˈʔaluk HHK ʔiˈʔahop LMP i uno (cf. 352) LMP i ahop BTY ʔiʔaˈlukɲo BTY ʔaˈhopɲo LLB iʔuˈnoːɲo LLB — TLD ʔiˈʔunoː (cf. 352) TLD ʔiˈʔahop on top of, above 348 outside 351 di atas di luar SIM i buanɲo SIM i sambihaʔɲo HON buˈaɲo HON samˈbihaʔ BAH buaɲo BAH sambihaʔɲo 92

PKB ʔisambiˈhaʔɲo PKB ˈsinaː KND ʔisamˈbihaʔ KND ˈhari (

PKB ˈsinaː PKB ˈsinaː ˈʔaya | ˈsinaː ˈʔuka KND ˈsinaː KND ˌsinaːˈʔukaʔ SAM sonsuʔun SAM sina aiya KIN sonsuʔun KIN sina aiya HHK sonˈsuʔun HHK ˌsinaːˈʔuka LMP sonsuʔun LMP sina uuka BTY sunˈsuʔun BTY ˌsinaːˈʔuka LLB — LLB — TLD ˈsina TLD ˌsinaˈʔaya afternoon 358 tomorrow 361 sore besok SIM miŋgili SIM dodop HON ˈmalom HON ˈdodop BAH mamaalom BAH dodop PKB ˈmalom PKB ˈdodop KND ˈsore (

BAH maʔambaŋ BAH molekeŋ | mombilaŋ PKB maˈʔambaŋ PKB moˈlekeŋ KND maˈʔambaŋ KND moˈrekeŋ SAM maʔambaŋ SAM molekeŋ KIN maʔambaŋ KIN malekeŋ | moŋgagisaʔ HHK maˈʔambaŋ HHK moˈlekeŋ LMP maʔambaŋ LMP molekeŋ BTY maˈʔambaŋ BTY moˈrekeŋ LLB ˈmɛseː LLB moˈlekeŋ TLD maˈʔambaŋ TLD moˈrekeŋ angry 364 to learn 367 marah belajar SIM motopusa SIM molioi HON ˈpusːa HON poˈkindeʔ BAH motambuhaʔ BAH balaʤan PKB motamˈbuhaʔ PKB moˈguluʔ KND matamˈbuhaʔ KND baˈlaʤar SAM motambuhaʔ SAM baguru | mompakalioi KIN matambuhaʔ KIN makalio HHK motamˈbuhaʔ HHK baˈlaʤar LMP motoʔidek LMP balaʤar | makalio BTY ˌmatamˈbuha | biˈlisun BTY makaˈlio LLB — LLB — TLD suˈweːŋ TLD baˈlaʤar to fear, be afraid of 365 to think 368 takut (kepada) berpikir SIM matakut SIM montutugi HON maˈbuhuk HON dudukuˈhakon (bow the head) BAH mabuhuk BAH bapikin PKB maˈbuhuk PKB moŋiˈnauʔ KND maˈbuhuk KND baˈpikir SAM mabuhuk SAM bapikir | bataŋaʔ KIN mabuhuk KIN bataŋaʔ HHK maˈbuhuk HHK baˈpikir LMP mabuhuk LMP bapikin | bataŋaʔ BTY maˈbuhuk BTY baˈtaŋaʔ LLB maˈbuhuk LLB moŋiˈnaũʔ TLD maˈtakut TLD baˈtaŋaʔ to count 366 to know (a thing) 369 menghitung tahu (sesuatu) SIM mombilaŋ SIM monsumbuʔ HON moˈlɛkːeŋ HON monˈsumbuʔ 95

BAH monsumbuʔ BAH balekoʔ PKB monˈsumbuʔ PKB baˈlekos KND monˈsumbuʔ KND baˈlekos SAM monsumbuʔ SAM mombalekosi KIN munsumbuʔ KIN balekos HHK monˈsumbuʔ HHK leˈkoson ~ baˈlekos LMP monsumbuʔ LMP lekos BTY monˈsumbuʔ BTY baˈlekos LLB monˈsumbuʔ LLB — TLD monˈsumbuʔ TLD laˈmaŋon to know a person 370 to choose 373 kenal (orang) memilih SIM osumbuʔ SIM mompileʔi HON momˌpahaˈkona HON piˈleʔi BAH sumbuʔ BAH mompileʔi PKB mahanˈsumbuʔ (know each other) PKB mompiˈleʔi KND monˈsumbuʔ KND mompiˈleʔi SAM kusumbuʔ SAM mompileʔi KIN kusumbuʔ KIN mompileʔi HHK mahanˈsumbuʔ (know each other) HHK mompiˈleʔi LMP kanaiyaʔ LMP mompileʔi BTY ˈsumbuʔ BTY piˈleʔi LLB — LLB mompiˈleʔi TLD momˌpahaˈsumbuʔ TLD mompiˈleʔi to forget 371 to beckon with the hand 374 lupa memanggil (dengan tangan) SIM toŋkolilim SIM moŋkaeʔ | molaga HON koliˈlimi HON moˈlaga BAH toŋkolilim BAH moŋ-kaweʔ PKB ˌtoŋkoˈlilim PKB moŋˈkaeʔ (with hand) | moˈlaga (call) KND koliˈlimi KND moˈlaga SAM toŋkolilim SAM moŋ-kaweʔ KIN toŋkolilim KIN moŋ-kaweʔ HHK ˌtoŋkoˈlilim HHK moŋˈkaweʔ LMP toŋkolilim LMP moŋ-kaweʔ BTY koliˈlimi BTY moŋˈkaweʔ LLB — LLB — TLD toŋkoˈlilim TLD momˈboːl to lie (untruth) 372 to tell 375 berbohong, mendusta memberitahu, kasi tahu SIM balekoʔ SIM oposumbuʔ HON baˈlekos HON mompoˈtoʔiʰ 96

BAH mompotoʔi BAH montaami | monʤawab PKB mompoˈtoʔi PKB monˈtaːmi KND mompoˈtoʔi KND mənˈʤawab (

BAH kuˈmoʤoː BAH moŋ-ook PKB kuˈmoʤoː PKB moˈŋoːki KND kuˈmoʤo KND moˈŋoːk SAM kuˈmoʤoː SAM moŋ-ook KIN kuˈmoʤoː KIN moŋ-ook HHK kuˈmoʤoː HHK moˈŋõːk LMP kuˈmoʤoː LMP moŋ-ook BTY kuˈmoʤoː BTY moˈŋoːk LLB kuˈmoʤoː LLB moˈŋoːk TLD moˈlomi TLD moˈŋoːk to hear 382 to cut (wood, across grain) 385 mendengar memotong (kayu) SIM moˈhoŋoː SIM moŋkoloŋ HON moˈhoŋoː HON moŋˈkoloŋ BAH moˈhoŋoː BAH moŋ-koloŋ PKB moˈhoŋoː PKB moŋˈkoloŋ KND moˈhoŋoː KND moŋˈkoloŋ SAM moˈhoŋoː SAM moŋ-koloŋ KIN moˈhoŋoː KIN moŋ-koloŋ HHK moˈhoŋoː HHK moŋˈkoloŋ LMP moˈhoŋoː LMP moŋ-koloŋ BTY moˈhoŋoː BTY moŋˈkoloŋ LLB moˈhoŋoː LLB moŋˈkoloŋ TLD moˈhoŋo TLD moŋˈkoloŋ to see 383 to split (wood) 386 melihat membelah (kayu) SIM montoa SIM mombihaʔ HON monˈtoa HON momˈbihaʔ BAH montoa BAH mom-bihaʔ PKB monˈtoa PKB momˈbihaʔ KND monˈtoa KND momˈbihaʔ SAM montoaʔ SAM mom-bihaʔ KIN montoa KIN mom-bihaʔ HHK monˈtoa HHK momˈbihaʔ LMP montoa LMP mom-bihaʔ BTY monˈtoa BTY momˈbihaʔ LLB mənˈtoa LLB məmˈbihaʔ TLD momˈpia TLD momˈbihaʔ to smell, sniff 384 to cook 387 mencium memasak SIM moŋook | monohoŋ SIM moŋunʤaŋ HON monˈsuːŋi (cf. 014) HON moˈŋunʤaŋ 98

BAH moŋ-unʤaŋ BAH moŋ-kaan PKB moˈŋunʤaŋ PKB moŋˈkaːn KND moˈŋunʤaŋ KND moŋˈkaːn SAM moŋ-unʤaŋ SAM moŋ-kaan KIN moŋ-unʤaŋ KIN moŋ-kaan HHK moˈŋunʤaŋ HHK moŋˈkaːn LMP moŋ-unʤaŋ LMP moŋ-kaan BTY moˈŋunʤaŋ BTY moŋˈkaːn LLB məˈŋunʤaŋ LLB moŋˈkaːn TLD momˈpuːl TLD moŋ̪ˈkaːn to (be) boil(ing) (of water) 388 to drink 391 mendidih minum SIM lumuaʔ SIM moŋinum HON luˈmuaʔ HON moˈŋinum BAH lumuaʔ BAH moŋ-inum PKB luˈmuaʔ PKB moˈŋinum KND luˈmoaʔ KND moˈŋinum SAM lumuaʔ SAM moŋ-inum KIN lumuaʔ KIN moŋ-inum HHK luˈmuaʔ HHK moˈŋinum LMP lumuaʔ LMP moŋ-inum BTY luˈmuãʔ BTY moˈŋinum LLB — LLB moˈŋinum TLD luˈmuaʔ TLD moˈŋinum to open, uncover 389 to bite 392 membuka menggigit SIM moŋukap SIM mombaheʔ HON momˈbukaʔ HON momˈbaheʔ BAH mom-bukaʔ BAH mom-baheʔ PKB moŋuˈkabi PKB momˈbaheʔ KND momˈbukaʔ KND moŋˈkabek SAM mom-bukai SAM mom-baheʔ (person) | moŋ-kabek KIN mom-bukaʔ (animal) HHK momˈbukaʔ KIN moŋ-kabek LMP mom-bukaʔ HHK moŋˈkabek BTY moˈŋukap LMP moŋ-kabek LLB momˈbukaʔ BTY moŋˈkabek TLD moˈŋukap LLB moŋˈkabek to eat 390 TLD moŋˈkabek makan SIM moŋkaan HON moŋˈkaːn 99

to chew (not to swallow) 393 to suck (not nurse) 396 mengunyah mengisap SIM moɲaiŋ SIM monsonop | monsosop HON moˈɲaiŋ HON moˈmomos | moˈhondo BAH moɲaiŋ BAH mohondop PKB moˈɲaiŋ PKB maˈyumbut KND moˈɲaiŋ KND moˈhondop SAM moɲaiŋ SAM mon-sosop KIN moɲaiŋ KIN mon-sondop HHK moˈɲain HHK monˈsondop LMP moɲaiŋ LMP mon-sondop BTY moˈɲaiŋ BTY monˈsondop LLB moˈɲaiŋ LLB moˈmomos TLD moˈɲaiŋ TLD monˈsondop to chew betelnut 394 to blow (on fire) 397 makan pinang meniup SIM momaŋan SIM mompuhi HON moˈmaŋan HON momˈpuhi BAH momaŋan (stem paŋan) BAH mom-puhi PKB moˈmaŋan PKB momˈpuhi KND moˈmaŋan KND momˈpuhi SAM momaŋan (stem paŋan) SAM mom-puhi KIN momaŋan (stem paŋan) KIN mom-puhi HHK moˈmaŋan HHK momˈpuhi (on something) LMP momaŋan (stem paŋan) | momˈpuː (to blow) BTY moˈmaŋan LMP mom-puhi LLB — BTY momˈpuːhi TLD moˈmaŋan LLB momˈpuːhi to swallow 395 TLD momˈpuhi menelan to hold 398 SIM moloɲom | moŋoɲop memegang HON moˈloɲom | moˈŋoɲop SIM montooŋi BAH moloɲom HON monˈtoːŋi PKB moˈloɲom | moˈŋoɲop BAH mon-toŋi KND moloɲum PKB monˈtoːŋi SAM moloɲom KND monˈtoːŋi KIN moloɲom SAM mon-toŋi HHK moˈloɲom KIN mon-tooŋi LMP moloɲom HHK monˈtoŋi BTY moˈloɲom LMP mon-tooŋi LLB — BTY monˈtoːŋi TLD moˈloɲom LLB moŋˈkoŋkoŋ (take by handful) TLD monˈtoːŋ 100

to squeeze (in hand) 399 to drop 402 memeras menjatuhkan SIM mompaoʔ SIM montua HON momˈpaoʔ HON montuˈakon | moˌnabuˈʔakon BAH mom-paoʔ BAH mon-tua PKB momˈpaoʔ PKB mombaheˈtakon KND momˈpaoʔ KND mompoˈnabuʔ SAM mom-paoʔ SAM mon-tua KIN mom-paoʔ KIN mon-tua HHK momˈpaoʔ HHK monˈtua LMP mom-paoʔ LMP mon-tua BTY momˈpaoʔ BTY monˈtua LLB məmˈpaoʔ LLB — TLD momˈpiːs TLD monˈtua to throw away 400 to play 403 membuang bermain SIM mombataakon SIM mahaik | molewa-lewaʔ HON moˈŋalin HON maˈhãĩk BAH moŋ-alin BAH biaŋ PKB moˈŋalin PKB maˈhãĩk KND moˈŋalin KND maˈhaik SAM moŋ-alin SAM mahaik (adults) | biaŋ (children) KIN moŋ-alin KIN mahaik HHK moˈŋaliŋ HHK maˈhãĩk LMP moŋ-alin LMP mahaik BTY moˈŋaliŋ BTY maˈhãĩk LLB — LLB — TLD mondaˈhakon TLD momoˈʔũã to fall, drop (as fruit) 401 to work 404 jatuh bekerja SIM manabuʔ SIM mokalaʤaa HON maˈnabuʔ HON momˈbau BAH manabuʔ BAH mo-kalaʤaa PKB maˈnabuʔ PKB mokalaˈʤaː KND naˈnabuʔ KND moˈkarʤa SAM manabuʔ SAM bahagia KIN manabuʔ KIN moŋ-kalaʤa | molokaɲaŋ HHK maˈnabuʔ HHK moŋkalaˈʤaː LMP manabuʔ LMP moŋ-kalaʤaa BTY maˈnabuʔ BTY moŋkaraˈʤaː LLB maˈnabuʔ LLB bakaraˈʤaː TLD maˈnabuʔ TLD bakaraˈʤaː 101

to burn (field) 405 LLB tuˈmũːʔ membakar (kebun) TLD tuˈmũːʔ SIM momˈpapuː to winnow 408 HON momˈpapuː menampi BAH momˈpapuː SIM montapii PKB momˈpapu ~ mompaˈpui HON montaˈpiː KND momˈpapuː BAH mon-tapii SAM momˈpapuː PKB montaˈpiː KIN momˈpapuː | mompaˈpui (burn a little KND montaˈpiː bit) SAM mon-tapii HHK mompaˈpui KIN mon-tapii LMP momˈpapuː HHK montaˈpiʔi BTY momˈpapuː LMP mon-tapiʔi LLB momˈpapuː (field) | mompaˈpui (at BTY montaˈpiː house) LLB — TLD mompaˈpui TLD moŋkiˈabi ~ kiˈabi to plant (small seeds) 406 to pound (rice) 409 menanam (biji-biji kecil) menumbuk (padi) SIM motugan SIM moŋuʤaʔ HON monˈtugan (seed) | monˈsuʔan HON moˈŋuʤaʔ (seedling) BAH moŋuʤaʔ BAH moˈtugan PKB moˈŋuʤaʔ PKB monˈtugal (with dibble) | monˈsuʔan KND moˈŋuʤak KND moˈtugal SAM moŋuʤaʔ SAM mon-tugal KIN moŋuʤaʔ KIN monˈtugal (rice) | moˈsuʔan (seeds) HHK moˈŋuʤaʔ HHK monˈtugal | monˈsuʔan LMP moŋuʤaʔ LMP mon-tugan BTY moˈŋuʤaʔ BTY monˈtugal | monˈsuʔan LLB moˈŋuʤaʔ LLB monˈsuʔan (seedling) TLD moˈŋuʤaʔ TLD monˈtugal (with dibble) | monˈsuʔan to live, be alive 410 to grow 407 hidup (cf. 407) tumbuh (cf. 410) SIM tumuuʔ SIM lubat HON tuˈmũːʔ HON tuˈmũːʔ BAH tumuuʔ BAH tumuuʔ PKB tuˈmũːʔ PKB tuˈmuːʔ KND tuˈmuː KND tuˈmũː SAM tumuuʔ SAM tumuuʔ KIN tumuuʔ KIN tumuuʔ HHK tuˈmũːʔ HHK tuˈmũːʔ | (cf. ˈtumuʔ ‘small feces’) LMP tumuuʔ LMP tumuuʔ BTY tuˈmũːʔ BTY tuˈmũːʔ 102

LLB tuˈmũːʔ BTY moˈlamun (thing) TLD tuˈmũːʔ TLD moˈlamun to die, dead 411 to push 414 mati mendorong SIM mate (animals) | silaka (persons) SIM monsulaakon HON ˈmate HON monsuˈlakon BAH mate BAH mon-sunduhakon | monsulakon PKB ˈmate | montumbalakon KND ˈnate PKB monˌsunduˈhakon SAM mate KND monˌsunduˈhakon KIN mate SAM mon-sunduhakon | monsulakon HHK ˈmate KIN mon-sundohakon LMP mate HHK monˌsunduˈhakon BTY ˈmate LMP mon-sunduhakon LLB ˈmate BTY tumbaˈlakon TLD ˈmate TLD monsuˈlakon to dig (hole) 412 to pull 415 menggali menarik (sesuatu) SIM moŋkeke SIM mohelaʔ HON moŋˈkeke HON moˈhelaʔ BAH moŋ-keke BAH mo-helaʔ PKB moŋˈkeke PKB moˈhelaʔ KND moŋˈkeke KND moˈhelaʔ SAM moŋ-keke SAM mo-helaʔ KIN moŋ-keke KIN mo-helaʔ HHK moŋˈkeke HHK moˈhelaʔ LMP moŋ-keke LMP mo-helaʔ BTY moŋˈkeke BTY moˈhelaʔ LLB moŋˈkeke LLB — TLD moŋˈkeke TLD moˈhelaʔ to bury, inter 413 to tie (tether animal) 416 menguburkan mengikat, menambatkan SIM molambun SIM monsegoti HON moˈlambun HON monˈsegot BAH mo-lamun BAH potubuŋ PKB moˈlamun (generic) PKB monˈsegot KND moˈlamun KND monˈsegot SAM mo-lamun SAM momposegot KIN mo-lamun KIN momposegot HHK momponˈtanom (thing) HHK monˈsegot | moŋˈkubur (corpse) LMP momposegot LMP mo-lamun BTY monˈsegot 103

LLB monˈsegot BTY kuˈmampit TLD monˈsegot LLB — to turn (right/left) 417 TLD matiˈkampit berbelok to wipe 420 SIM mosele mengelap HON monsiˈopoʔ SIM moŋambuʔi BAH mosele HON monˈsaut PKB moˈsele BAH mon-saut KND moˈbalik PKB moŋamˈbuʔi | moŋiˈtasi SAM mosele KND seˈkai KIN mosele SAM mon-saut HHK moˈsele | baˈbelok (

LMP mon-timpaʔ BTY mompinˈdiːʔi BTY monˈtimpaʔ LLB — TLD monˈtimpaʔ TLD mompinˈdiːʔi to wash hands 423 to swim 426 mencuci tangan (cf. 027, 421) berenang SIM mimbasoʔ SIM luˈmaŋuː HON mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima HON luˈmaŋuː BAH mom-basoʔi BAH luˈmaŋuː PKB mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima PKB luˈmaŋuː KND mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima KND luˈmaŋuː SAM miaɲo SAM luˈmaŋuː (cf. luˈmaŋu ‘k.o. crab’) KIN mom-basoʔi KIN luˈmaŋuː HHK mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima HHK miˈlaŋuː LMP mom-basoʔi LMP miˈlaŋuː BTY mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima BTY luˈmaŋuː LLB — LLB luˈmaŋuː TLD mombaˈsoʔi ˈlima TLD luˈmaŋu to bathe 424 to climb (tree) 427 mandi memanjat (pohon) SIM mindiiʔ SIM molibaʔ HON minˈdiː HON moˈlibaʔ BAH mindiiʔ BAH molibaʔ PKB minˈdiːʔ PKB moˈlibaʔ KND minˈdiː KND moˈlibaʔ SAM mindiiʔ SAM molibaʔ KIN mindiiʔ KIN molibaʔ HHK minˈdiːʔ HHK moˈlibaʔ LMP mindiiʔ LMP molibaʔ BTY minˈdiːʔ BTY maˈlibaʔ LLB — LLB moˈlibaʔ (as into house) TLD minˈdiːʔ TLD moˈmenek to give someone a bath 425 to climb (mountain) 428 memandikan mendaki (gunung) SIM mompindiiʔ SIM mindako HON mompinˈdiː HON minˈdakːoː BAH mompindiiʔ BAH min-dako PKB mompinˈdiːʔ PKB minˈdakoː KND mompinˈdiː KND minˈdako SAM mompindiiʔ SAM min-dako KIN mompindiiʔ KIN min-dako HHK mompinˈdiːʔ HHK minˈdakoː LMP mompindiiʔ LMP min-dako 105

BTY minˈdakoː BTY luˈmahap LLB — LLB luˈmahap TLD minˈdako TLD luˈmahap to hide 429 to shoot an arrow 432 bersembunyi memanah SIM mitatampuŋ SIM mompanaʔ (shoot small attached HON matiˈsuluk darts at shrimp, eels) BAH mati-suluk HON momˈpanaʔ PKB maninˈsuluk BAH mompanaʔ KND matiˈsuluk PKB momˈpanaʔ SAM mati-suluk KND momˈpanaʔ KIN mani-suluk SAM mompanaʔ HHK maninˈsuluk KIN mompanaʔ LMP min-suluk HHK momˈpanaʔ BTY minsaˈsuluk LMP mompanaʔ LLB matiˈsuluk BTY momˈpanaʔ TLD matiˈsuluk | matiˈbini (equivalent) LLB momˈbunuʔ (cf. 435) to hunt (for game) 430 TLD momˈpanaʔ berburu to stab 433 SIM mombebas | mogala (set traps) menikam HON momˈbebas SIM montobok BAH mom-bebas HON monˈtobok PKB momˈbebas BAH mon-tobok KND momˈbebas PKB monˈʤaloʔ SAM mom-bebas KND monˈtobok KIN mom-bebas SAM mon-tobok HHK momˈbebas KIN mon-tobok LMP mom-bebas HHK monˈtobok BTY momˈbebas LMP mon-tobok LLB momˈbebas BTY monˈtobok TLD momˈbebas LLB mənˈtuʤak to fly 431 TLD monˈtobok terbang to kill 434 SIM lumahapo membunuh (orang) HON luˈmahap SIM mompatei BAH lumahap HON mompaˈtei PKB luˈmahap BAH mom-patei KND luˈmahap PKB mompaˈtei SAM lumahap KND mompaˈtei KIN lumahap SAM mom-patei HHK luˈmahap KIN mom-patei LMP lumahap HHK mompaˈtei 106

LMP mom-patei LMP mon-sepaʔ BTY mompaˈtei BTY monˈsepaʔ LLB mompaˈtei LLB — TLD mompaˈtei TLD monˈsepaʔ to throw 435 to fight 438 melempar (batu) berkelahi SIM mohodoki SIM mahantudaʔ HON moˈŋatuː (pelt with stone) HON mahanˈtudaʔ BAH mom-bunuʔ BAH mahandaluk | mahalaloasa (with PKB moˈŋalin words) KND momˈbunuʔ PKB ˌmahanˈsalaʔ | ˌmahanˈtudaʔ SAM mom-bunuʔ KND mahanˈsalaʔ KIN mom-bunuʔ | moŋ-alin SAM mahanʤagul | mahantudaʔ (with HHK momˈbunuʔ words) LMP mom-bunuʔ KIN mahantudaʔ BTY momˈbunuʔ HHK mahanˈtudaʔ LLB mombaˈbaloŋ LMP mahanpukun | mahantudaʔ (quarrel) TLD momˈbunuʔ | momˈbiːl (equivalent) BTY mahamˈpukul (physical) to hit (with a stick, club) 436 | mahanˈtudaʔ (with words) memukul (dengan sesuatu) TLD mahamˈpukul (physical) | mahaŋˈgaga (with words) SIM momombaʔ | mompaŋkin HON monsaˈpahi to steal 439 BAH mondaluk mencuri PKB monˈdoke SIM montomaŋ KND monˈʤagul HON monˈtomaŋ (euphamism) | moˈliʔi SAM mondaluk (coarse) KIN montapap BAH mom-buliŋ HHK molaˈpagi PKB momˈbuliŋ | moˈliʔi LMP molapagi KND momˈbuliŋ BTY molaˈpagi SAM mom-buliŋ LLB momˈpaːl KIN mom-buliŋ TLD monˈtɛpes HHK momˈbuliŋ to kick (ball) 437 LMP mom-buliŋ menendang (bola) BTY momˈbuliŋ LLB məmˈbuliŋ SIM monsepaʔ TLD miˈnakoʔ HON monˈsepːaʔ BAH mon-sepaʔ to sew 440 PKB monˈsepaʔ menjahit KND monˈsepaʔ SIM moŋkaʔut (by machine) | moɲantum SAM mon-sepaʔ (by hand) | montuuʔ (sew bark cloth) KIN mon-sepaʔ HON moŋˈkaʔut HHK monˈsepaʔ | monsupet BAH moŋ-kaʔut 107

PKB moŋˈkaʔut PKB moˈŋoli KND moŋˈkaʔut KND moˈŋoli SAM moŋ-kaʔut SAM moŋ-oli | mon-sulaŋ KIN moŋ-kaʔut KIN moŋ-oli | mon-sulaŋ | mon-soliu HHK moŋˈkaʔut | monˈtuːʔ HHK moˈŋoli LMP moŋ-kaʔut LMP moŋ-oli BTY moŋ̟ˈkaʔut BTY moˈŋoli LLB moŋ̟ˈkaʔut LLB moˈŋoli TLD monˈtuːʔ TLD moŋˈgoli to weave cloth 441 to sell 444 menenun menjual SIM montonun SIM mompobaluk HON monˈtonun HON mompoˈbaluk BAH mo-tonun BAH mompo-baluk PKB monˈtonun PKB mompoˈbaluk KND monˈtonun KND mompoˈbaluk SAM mo-tonun SAM mom-baluk-akon KIN mo-tonun KIN mompo-balu HHK montoˈnuːn HHK mompoˈbaluk LMP mo-tonun LMP mompo-baluk BTY — BTY mompoˈbaluk LLB — LLB — TLD montoˈnuːn TLD mombaluˈkakon to weave a mat 442 to pay 445 menganyam, menjalin (tikar) membayar SIM moŋaɲam SIM mombayan HON moˈŋaɲam HON momˈbayan BAH moŋ-aɲam BAH mom-bayan PKB moˈŋaɲam PKB momˈbayal KND moˈŋaɲam KND momˈbayar SAM moŋ-aɲam SAM mom-bayal KIN moŋ-aɲam KIN mom-bayal HHK moˈŋaɲam HHK momˈbayan LMP moŋ-aɲam LMP mom-bayan BTY moˈŋaɲam BTY momˈbayan LLB — LLB məmˈbayal TLD moˈŋaɲam TLD momˈbayar to buy 443 to give 446 membeli memberi SIM moŋoli SIM mombeeʔ HON moˈŋoli HON momˈbeʔi BAH moŋ-oli BAH mom-beʔi 108

PKB momˈbeʔi PKB moˈmeke KND momˈbeʔi KND moˈmiko SAM mom-beeʔi SAM momeeke KIN mom-beʔi KIN meeke HHK momˈbeːʔi HHK moˈmeke LMP mom-beʔi LMP momeeke BTY momˈbeʔi BTY moˈmeke LLB — LLB — TLD momˈbeʔi TLD ˈmɛndek to lose something, lost 447 to spit 450 hilang, kehilangan berludah, meludah SIM mokaŋkan SIM mintupeʔ HON noˈkaŋkan | moˈlapus HON minˈtupːeʔ BAH nokaŋkan BAH min-tupeʔ PKB moˈlapus PKB minˈtupeʔ KND noˈlapus KND minˈtupeʔ SAM mo-lapus SAM mi-tupeʔ KIN mo-lapus KIN min-tupeʔ HHK moˈlapus HHK minˈtupeʔ LMP mo-lapus LMP min-tupeʔ BTY moˈlapus BTY minˈtupeʔ LLB — LLB minˈtupeʔ TLD moˈnunuʔ TLD minˈtupeʔ to breathe 448 to vomit (not to spit out) 451 bernafas muntah SIM miŋkiɲoɲoa SIM toʔua HON kohuːˈhusa ~ koˌhusaˈhusa HON moŋuˈahi BAH miŋkiɲoɲoa BAH talualuaʔ PKB miŋkiɲoˈɲoa PKB moŋũˈãhi | moŋõẽʔi KND miˈnapas (

BAH min-tedeʔ BAH mompia PKB minˈtedeʔ PKB momˈpia KND minˈtedeʔ KND moŋaˈliŋi ˈkutu SAM min-tedeʔ SAM mompia | bapia KIN min-tedeʔ KIN mompia HHK minˈtedeʔ (coarse) | miŋˈkuhat HHK moŋaˈliŋi kutu (refined) (cf. 206) LMP mompia LMP min-tedeʔ BTY momˈpiaː BTY minˈtedeʔ LLB — TLD minˈsedek TLD mompiˈpia to itch, be itchy 453 to rub (massage) 456 gatal menggosok (badan) SIM mombalasi SIM mompaɲa (body) | moŋilaŋuʔ HON momˈbalas (includes chanting) BAH mam-balas HON moŋˈgeges PKB mamˈbalas BAH moŋ-gehe KND mamˈbalas PKB moŋˈgehe SAM mam-balas KND moŋˈgehe KIN mam-balas SAM moŋ-gehe HHK mamˈbalas KIN moŋ-gehe LMP mam-balas HHK moŋˈgege (body) | moŋˈgeges (things) BTY mamˈbalas LMP moŋ-gege LLB — BTY moŋˈgeges TLD mamˈbalas TLD moŋˈgege to scratch (an itch) 454 to swell (as an abcess) 457 bergaruk bergembung, membengkak SIM moŋkahut SIM baŋkak | modensuʔ ahiʔ daka-dakaʔ HON moŋˈkahut HON kumanimˈbalat BAH moŋ-kahut BAH baŋkak PKB moŋˈkahut PKB ˈbaŋkak KND moŋˈkahut KND ˈbaŋkak SAM moŋ-kahut SAM baŋkak KIN moŋ-kahut KIN mobako HHK moŋˈkahut HHK ˈbaŋkak LMP moŋ-kahut LMP baŋkak BTY moŋˈkahut BTY ˈbaŋkak LLB moŋˈkahut LLB ˈbaŋkak TLD moŋˈkahut TLD ˈbaŋkak to delouse 455 to flow 458 menghilangkan kutu mengalir SIM mompia kutu SIM moili HON momˈpiaː HON moˈʔiliː 110

BAH moʔili BAH tinʤo PKB moˈʔiliː PKB tuˈminʤo KND moˈʔiliː KND tuˈminʤo SAM moʔili SAM t(um)inʤo KIN moʔili KIN t(um)inʤo HHK moˈʔiliː HHK tuˈminʤo LMP lumidi LMP t(um)inʤo BTY moˈʔiliː BTY tuˈminʤo LLB maˈʔanʤu LLB tuˈminʤoʔ TLD moˈʔihis TLD tuˈminʤo to run 459 to sit 462 berlari duduk SIM mopadekaʔ | mopalai SIM sumuhaŋ HON mompapaˈdekːaʔ HON suˈmuhaŋ BAH mopadekaʔ BAH suhaŋ PKB ˌmopaˈdekaʔ PKB suˈmuhaŋ KND mopaˈdekaʔ KND suˈmuhaŋ SAM mopadekaʔ SAM suhaŋ KIN mopadekaʔ | mom-bakoloʔ KIN s(um)uhaŋ HHK mopaˈdekaʔ HHK suˈmuhaŋ LMP mopadekaʔ LMP s(um)uhaŋ BTY mopaˈdekaʔ BTY suˈmuhaŋ LLB — LLB suˈmuhaŋ TLD mimpapaˈdekaʔ TLD suˈmuhaŋ to walk 460 to lie down 463 berjalan berbaring SIM lumaʤaŋ | mamba SIM maleʔ HON luˈmaʤaŋ HON komaːˈmaleʔ BAH lumaʤaŋ BAH maleʔ PKB luˈmaʤaŋ PKB ˈmaleʔ KND luˈmaʤaŋ KND matiˈmaleʔ SAM lumaʤaŋ SAM matimaleʔ KIN lumaʤaŋ KIN komamaleʔ | kobabandaŋ HHK luˈmaʤaŋ HHK ˈmaleʔ | kobaˈbandaŋ LMP lumaʤaŋ LMP maleʔ BTY luˈmaʤaŋ BTY komaːˈmaleʔ LLB luˈmaʤaŋ LLB ˈmaleʔ TLD luˈmampaŋ TLD maˈmaleʔ (lie down) | ˈmaleʔ (sleep) to stand 461 to nod, be sleepy 464 berdiri mengantuk SIM tuminʤo SIM matatunduʔ HON tuˈminʤo HON ˌmataˈtunduʔ 111

BAH mata-tunduʔ BAH moŋ-ipi PKB ˌmataˈtunduʔ PKB moˈŋipi KND ˌmataˈtunduʔ KND moˈŋipi SAM mata-tunduʔ SAM moŋ-ipi KIN mata-tunduʔ KIN moŋ-ipi HHK mataˈtunduk HHK moˈŋipi LMP mata-tunduʔ LMP moŋ-ipi BTY mataˈtunduʔ BTY moˈŋipi LLB — LLB moˈŋipi TLD mataˈtunduʔ TLD moˈŋipi to yawn 465 to wake up 468 menguap bangun SIM umoap SIM moˈbulaː | toŋoaʔ HON ʔuˈmoap HON moˈbulaː BAH umoap BAH moˈbulaː PKB ʔuˈmoap PKB moˈbulaː KND ʔuˈmoap KND moˈbulaː SAM umoap SAM moˈbulaː KIN umuap KIN moˈbulaː HHK ʔuˈmoap HHK moˈbulaː LMP umoap LMP moˈbulaː BTY ʔuˈmoap BTY moˈbulaː LLB ʔuˈmoap LLB — TLD ʔuˈmoap TLD moˈbaŋun to sleep 466 to awaken someone 469 tidur membangunkan SIM hoyot SIM moliko HON ˈhoyot HON mombuˈlakon BAH hoyot BAH mombulakon PKB ˈhoyot PKB mombuˈlakon KND ˈhoyot KND mombuˈlaːkon SAM hoyot SAM moliko KIN hoyot KIN moliko HHK ˈhoyot HHK mombuˈlakon LMP hoyot LMP moliko BTY ˈhoyot BTY mombuˈlakon LLB ˈhoyot LLB — TLD ˈhoyot TLD moˈlikoː (native word) | to dream 467 mombaŋuˈnakon (ber)mimpi SIM moŋipi HON moˈŋɪpi 112

to come, arrive 470 to wait 473 datang, tiba menunggu SIM ˈtoka SIM mompopeaʔ | montataŋgon HON ˈtokːa (wait for process to finish) BAH ˈtoka HON montanˈdaʔi | mompoˈpeaʔ PKB ˈtoka BAH mon-tandaʔi | mompo-peaʔ KND ˈtokaʰ PKB mompopeˈaʔi SAM ˈtoka KND montanˈdaʔih KIN ˈtoka SAM mon-tandaʔi | mompo-peaʔi HHK ˈtoka KIN mon-tandaʔi LMP ˈtoka HHK montanˈdaʔi BTY ˈtoka LMP mon-tandaʔi LLB ˈtoka BTY montanˈdaʔi TLD ˈtoka ~ toˈkamo TLD mompopeˈaʔi to return home 471 to be pregnant 474 pulang mengandung, hamil (cf. 059) SIM minsusuleʔ SIM hempu | madiʔ lolok (euphemism: HON minsuˈsuleʔ not healthy) BAH min-susuleʔ HON tiˈanan (coarse) | ˌtipoˈboa (refined) PKB minˈsuleʔ BAH heempu KND minˈsuleʔ PKB ˈbunteʔ SAM min-susuleʔ KND ˈbunteʔ KIN min-susuleʔ SAM pobowa HHK min(su)ˈsuleʔ KIN tianan | kobowa LMP min-susuleʔ HHK poˈboa BTY minˈsuleʔ LMP tianan LLB — BTY tiˈanan (outside of wedlock) TLD minsuˈsuleʔ | poˈbowa (married) to live, dwell 472 TLD tiˈanan tinggal name 475 SIM ʤoʤooŋ nama HON ʤoˈʤoːŋ SIM saŋgo BAH ʤoʤooŋ HON ˈsaŋgo PKB ʤoˈʤoːŋ BAH saŋgo KND ʤoˈʤoːŋ PKB ˈsaŋgo SAM ʤoʤooŋ KND ˈsaŋgo KIN ʤoʤoŋ SAM saŋgoʔ HHK ʤoˈʤoːŋ KIN saŋgo LMP ʤoʤoŋ HHK ˈsaŋgo BTY ʤoˈʤoːŋ LMP ˈsaŋgo LLB — BTY ˈsaŋgo TLD ʤoˈʤoːŋ LLB ˈsaŋgo TLD saŋgo 113

story 476 debt 479 cerita utang SIM sisik SIM samayaʔ HON ˈsisik | tunˈdulan HON saˈmãyãʔ BAH sisik | unduʔunduon BAH samayaʔ PKB baˈsisik PKB ʔosaˈmayaʔ KND baˈhou KND saˈmayaʔ SAM basisik SAM samayaʔ KIN unduʔunduon KIN samayaʔ HHK saˈlita (

what? 482 when? 485 apa? kapan? SIM apa SIM hipian (fut) | naipian (past) HON ˈʔapa HON hiˈpian BAH apaa BAH hipian | naipian PKB ʔaˈpaː (cf. ʔaˈpaː naˈʔaya ‘what is PKB hiˈpian this?’) KND naiˈpian KND ˈʔapa SAM hipian | naipian SAM apaa KIN ipian KIN apaa HHK ʔiˈpian HHK aˈpaɲo LMP ipian | naipian LMP apaa BTY ʔiˈpian BTY ʔaˈpaɲo LLB ʔiˈpian LLB ʔaˈpaː TLD ʔiˈpian TLD paˈʔoː how many? 486 who? 483 berapa? siapa? SIM saŋkuka SIM iyee HON saŋˈkuka HON ʔiˈyeː BAH saŋkuka BAH ihee PKB saŋˈkuka PKB ʔiˈheː KND saŋˈkuka KND ʔiˈheː SAM saŋkuka SAM ihee KIN saŋkuka KIN ihee HHK saŋˈkuka HHK ʔiˈheːɲo LMP saŋkuka LMP ihee BTY saŋˈkuka BTY ʔiˈheː LLB — LLB ʔiˈheː TLD saŋˈkuka TLD ʔiˈheː how? 487 where? 484 bagaimana? di mana? SIM mosia SIM iyaa mae HON mosiˈaː HON ˌʔiaˈmae BAH mosiaa BAH iyaamae PKB mosiˈaː PKB ˌʔiaˈmae KND mosiˈaː KND ˌʔiaˈmae SAM mosiaa SAM iyaamae KIN mosiaa KIN iyaamae HHK mosiˈaː HHK ˌʔiaˈmae LMP mosiaa LMP iyaamaa BTY mosiˈaː BTY ˌʔiaˈmae LLB mosiˈaː LLB ˌʔiaːˈmae TLD mosiˈaː TLD ˌʔiaˈmae 115

why? 488 molar 491 mengapa?, kenapa? geraham SIM kadakaʔ SIM ˈbagaŋ HON kaˈdakaʔ HON ˈŋahaŋ BAH kadakaʔ BAH ˈbagaŋ PKB ʔinosiˈaːmo PKB — KND kaˈdaː KND — SAM kadaa | kadakaʔ SAM ˈŋahaŋ KIN kadaa KIN ˈŋahaŋ HHK kaˈdaː HHK ˈbagaŋ LMP kadaa LMP ˈŋahaŋ BTY kaˈdaː (kaˈdaː ʔia huˈmaːŋ why is he BTY ˈbagaŋ crying?) LLB — LLB — TLD ˈguʔos TLD kaˈdaː nape (of neck) 492 index finger 489 kuduk, tengkuk (jari) telunjuk SIM — SIM toˈmiʤuʔ HON — HON toˈmiʤuʔ BAH — BAH toˈmiʤuʔ PKB ˈtundun PKB — KND — KND — SAM — SAM toˈliʤuʔ KIN — KIN toˈmiʤuʔ HHK ˈtundun HHK toˈliʤuʔ LMP — LMP toˈniʤuʔ BTY — BTY toˈmiʤuʔ LLB — LLB — TLD — TLD toˈniʤuʔ armpit 493 mucus 490 ketiak, kelek ingus SIM ˈlepak SIM ˈsopun | moˈmiko HON ˈlepːak HON ˈsopːun BAH ˈlepak BAH siŋu moˈsopun PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈlepak SAM ˈsopun KIN ˈlepak KIN ˈsopun HHK ˈlepak HHK ˈsopun LMP ˈlepak LMP ˈsopun BTY ˈlepak BTY ˈsopun LLB — LLB — TLD ˈlepak TLD ˈsopun 116

navel 494 orphan 497 pusat anak yatim SIM ˈpusoː SIM ˈʔunon HON — HON ˈʔunon BAH ˈpusoː BAH ˈʔunon PKB — LMP ˈʔunon KND — KND — SAM ˈpusoː SAM ˈʔunon KIN ˈpusoː KIN ˈʔunon HHK ˈpusoː HHK ˈʔunon LMP ˈpusoː PKB — BTY — BTY ˈʔunon LLB — LLB — TLD ˈpuso TLD ˈʔunon parent-in-law 495 hide, skin (of animal) 498 mertua jangat, kulit binatang (cf. 048) SIM moˈnian SIM kuˈlibaŋ HON moˈnian HON ˈkilit nu ˈsapiʔ (cow skin) BAH moˈnian BAH ˈkilit PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM moˈnian SAM ˈkilit KIN moˈnian KIN ˈkilit HHK moˈnian HHK ˈkilitːu ˈsapiʔ (cow skin) LMP moˈnian LMP ˈkilit BTY moˈnian BTY ˈkilit LLB — LLB — TLD moˈnian TLD ˈkilit child-in-law 496 cow 499 menantu sapi SIM poˈʔala SIM ˈsapiʔ HON moˈnian HON ˈsapiʔ BAH moˈnian BAH ˈsapiʔ PKB — PKB — KND — KND ˈsapi SAM moˈnian SAM ˈsapiʔ KIN moˈnian KIN — HHK ˈdawok (or possibly with final glottal HHK — stop) LMP — LMP moˈnian BTY ˈsapiʔ BTY moˈnian LLB — LLB — TLD ˈsapiʔ TLD moniˈanan 117

goat 500 babirusa 503 kambing babi rusa SIM ˈmẽː SIM ˌbayaˈŋoa | ˌsumamˈpelaŋ (male HON — babirusa) BAH ˈmɛːʔ HON ˌbayaˈŋoa PKB — BAH ˌbayaˈŋoa KND — PKB — SAM ˈmẽː KND — KIN — SAM ˌbayaˈŋoa HHK — KIN ˌbayaˈŋoa LMP — HHK ˌbayaˈŋoa BTY ˈmeːʔ LMP — LLB — BTY ˌbayaˈŋoa TLD ˈmeːʔ (final glottal confirmed) LLB — cat 501 TLD bauˈʔalas (lit. forest pig) (cf. 142, 206) kucing bear cuscus 504 SIM ˈtute kuskus beruang HON ˈtutːe | ˈmeoŋ SIM ˈkuseʔ BAH ˈtute HON ˈkusːeʔ PKB — BAH ˈkuseʔ KND — PKB — SAM ˈtuteʔ KND — KIN ˈmeoŋ SAM ˈkuseʔ HHK ˈmeoŋ KIN ˈkuseʔ LMP ˈmeoŋ HHK ˈkuseʔ BTY ˈmeoŋ LMP ˈkuseʔ LLB — BTY ˈkuseʔ TLD saˈbauʔ (final glottal stop confirmed) LLB — civet 502 TLD ˈkuseʔ musang small cuscus 505 SIM ˈpoʤek kuskus kecil HON ˈpoʤɛk SIM boˈlotok BAH ˈpoʤek HON boˈlotok PKB — BAH boˈlotok KND — PKB — SAM ˈpoʤɛk KND — KIN ˈpoʤek SAM ˈsiliŋ HHK ˈpoʤɛk KIN — LMP — HHK boˈlotok BTY ˈpoʤɛk LMP — LLB — BTY (siliŋ is Balantak) TLD ˈdɛdes LLB — TLD — 118

squirrel 506 squid 509 tupai cumi-cumi SIM ˈʤoʔu SIM ˈsuntuŋ HON ˈʤoʔu HON ˈsuntuŋ BAH ˈʤoʔu BAH ˈsuntuŋ PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈʤoʔu SAM ˈsuntun KIN ˈʤoʔu KIN ˈsuntuŋ HHK ˈsiliŋ HHK ˈsuntuŋ LMP ˈʤoʔu LMP ˈsuntuŋ BTY ˈbonsiŋ BTY ˈsuntuŋ LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbonsiŋ | ˈsiliŋ (small) TLD ˈsuntuŋ tarsier 507 octopus 510 tangkasi, binatang hantu gurita SIM ˈbonsiŋ SIM — HON ˈbonsiŋ HON kuˈitaʔ BAH ˈbonsiŋ BAH kuˈitaʔ PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈbonsiŋ | boˈlotok SAM kuˈitaʔ | molokoˈimbuʔ (large) KIN ˈbonsiŋ KIN kuˈitaʔ HHK — HHK kuˈitaʔ LMP — LMP kuˈitaʔ BTY boˈlotok BTY kuˈitaʔ LLB — LLB — TLD — TLD kuˈitaʔ owl 508 shark 511 burung hantu ikan hiu SIM — SIM — HON — HON ˈʔoyu BAH — BAH ˈʔoyu PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM moŋˈkoek SAM ˈʔoyu KIN — KIN — HHK moŋˈkoek HHK ˈʔoyu LMP moŋˈkoek LMP ˈʔoyu BTY — BTY ˈʔoyu LLB — LLB — TLD — TLD baˈduas 119

dolphin 512 crab 515 lumba-lumba kepiting SIM — SIM ˈbuŋkaŋ HON — HON ˈbuŋkaŋ | sigaŋˈgai (k.o. crab which KND — can live in water or on land) SAM — BAH ˈbuŋkaŋ BAH — PKB — PKB — KND — KIN suˈmoŋut SAM — HHK — KIN — LMP — HHK baˈliŋkis (used as bait) BTY — | siˈpaːk (fiddler crab) LLB — LMP — TLD — BTY ˈbuŋkaŋ (small) shrimp 513 TLD — udang bee 516 SIM ˈʔuhaŋ | lamˈbale (small marine lebah shrimp) SIM ʔuˈaniʔ (large black) | ʔonˈʤihon HON ˈʔuhaŋ (yellow) BAH ˈʔuhaŋ HON ʔuˈaniʔ PKB — BAH ʔuˈaniʔ KND — PKB — SAM ˈʔuhaŋ KND ʔuˈaniʔ KIN ˈʔuhaŋ SAM ʔuˈaniʔ HHK ˈʔuhaŋ KIN ʔuˈaniʔ | ʔonˈʤihon (small, yellow) LMP ˈʔuhaŋ HHK ʔuˈaniʔ BTY ˈʔuhaŋ LMP ʔuˈaniʔ | ʔonˈʤihon (small, yellow) LLB — BTY ʔuˈaniʔ TLD ˈʔuhaŋ LLB — hermit crab 514 TLD ʔuˈaniʔ pong-pongan wasp 517 SIM — tabuhan, penyengat HON ˈʔumaŋ SIM ˈsobuŋ | sosoˈlou | taliˈbonta BAH kalaˈʔumaŋ HON ˈsobuŋ PKB — BAH ˈsobuŋ (big) | toˈtikik (small) KND — PKB — SAM ˈʔumaŋ KND — KIN ˈʔumaŋ SAM tontoˈuan ~ tonˈtowan HHK — KIN ˈsobuŋ (large, black) LMP ˈʔumaŋ HHK tontoˈuan BTY — LMP tonˈtoan LLB — BTY ˈsobuŋ (large, lives in the ground) TLD kalaˈʔumaŋ LLB — 120

TLD lasuʔˈdedeŋ (carpenter bee) (cf. 064, LMP — 163) BTY ˈʔui tree stump 518 LLB — tunggul (pohon) TLD ˈbokuŋ SIM ˈtuʔo lesser yam 521 HON ˈtuʔo kembili BAH ˈtuʔo SIM — PKB — HON ˈʔopaʔ | ndoˈluŋun (k.o. tuber w/ KND — thorns) SAM ˈtuʔo BAH ˈʔopaʔ KIN ˈtuʔo PKB — HHK ˈtuʔo KND — LMP ˈtuʔo SAM ˈʔopaʔ BTY ˈtuʔo KIN — LLB — HHK ˈʔopaʔ TLD ˈtuʔo LMP — common taro 519 BTY — talas, keladi LLB — TLD ˈʔopaʔ SIM — HON ˈbeteʔ bitter yam 522 BAH ˈbeteʔ | ʔaˈhadiʔ | ˈkosiʔ gadung PKB — SIM — KND — HON ˈʔondot SAM — BAH ˈʔondot KIN — PKB — HHK — KND — LMP ˈbeteʔ SAM ˈʔondot BTY ˈbeteʔ KIN ˈʔondot LLB — HHK — TLD ˈbeteʔ | ˈndekeʔ | ˈrano (k.o. taro LMP — growing by water, not usually BTY ˈʔondot cultivated) LLB — greater yam 520 TLD ˈʔondot ubi bamboo shoot 523 SIM — rebung HON ˈʔui SIM — BAH ˈʔui HON ˈsumpoʔ PKB — BAH ˈsumpok KND — PKB — SAM ˈʔui KND — KIN ˈʔui SAM — HHK ˈʔui KIN — 121

HHK — HHK ˈhol LMP — LMP — BTY ˈsumpok BTY — LLB — LLB — TLD ˈhobuŋ TLD leˈokɲo valley 524 ridge (of roof) 527 lembah (cf. 207, 534) bubungan SIM liouʔ SIM ˌbinumˈbuŋan HON ˈbuntoŋ (valley) | haˈtaːɲo (plain) HON ˌbinumˈbuŋan BAH ʔoˈaʔɲo | haˈtaɲo (level place) BAH ˌbinumˈbuŋan PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM leˈokɲo SAM ˌbinumˈbuŋan KIN haˈtaɲo KIN ˌbinumˈbuŋan HHK haˈtaːɲo HHK bumˈbuŋan LMP ˈsepeʔ LMP bumˈbuŋan BTY ˈsepeʔ BTY bumˈbuŋan TLD leŋˈkoak (valley w/o water) LLB — | ˈsepeʔ (valley with water) TLD ˈbumbuŋ island 525 ladder 528 pulau tangga SIM ˈtogoŋ SIM ˈʔoʤan HON ˈtogoŋ | ˈpulo HON ˈʔoʤan BAH ˈtogoŋ BAH — PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈtogoŋ SAM ˈʔoʤan KIN ˈpulo KIN ˈʔoʤan HHK ˈpulo HHK ˈʔoʤan LMP ˈpulo LMP ˈʔoʤan BTY ˈtogon BTY ˈʔoʤan LLB — LLB — TLD ˈtogoŋ TLD ˈʔoʤan bay 526 peg, nail 529 teluk paku SIM salamˈboŋin SIM ˈpakuʔ HON — HON ˈpakuʔ BAH suˈoʔɲo | ˈtanduŋ BAH ˈpakuʔ PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈhoːlɲo SAM ˈpakuʔ KIN taˈduɲo KIN ˈpakuʔ 122

HHK ˈpakuʔ HHK ˈʔobaː LMP ˈpakuʔ LMP ˈʔobaː BTY ˈpakuʔ BTY ˈʔobaː LLB — LLB — TLD ˈpakuʔ TLD ˈʔobaː woven fishtrap 530 withered 533 bubu layu SIM ˈbuːʔ SIM magaˈyou | maŋkaluˈale HON ˈbuːʔ HON magayou BAH ˈbuːʔ BAH ˌmaŋkaluˈale PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈbuːʔ SAM malaˈulu KIN ˈbuːʔ KIN maŋkaluˈale HHK ˈbuːʔ HHK malaˈulu LMP ˈbuːʔ LMP ˈmaŋgas BTY ˈbuːʔ BTY ˌmalaˈuluʔ (final glottal stop is correct) LLB — LLB — TLD ˈbuːʔ TLD mayaˈuyu (no final glottal stop) fishing spear 531 ripe (fruit) 534 tombak ikan masak (buah) SIM — SIM ˈmahãː HON — HON ˈmãhãː BAH — BAH ˈmãhãː PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM — SAM ˈmahaː KIN — KIN ˈmahaː HHK ˈtombaʔ (sharpened spear) HHK ˈmahaː LMP — LMP maˈhaːmo BTY — BTY ˈmahãː LLB — LLB — TLD soˈsoat TLD ˈmahaː embers 532 flat 535 bara api rata SIM ˈʔobaː SIM baŋkaʔɲo (land) | hondo (floor) HON ˈʔobaː HON maˈhataː BAH ˈʔobaː BAH haˈtaːɲo PKB ˈʔobaː PKB — KND — KND — SAM ˈʔobaː SAM haˈtaːɲo KIN ˈʔobaː nu ˈʔapuː KIN maˈhata 123

HHK ˈhataː HHK maˈʔisa LMP maˈhataː LMP maˈʔisa BTY maˈhataː BTY maˈʔisaʔ LLB — LLB — TLD haˈtaːɲo TLD haˈpeʔe brave 536 don’t 539 berani jangan SIM — SIM ˈboli HON — HON ˈboli BAH — BAH ˈboli PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM — SAM ˈboli KIN — KIN ˈboli HHK — HHK ˈboli LMP — LMP ˈboli BTY — BTY ˈboli LLB ˈbaːni LLB — TLD — TLD ˈboːliʔ no longer 537 there is, there are 540 tidak lagi ada SIM maˈdiʔo SIM ˈdagiʔ HON ˈmbaːʔo | manˈdiʔo HON ˈdagiʔ BAH maˈdiʔmo BAH ˈdaːgiʔ PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM maˈdiʔmo SAM ˈdaːgiʔ KIN ˈmaːʔmo KIN ˈdagiʔ HHK maˈdiʔmo HHK ˈdaːgiʔ LMP maˈdiʔmo LMP ˈdaːgiʔ BTY ˈmaʔmo | maˈdiʔmo BTY ˈdaːgiʔ LLB — LLB — TLD mbaˈhaʔmo TLD ˈdaŋ not yet 538 north 541 belum utara SIM maˈʔisa SIM — HON maˈʔisaʔ HON ʔuˈtala BAH maˈʔisa BAH ʔuˈtara | maˈtaɲo (wind name) PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM maˈʔisaʔ SAM ʔuˈtara KIN maˈʔisa KIN ʔuˈtara 124

HHK ʔuˈtara HHK naˈboŋiʔ sampaˈhuan LMP ʔuˈtara LMP ˌtolunsiˈnamo | iˈtolun BTY ʔuˈtara BTY naˈboŋiʔ ˈanmae LLB — LLB — TLD — TLD naˈboŋiʔ mae sampahuˈaɲo south 542 four (etc.) days ago 545 selatan empat (dst) hari yang lalu SIM — SIM — HON saˈlatan HON naˌboːŋiʔiˈpaton | … iˈliman BAH seˈlatan | … iˈnomon | … iˈpitun | … iˈwalu PKB — (not: iwalun) | … iˈsion | … KND — sampuˈluʔan SAM saˈlatan BAH — KIN seˈlatan PKB — HHK seˈlatan KND — LMP saˈlatan SAM — BTY tiˈagaʔ KIN ipaton | iliman | ipitun | ialun | LLB — ision TLD — HHK — day before yesterday 543 LMP — kemarin dulu BTY — TLD — SIM naˈboŋiʔ samˈpahu HON naˌboːŋiʔ samˈpahu day after tomorrow 546 BAH naˈboŋiʔ anu ˈmae lusa PKB — SIM hiˈpuan KND — HON hiˈpuan SAM naˈboŋiʔ sampaˈhuan BAH hiˈpuan KIN naˈboŋiʔ anu mae PKB — HHK naˈboŋiʔ samˈpahu KND — LMP naboŋi samˈpahu SAM hiˈpuan BTY naˈboːŋiʔ samˈpahu KIN iˈpuan LLB — HHK hiˈpuan TLD naboŋiʔ ˈmae LMP iˈpuan three days ago 544 BTY hiˈpuan tiga hari yang lalu TLD hiˈpuan SIM itoˈlunːo three days from now 547 HON naˌboːŋiʔ iˈtolun tiga hari di depan BAH ˌtolunsiˈnaːmo SIM pohipuaˈnakon PKB — HON hiˈtolun KND — BAH hiˈtolun SAM itoˈlunmo PKB — KIN iˈtolun KND — 125

SAM hipuan samˈbihaʔ KND — KIN itolunʤe muleʔ SAM monˈsuʔun HHK hiˈpuan saˈlundu KIN monˈsuʔun LMP iˈtolun HHK monˈsuʔun BTY hipuan samˈbihaʔ LMP monˈsombuŋ TLD ˌdaŋaʔiˈtolun (lit. still three days) BTY monˈsombuŋ four (etc.) days from now 548 LLB — empat (dst) hari di depan TLD monˈsuʔun SIM — go 551 HON — pergi BAH hiˈpaton | hiˈliman | hiˈnomon SIM ˈmambaː | hiˈpitun | (etc.) | sampuˈluʔan HON ˈmambaː PKB — BAH mamˈbaːmo KND — PKB — SAM — KND — KIN — SAM ˈmambaː HHK — KIN ˈmambaː LMP ipaton | iliman HHK ˈmamba BTY — LMP mamˈbaːmo TLD ˌdaŋaʔiˈpaton | ˌdaŋaʔiˈliman BTY mamˈbaːmo | ˌdaŋaʔiˈnomon | ˌdaŋaʔiˈpitun LLB — | ˌdaŋaʔiˈyalum | ˌdaŋaʔiˈsion TLD ˈmamba | ˌdanaʔsampuˈluʔan use 552 bring 549 memakai membawa SIM momˈpake SIM momˈboa HON momˈpake HON momˈboa BAH momˈpake BAH momˈboa PKB — PKB — KND — KND — SAM nimˈpake SAM momˈboa KIN momˈpake KIN momˈboa HHK momˈpake HHK momˈboa LMP momˈpake LMP momˈboa BTY momˈpake BTY momˈboa LLB — TLD momˈboa TLD momˈpake carry on the head 550 taste (food) 553 menjunjung mencicipi SIM monˈsuʔun SIM moˈɲamit HON monˈsuʔun HON moˈɲamit BAH monˈsuʔun BAH moˈɲamit PKB — PKB — 126

KND — SAM maˈɲamit KIN moɲaˈmiti HHK moˈɲamit LMP moˈɲamit BTY moˈɲamit LLB — TLD moˈɲamit sew roofing thatch 554 menjahit atap SIM momˈpawot HON momˈpawot BAH momˈpawot atop PKB — KND — SAM momˈpawot KIN momˈpawot atop | loˈdaʔan (slat to which thatch is sewn) HHK momˈpawot LMP monˈtaduk atop BTY momˈpawot LLB — TLD momˈpaul 127

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