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Journal of and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 5, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 140-155 (1983).

Soapstone for the Cosmos: Archaeological Discoveries in the Cuyamaca Mountains

EDWARD BRECK PARKMAN

HE Cuyamaca Mountains of interior San 1981a, 1981b; Moore 1979; Parkman et al. TDiego County are a remote region charac­ 1981). To date, approximately 250 native terized by a vast diversity of natural and American archaeological sites have been re­ cultural resources. Located 60 km. east of San corded within the 10,000 ha. Cuyamaca Diego, and within the ethnographic homeland Rancho State Park. The sites include vhlage of the Kumeyaay Indians, the Cuyamacas and camp places, bedrock mhling stations, comprise a major portion of the Peninsular flake scatters and hunting sites, rock art Range. The region is drained by the San occurrences, and pottery caches. Many of the Diego and Sweetwater rivers, and ranges in Cuyamaca sites are characterized by the ab­ elevation from 1,000 to 2,000 m. above sea original modification of the local bedrock. level. Local plant communities include well- The features involved include bedrock mor­ developed chaparral, grassland meadow, and tars and metates, cupule petroglyphs, and oak-pine woodland associations. various other incised and scratched petro­ Extensive archaeological investigations glyphs (Parkman 1981). have been conducted within the Cuyamacas, A major source of soapstone is located especially in Cuyamaca Rancho State Park, within the park on the eastern flank of the heartland of this mountainous region (Fig. Stonewah Peak, and it has been known to 1). Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, park archaeologists for over five decades. In his site sites were excavated by Malcolm Rogers record for SDl-9538 (formerly recorded as (n.d.a) and other Museum of Man SDL853, -859, and -912), the ethnographic researchers. A large survey and ancillary exca­ vihage of Ahhakweahmac (Rensch 1950:8), vation were conducted in the early 1960s by Malcolm Rogers (n.d.a) mentioned the Stone­ D. L. True (1961, 1966, 1970). The loca­ wah soapstone source, noting that the site was tional data generated by the Rogers and True covered with numerous "fragments and surveys have been analyzed over the last few rounded nodules" obtained from it. Rogers years by researchers exploring site-location apparently knew the location of the Stone­ models (Prosser 1975; Shackley 1980; True wall source, but no site record was prepared and Matson 1974). More recently, the Califor­ for it. D. L. True was unable to locate the nia Department of Parks and Recreation has source during his survey of the park, but did been involved in the systematic inventorying note that one existed in the area (True of the park's cultural resources (Foster 1980, 1961:8, 1966: 251, Map 16, 1970: 43). Finally, in a 1972 article concerning the use Edward Breck Parkman, California Dept. of Parks and Recreation, P. O. Box 2390, Sacramento, CA 95811. of soapstone by the Kumeyaay, Michael Folk

[140] SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 141

Peak. The site consists of about 50 soapstone boulders which are scattered over an area approximately 50 m. square. It is bisected by Soapstone Grade Fire Road (Fig. 3), an unimproved dirt road constructed by the Civhian Conservation Corps during the 1930s. The construction of the road appears to have destroyed a considerable portion of the Gwendolyn site. Many of the soapstone boulders located at this site exhibit evidence of quarrying activ­ ity. A school camp is located within the park, and its students have traditionally visited the Stonewah source in order to obtain soapstone for use in arts and crafts projects (Clarke 1948). Many of the modifications (e.g., CUYAMACA RANCHO STATE PARK quarry scars made by rock picks, coping saws, Fig. 1. Location of Cuyamaca Rancho State Park. and power saws) observed on the boulders at the Gwendolyn site date to this and other mapped and described the Stonewah source, recent non-Indian use. Other evidence sug­ noting that the material was fine-grained, light gests an earher aboriginal utilization. greenish-gray in color, and easily worked Two kinds of aboriginal quarrying practi­ (Polk 1972:7). As with Rogers, Polk visited ces have been identified at the Gwendolyn the Stonewall source area, but was unable to site. The first technique involved the carving detect evidence of aboriginal quarrying activ­ out and slabbing off of oval-shaped blanks ity (Michael Polk, personal communication approximately 25 cm. long and 15 cm. wide. 1982). Several loci of this activitity have been identi­ Although the Stonewah soapstone source fied within the site. Most areas exhibit depres­ has been known of for many years, until sions where blanks have been detached from recently no quarry had been recorded in this the boulder, a feature reminiscent of the area. During the summer of 1981, the Cahfor­ nia Department of Parks and Recreation recorded two archaeological sites that appear to be the remains of aboriginal soapstone quarries (Parkman et al. 1981). These are the Gwendolyn and World View sites. They are described below, and an interpretation of their possible roles in the Kumeyaay world is presented. THE GWENDOLYN SITE The Gwendolyn site (SDI-9039) is located on a steep, chaparral-covered hhlside over­ From the Gwendolyn site looking southeast looking upper Green Vahey (Fig. 2). It is toward upper Green Valley (photograph by approximately 2.5 km. northeast of Stonewah the author, August 1981). 142 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 3. From the Gwendolyn site looking northwest along Soapstone Grade Fire Road. Note the white soapstone boulders eroding from the hillside (photograph by the author, August 1981). soapstone quarries on Catalina Island (Meigh­ In addition to the quarry evidence, several an and Johnson 1957; Schumacher 1879; of the boulders are characterized by petro- Wlodarski 1979). In several cases, blanks are glyph elements. Perhaps the most striking is sthl attached to the parent rock (Fig. 4), an incised Crosshatch similar to that found on having never been removed. A single detached many soapstone arrowshaft straighteners from blank was observed on the surface of the site the Cuyamaca region. The only artifacts (Fig. 5). Treganza (1942) reported finding observed on the surface of the site were the five of these artifacts cached at the Jacumba oval-shaped blank discussed earher, and four Vahey soapstone quarry (SDI-7790), and Polk quartzite and felsite hammer and pick-like (1972:9, Fig. 3) has hlustrated another from tools, possibly used in the quarry operation. northem San Diego County. Shortly after the A smah piece of soapstone with a single discovery of the Gwendolyn site. Ken Hedges polished edge was also noted. (personal communications 1981-1982) identi­ THE WORLD VIEW SITE fied a second quarrying technique at the site. This method apparently involved the drilling The Worid View site (SDI-9040) is located of numerous small holes in a line along a approximately 300 m. southeast of the Gwen­ boulder, after which a portion of the rock dolyn site. It also is situated on a chaparral- could be detached. covered hhlside (Fig. 6), and is bisected by SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 143

Fig. 4. Rock No. 2 at the Gwendolyn site. Note the undetached oval-shaped blank at the lower center of the rock (photograph by Shane Coles, March 1982). Soapstone Grade Fire Road. This site consists filled with numerous other rocks, several of of a cluster of soapstone boulders, on which which appear to be foreign to the immediate are located numerous cupule and scratched area. It is similar to a named (Wiitaawhiitl) petroglyphs (Fig. 7), a single conicahy shaped Kumeyaay shrine in the nearby Laguna Moun­ bedrock mortar (Fig. 8), and a large quadri­ tains (Cline 1979: 21). A Kwaaymii (Kume­ lateral form (Fig. 9). The latter is thought to yaay) elder from that area, Tom Lucas, says be an undetached quarry blank. The measure­ he has seen other such features in the local ments of these elements are presented in mountains (personal communication 1982). Table 1. Another soapstone boulder, located The World View feature is located adjacent to 18 m. downslope from the first locus, has a trah leading down to Upper Green Vahey. several tiny drill pits similar to those observed The only artifacts observed on the surface at the Gwendolyn site. of the site were two felsite flakes and a felsite In addition to the modified boulders at core-tool immediately adjacent to the modi­ the World View site, there is a possible fied boulders (Fig. 10), and a quartz core near trahside shrine located nearby. This feature is the shrine. The construction of the fire road located about 50 m. downslope from the first appears to have destroyed most of this soap- locus of boulders, and consists of a crevice stone outcrop. Prior to the 1930s, there may between two small boulders which has been have been additional boulders here. 144 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

fi^-' ,-? ^'OBfcii'^

- • ''\ . •W^'K.' I ••' • •''i w' ^ 1li^i-^^ i i..,, HKt - ^:;'-'"«-;. ^F' ' ^- . -m 1t ' - "SV'-- V .-^"^^'•'''« m \--.,. '3-;:- .' -,,,• •%>^'^%5v^1

Fig. 5. Soapstone blank found on surface of the Gwendolyn site (photograph by the author, August 1981).

DISCUSSION The Kumeyaay used soapstone to manu­ Wkmj facture various kinds of tools and ornaments,

the most common being arrowshaft straight­ ''t ••' 'y '•'' ' "/'• '^ eners and pendants. Soapstone was also used

for making pipes, sucking tubes, and "medi­ n* '/* r ;i ;• i : y- :• .- • ,••• -v-,..-, -O— cine" or "warming" stones (Polk 1972). The Fig. 6. From the World View site looking south latter are believed to have been used by toward upper Green Valley and Oakzanita Kumeyaay shamans in curing rituals, and in Peak. The white soapstone boulders in the the girls' puberty rites, during which a foreground contain a bedrock mortar and various cupule and incised petroglyphs. A warmed stone was placed on the stomach or possible trailside shrine is located about between the thighs of each girl in order to 50 m. downhill, adjacent to a trail leading insure easier chhdbirth. Descriptions of these down to the vaUey floor (photograph by Bhlie Davis, March 1982). stones (Rust 1906; Strong 1929; Waterman 1910) indicate that they are somewhat similar in shape and size to the oval blanks found to stripes of white powdered soapstone" (Water­ have been quarried at the Gwendolyn site. man 1910: 304-305). Powdered white soap- Charlotte McGowan (1982:6) reported find­ stone was also used in making the ground ing a warming stone cached at W-1133, a paintings associated with these puberty rites fertihty (Yoni) site in the Jamul area of San (Waterman 1910: 300-301). Diego County. The flat stones used in the Finally, soapstone was used to manufac­ jumping aspect of the boys' initiation cere­ ture the "sacred" portable bowl-mortars used mony (Waterman 1910: 304-305) might also in the boys' puberty rites, and associated with be a similar artifact. the Toloache ceremonies. The Kumeyaay Powdered soapstone was used as paint by cahed these mortars kalmo, and they used the Kumeyaay. During the boys' puberty them to grind Jimson weed. Datura mete- rites, the initiates were painted "with broad loides (Drucker 1937: 14; DuBois 1908: 172; SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 145

Fig. 7. Cupule petroglyphs at the World View site. Fig. 9. Large quadrilateral form at the World View Note the incised line encircling the cupule on site. The feature, which appears to be old and the left (photograph by Billie Davis, March weathered, was cut with a steel-bladed ax or 1982). hatchet (photograph by Billie Davis, March 1982).

Table 1

MEASUREMENTS OF FEATURES OCCURRING IN BOULDER LOCUS NO. 1

Diameter Depth Length Width Feature Type (cm.) (cm.) (cm.) (cm.) 1 cupule 7 3.5 - - 2 mortar 17 12 - - 3 cupule 5 1.8 - - 4 cupule 2.5 1 - - 5 cupule 0.5 0.4 - - 6 cupule 4.5 1.2 - - 7 cupule 2 1 - - 8 cupule 4 2 - - 9 incised line - - 4.5 - 10 incised line - - 5.5 - 11 incised line - - 5 - 12 cupule 5 2.5 - - 13 cupule within incised line; cupule 3.2 1.4 - - line - - 12 9 14 cupule 3 2.5 - - 15 cupule 9 4.5 - - 16 cupule 4.5 1.5 - - 17 cupule 3 1.2 - - 18 quarry blank - - 34 30 19 cupule 3.5 1.5 - - 20 cupule 3.5 1 - - Fig. 8. Bedrock mortar and large cupule petroglyph 21 cupule 2 1 - - at the World View site (photograph by Shane 22 cupule 2.5 1 - - Coles, March 1982). 23 cupule 2 1 - - 146 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

vices by the Cuyamaca area Kumeyaay. From the cemetery associated with the ethno­ graphic village of Pilcha (SDI-913), Malcolm Rogers recovered as many as 200 of these artifacts, some being miniatures, and many appearing unused (True 1970: 49). These data have led True (1970: 49) to hypothesize that some of the straighteners were made "especi­ ally to be included as grave goods." Apparently, the Kumeyaay of the Cuya- macas obtained much of their soapstone from the Gwendolyn site. Just how intense this utilization was has been made indeterminable by the fire road's impact upon the site. The relative absence of quarry tools, as well as quarried boulders, may suggest other nearby quarries, although none, other than the World View site, has been identified. An inspection of the soapstone artifacts recovered from various Cuyamaca sites reveals the presence of some exotic soapstone material. The soap- stone of the Stonewall source is a talc schist (Syd Willard, personal communication 1981) which is quite distinct from some of these other materials. Both of the Stonewall quar­ Fig. 10. Felsite i.ore-tool resting on the surface adja­ ries are located within a Juhan schist forma­ cent to the bedrock mortar boulder at the tion immediately adjacent to its contact line World View site (photograph by Billie Davis. March 1982). with a Stonewall granodiorite formation (Everhart 1951; Todd 1977; Todd and Shaw Kroeber 1925: 713; Spier 1923: 317; Water­ 1979). Other loci of soapstone boulders may man 1910: 304). A drink prepared from this yet remain to be recorded along this contact hallucinogenic plant was served to male initi­ hne, especially to the north outside of the ates in order that they might obtain visions. park. In addition to the Stonewall quarries, One of the tinifying features of soapstone and the Jacumba Valley site (SDI-7790), use by the Kumeyaay appears to have been several other soapstone sources are known to the "sacredness" of the artifacts produced occur in Kumeyaay territory. A soapstone from it. Sucking tubes and warming stones source (SDI-8538) with "pecking scars" on seem to have been used exclusively by sha­ the boulders was recently recorded in the mans and, except for the occasional pendant, nearby (Archaeological most soapstone artifacts were probably in­ Systems Management 1980). A small source volved with the more esoteric world of the of soft, greenish-gray soapstone occurs else­ Kumeyaay. Even the soapstone arrowshaft where in the Lagunas, and another source of straighteners, which are generally considered harder dark-green material is located at the to be "technomic" (Binford 1962) in nature, "rim of the desert overlooking Mason Valley" may have been viewed as "ideotechnic" de­ (Tom Lucas, personal communication 1982). SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 147

The latter two sites have not been recorded. that have been recovered from throughout Although fragments of soapstone have San Diego County. D. L. True (1970: 39) been recovered from almost all of the exca­ recovered a number of these artifacts from vated Cuyamaca sites, most of the soapstone SDI-860, and they also are found in the industry appears to have been centered in the collecrions Malcolm Rogers excavated from ethnographic village of Ahhakweahmac (SDI- SDI-913. In both cases, most of the artifacts 9538). Rogers (n.d.a) noted that much local are made of a material identical to the local soapstone was present at this site, and Tme Stonewall soapstone. Additionally, a cache of (1970: 43) observed that Ahhakweahmac these warming stones was plowed up by a appeared to have "substantially larger farmer in the nearby community of Juhan in amounts of steatite refuse on the surface than the 1930s. This cache, which is in the did those sites situated a greater distance from collection of the Julian Pioneer Museum, the quarry." Ahhakweahmac, being 3 km. consists of seven soapstone warming stones northwest of the Gwendolyn site, represents (Figs. 11 and 12), a small soapstone bowl the quarry's nearest recorded village site. (Fig. 13), two smah non-soapstone hammer- Another related stone-working industry stones, and a non-soapstone rock somewhat appears to have been centered in SDI-9534, a reminiscent of the crescent-shaped ceremonial large vihage recently recorded on the southern stone illustrated by T. T. Waterman (1910: PI. shore of Cuyamaca Reservoir. Situated at the 21), All eight of the soapstone artifacts edge of this site is a natural deposit of appear to be manufactured from Stonewall phyUitic schist (Syd Willard, personal com­ material. The stone bowl is very similar to munication 1982). Several felsite hammer- ethnographic descriptions of the kalmo, in stones and pick-like tools are associated with which Datura was prepared. The two small the quarry located there, and fragments hammerstones each fit well in the bowl's (worked and unworked) of the schist material cavity, and appear to have been used with it, perhaps being the xanokai associated with the htter the surface of the village site. Artifacts, kalnw (Waterman 1910: 304). The cache may especially pendants, of a similar material have have belonged to a shaman, or perhaps it was been recovered from most of the excavated a communal possession, such as the cache of Cuyamaca sites (see True 1970: 40). ceremonial objects stored in the village's INTERPRETATION ceremonial house (Waterman 1910: 281). Kumeyaay inhabiting the Cuyamaca Another cache of soapstone artifacts, Mountains came to the Stonewall quarries, some of which may have been manufactured especially the Gwendolyn site, in order to from Stonewall soapstone, was plowed up at procure soapstone. It is probable that they Pine Hdls, near Julian, during the 1930s. This satisfied some of this need by collecting float group consisted of 21 sucking tubes (Rogers material from about the surface of the source n.d.b), and appeared to be another shaman's area. They also quarried the material, utilizing cache. A third cache was plowed up in a field at least two distinct methods. near Poway. This one included soapstone Artifacts of a great variety were manufac­ bowls and warming stones that were covered tured from the soapstone, and most were with red ochre (Polk 1972: 20). Other arti­ somewhat ideotechnic in nature. The oval- facts of a material similar to the Stonewall shaped blanks that were quarried at the soapstone have been found in nearby Des- Gwendolyn site appear especiahy well suited canso Valley (McKinney 1972), and in the for the manufacture of the warming stones Earthquake Valley area of Anza-Borrego 148 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Desert State Park (Robert S. Begole, personal communication 1982). Artifacts made from a ^^^^^ / non-Stonewall soapstone, including a possible "owl" effigy from Mason Valley (Musser ^^^VT \/' 1980), and a pendant blank from Wynola /^^H (Fritz, Knight, and Gothold 1977: 32), have also been found at local sites. The latter two artifacts, each of which are reddish in color % (Fritz, Knight, and Gothold 1977: 32; Musser 1980: 280), are probably made of Jacumba Valley (SDI-7790) soapstone, which is of a similar color (Polk 1972: 7; M. Steven Shack- Fig. 1 1. Soapstone warming stone from a cache of 11 artifacts found in Julian, scale equals 15 cm. ley, personal communication 1981). Kume­ (photograph courtesy of the Julian Pioneer yaay (Kamia) of the Imperial Valley region Museum). are known to have obtained their soapstone from the Jacumba area (Gifford 1931: 29), and it is probable that some of this material was traded north to the Cuyamaca region as well. Based on the foregoing data, it appears obvious that a soapstone industry was being conducted in the Cuyamaca region during the Kumeyaay occupation. The industry appears to have been focused on the Gwendolyn site, where soapstone was procured, and on Ah­ hakweahmac, where it was manufactured into various kinds of artifacts. It has yet to be Fig. 12. Soapstone warming stone from the Julian determined how far Stonewall soapstone trav­ cache. Note the similarity between it and the eled in the local trade network. Future blank in Fig. 5 (photograph courtesy of the Julian Pioneer Museum). chemical analysis of the local soapstone will address this problem. The World View site may have seen considerably less quarrying activity than that of the Gwendolyn site. Extant evidence at World View suggests limited use as a quarry. Of course, float material could have been collected there without leaving traces, and it should be remembered that the fire road destroyed a significant portion of the site, thus there may have been additional evidence in former times. Available data, however, do suggest a more ritualistic nature to the use of Fig. 13. Soapstone bowl from the Julian cache (pho­ the World View site. tograph courtesy of the Julian Pioneer Museum). As noted earlier, the trailside shrine at the World View site is similar to another nearby SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 149

named shrine (Cline 1979: 23), and other 8) in a soft soapstone material represents one such places are known to occur throughout of the major enigmas involving the interpreta- interior San Diego County. The trail on which fion of the Worid View site. Mortars typically the Cuyamaca shrine is located leads upslope occur in harder rocks, thus facilitating the from upper Green Valley, and then apparent­ milling activity associated with them. Indeed, ly past the Gwendolyn site into the large a non-exhaustive review of the records main­ grassland area surrounding Cuyamaca Reser­ tained by the State Office of Historic Preser­ voir. From there, it was a short and easy walk vation revealed but one additional California to Ahhakweahmac, or to a larger trail system site where bedrock mortars are associated (now Highway 79 and Engineers Road) con­ with soapstone. The site (YUB-851 ) is located necting the Cuyamacas with Santa Ysabel in Yuba County, and contains approximately Valley and other occupied areas. In the 75 mortars and 20 cupule petroglyphs on opposite direction, a trail down upper Green several boulders (Donald J. Storm, personal Valley would allow easy access to the settle­ communication 1982). Although these boul­ ments on East Mesa, and would link up with a ders were recorded as "steatite," they might major trail (now Highway 79) to Descanso prove to be serpentine, or at least a hard and Samagatuma valleys. Soapstone procur­ variety of soapstone. A series of sites with ers, as well as hunters, gatherers, and other soapstone bedrock mortars has been recorded passersby, probably utihzed the trail leading within Plumas National Forest (FS Nos. past the World View site, and it was probably 05-11-54-29, -30, -57, -68, and -180; Daniel a major avenue of travel. G. Foster, personal communication 1981), It is possible that the bedrock mortar/ but they also may prove to be serpentine. The cupule petroglyph complex at World View, bedrock mortar at the World View site is like the rock caim shrine, was associated located in the midst of a chaparral zone, well specifically with the nearby trail. It may have removed from any stand of oak or pine trees. been a place that marked the trail, or rather a A few small Scrub Oaks (Quercus dumosa) do place where ceremonies pertaining to the trail grow nearby but, althougli their acorns were were performed. The rock cairn shrines are occasionally used to make mtish (Spier 1923: known to have been places where Kumeyaay 334), the Kumeyaay considered their acorns travelers made offerings to insure their safe to be a food less desirable than those of the travel (Cline 1979: 23, 105; Drucker 1937: Black Oak (Quercus kellogii) and the Coast 43; Tom Lucas, personal communication Live Oak {Quercus agrifolia) (Almstedt 1968: 1982). Archaeological evidence indicates that 10), both of which grow along the vaUey floor these shrines were often located near moun­ below World View. It does not seem likely tain passes or the junction of main trails that acorns from the Scrub Oaks were being (Begole 1974: 59, 1981: 1). The Worid View ground at the World View site, nor does it site, situated just below the mountain pass seem likely that plant foods would have been connecting Upper Green Valley with the large carried there from the valley, especially since grassland and cienega that is now Cuyamaca granite outcrops are located among the trees Reservoir, would appear to fit this same below. Moreover, a preliminary inventory of pattern. An extremely panoramic view of the the plants occurring at World View (Table 2) surrounding countryside is afforded the visi­ does not appear to suggest that food prepara­ tor to World View, and this may have been a tion (at least that wliich would have necessi­ factor dictating its use as a shrine. tated grinding) occurred there. And, although The presence of the bedrock mortar (Fig. the Kumeyaay did hunt in the chaparral zone. 150 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 2 Several rituaHstic models appear some­ what feasible in explaining the non-quarry A PARTIAL LIST OF THE PLANTS OCCURRING AT THE WORLD VIEW SITE function of the World View site. For instance, (Field identification by Jeri Hir.shberg, March 23, 1982) the site may have served as either a trail 1 Adenostema fascicidatum (Chamisc) and/or a quarry shrine, or it may have been a 2 .Arctostaphylosglandulosa (Eastwood Manzanita) place where certain ceremonies, such as the 3 Castilteja ifoliosal) (Wooly Paintbrush) 4 Ceanothiis grcggii (Gregg's Lilac) Tolcjache ritual, or some other initiation 5 Ceanothiis ileucodcrmis'^) (Blue Wild Lilac) ceremony, were conducted. The rock caim 6 Cerocarpus betuioides (Mountain Mahogany) associated with the World View site is thought 7 Enogonum sp. (Buckwheat) to represent a trailside shrine (Tom Lucas, 8 Happlopappus squarrosus (Golden Bush) 9 Mimutus sp. (Monkey Flower) personal communication 1982). Similar 10 Quercus dumosa (Scrub Oak) shrines are known to occur throughout the 11 Salvia apiana (White Sage) region. It is conceivable that the petroglyph 12 Stipa sp. (Purple Needlegrass) boulders (Locus No. 1) represent another 13 Yucca whipptcii (Our Lord's Candle) shrine that is intimately involved with the trail that passes nearby. As such, the cupules it does not seem likely that non-vegetal foods may have been places where offerings were (e.g., small rodents and birds) would have made to insure a safe joumey, or success in been ground and prepared at World View, the venture that necessitated that journey. either. Given the presence of the shrine and Although such uses do not appear to have the petroglyphs, it would appear reasonable been common, there are some accounts of to assume that the World View site was this function, such as the following account utilized for rittialistic and/or non-food pro­ from northern California: curement activities. The only non-food procurement activity The old Wintoon trail along the Sacramento from Susson down as far as Redding was that seems likely to have occurred at the divided into day's journeys, with regular World View site is that of soapstone acquis­ resting places where the night was spent. At ition. The evidence of the site's use as a each of these places was a small shallow hole quarry has already been discussed. In addition in a rock—a hole apparently not more than a to these data, it should be noted that the couple of inches in diameter and perhaps an inch in depth. The old Doctor used to go to bedrock mortar at World View might also these holes and pray for strength and success have been used to obtain soapstone. The [Merriam 1955: 11]. Kumeyaay are known to have utilized white soapstone powder (Waterman 1910: 297-298, Another possible explanation for the 301) and, by rotating a pestle in the World World View petroglyphs is that they represent View mortar, powdery soapstone would have a quarry shrine, rather than a trail shrine. As collected in the base (Travis Hudson, personal such, the site would have been a place where communication 1982). An alternative method offerings were made to the soapstone source would have been to collect soapstone float and/or quarries. As noted earlier, the cross- material, which could then be ground into hatch petroglyph at the Gwendolyn site is powder in a granite mortar. Because the similar to those found on local arrowshaft powder-acquisition model does not explain straighteners, warming stones, and various the petroglyphs at Worid View, it is Hkely other soapstone artifacts that might be viewed that part of the site's explanation is to be as ideotechnic in nature. It is doubtful wheth­ found in a more ritualistic model. er the designs on these artifacts are merely SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 51 ornamental. Instead, the markings may impart that is slightly reminiscent of Ipai ground "power" to the stones (Joan Oxendine, per­ paintings from nearby Santa Ysabel and Mesa sonal communication 1982). Similar designs Grande (Fig. 15). A similarity may exist are an integral aspect of California rock art, between the depiction of certain painted and are often associated with sites thought to elements (e.g., Orion and Pleiades) and some have a religious significance. The Crosshatch at of the World View petroglyphs (e.g., incised the Gwendolyn site may be a bond that lines 9-11 and cupules 19-23, respectively). connects the natural soapstone with the pro­ The Datura mortar was also depicted in these ducts fashioned from it. The petroglyphs at ground paintings, and the bedrock mortar at World View may have served a similar pur­ World View may have seen a similar use. The pose. morphology of the World View mortar (which The World View site also may have been is conical), however, suggests that it was the scene of some other ceremony, such as better suited to producing soapstone powder the Toloache ritual, or some other initiation than for grinding Datura. In other words, the rite. The Toloache ceremonies first appeared mortar's conical shape indicates that it was among the Kumeyaay during the beginning of produced by the constant wear of a pestle the American Period (ca. A.D. 1850), having around its walls. This is an action one would been transmitted to them by the Ipai and the strive for in order to maximize powder Luiseno (Bean 1975: 29; Dmcker 1937: 14; manufacture. To grind Datura would necessi­ Kroeber 1925: 712-713). The ro/oac/ze ritual tate more of a verticle pounding action, and was an integral aspect of the Chingishnish would probably result in a mortar that was religion, a revitalization movement which more bowl-shaped. The mortar at World View appears to have originated among the Gab- may have been used, however, to mix the riehiios about A.D. 1800. Two aspects of the already ground Datura with water. The intro­ Toloache ritual are of possible significance to duction of powdered soapstone into this the interpretation of the World View site. In mixture could have been viewed as beneficial. the boys' initiation rites that were associated In the same manner, the mortar may have with the Toloache, Datura meteloides was been used to mix the soapstone powder with used to prepare an hallucinogenic drink which water, in order to produce white paint. White was given to the initiates in order that they paint was instrumental not only to the Tolo­ might obtain visions (Drucker 1937: 14; ache ritual, but to many other Kumeyaay DuBois 1908: 172; Kroeber 1925: 713; Wa­ ceremonies as well (Waterman 1 910). terman 1910: 304). The Datura was prepared In addition to the Toloache, the World and occasionally served in a soapstone bowl View site may have been used for some other (kalmo). During these same rites, which were ceremony, especially one focusing on initia­ held during "cold weather" (Spier 1923: tion. Among the neighboring Luiseno, it is 316), a ground painting was made which possible that cupule petroglyphs were associ­ depicted many of the important aspects of ated with the boys' initiation ceremonies the Kumeyaay cosmos, including certain sac­ (Chace 1964, personal communication 1982; red mountains, constellations, and mythologi­ Minor 197 5). Traditionally (i.e., pre- cal animals (Spier 1923: 327; Waterman Toloache), the Kumeyaay may have perform­ 1910: 300-301). It is quite possible that the ed a boys' or girls' initiation ceremony at World View petroglyphs represent a lithic World View, but the extant ethnographies do version of this cosmos. The pattern which not indicate such a function. The site also emerges from World View (Fig. 14) is one may have been the scene of some individual 152 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

.Ao. / 5 • •<> \ /\

\ *^ Ci>'- J /

I \ N. , 6 3 / AX /

•^ ^ \ to' / •\ M[ir«

Fig. 14. Schematic drawing of Locus No. 1. the World Fig. 15. Map or diagram of the world as conceived by View site. 1: large cupule; 2: bedrock mortar; the Ipai. This ground painting was made at 3-8: cupules; 9-11: incised lines; 12; cupule; Mesa Grande by Antonio Maces and Jo 13: cupule svith incised line encircling it; Waters. Such paintings were made with color­ 14: fragment of cupule; 15-17; cupules; ed earths, and were used during the boys' 18: large quadrilateral form; 19-23; cupules. initiation ceremony. 1-3: Datura mortar and pestle; 4-5; rattlesnake; 6; Milky Way; 7: world's edge (perhaps black); 8; new ceremony, such as the "vision quests" attrib­ moon; 9: full moon; 10: sun; 11: coyote; uted to nearby Cuchama (Tecate) Peak 12; buzzard star; 13; crow; 14: black spider; (Evans-Wentz 1981; Stamford 1977). 15; wolf; 16: mountain sheep or Orion; 17: Pleiades; 18: black snake; 19: gopher CONCLUSION snake; 20-23; mountains (.A.fter Heizer[ 1978; 656, Fig. 2]; Waterman [1910: PI. 251). As soapstone quarries, the Gwendolyn and World View sites are significant in that terized the Kumeyaay world. Potential an­ they present an opportunity to examine the swers may be found to address questions quarry techniques utilized by the Kumeyaay. concerning the territorial boundaries that The only previously recorded soapstone quar­ separated the Kumeyaay, Northern Diegueho, ry in Kumeyaay territory, SDI-7790, was and Luiseno. These data might also be apphed destroyed before scientific study could take to the dynamics of culture change, observ­ place (Treganza 1942). Other soapstone able, for example, through the spread of the sources are known to occur within Kumeyaay Toloache ritual. territory, but their potential quarries have yet As a ceremonial site. World View is to be investigated and reported. Future chem­ especially intriguing, although somewhat enig­ ical testing is necessary in order to delineate matic in nature. It has been argued herein that the range of the Stonewall soapstone trade, as the site represents a ritualistic manifestation well as explain the exotic soapstone materials of the Kumeyaay culture. Explanations con­ recovered from Cuyamaca sites. Such data cerning the ceremonial nature of World View may eventually provide valuable insight into focus upon its possible role as a shrine and/or the socioeconomic complexities that charac- place where other ceremonials, especially in- SOAPSTONE FOR THE COSMOS 153 itiation rites, took place. However, the true REFERENCES meaning of the site will probably always remain a mystery, and perhaps justly so. Almstedt, Ruth F. 1968 Diegueflo Tree: An Ecological Approach to a ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Linguistic Problem. International Journal of American Linguistics 34(1): 9-15. I accept full responsibility for the form and content of this paper. However, a number of people Archaeological Systems Management have been kind enough to read and comment upon 1980 A Cultural Resource Survey of the Laguna the manuscript during the course of its preparation. Mountain Recreation Area: A Preliminary In particular, I would like to thank Robert S. Begole, Report, A report prepared for the U, S. Paul G. Chace, Roberta S. Greenwood, Ken Hedges, Forest Service by Archaeological Systems Dr. Robert L. Hoover, Dr. Travis Hudson, Dr. Kath­ Management, Inc., San Diego. arine Luomala, Dr. Clement W. Meighan, Ruth Mus­ Bean, Lowell John ser, Joan Oxendine, Michael R. Polk, Dr. Florence C. 1975 Power and Its Applications in Native Califor­ Shipek, and Dr. David Hurst Thomas. nia. Journal of California Anthropology I should also like to thank the many people who 2(1): 25-33. assisted me during the research phase of my study. Begole, Robert S. Steven Shackley, William Pink, Leslie Schupp, Donald 1974 Archaeological Phenomena in the California Storm, and John and Gwen Romani supplied me with Deserts. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society information concerning soapstone quarries and utili­ Quartedy 10(2): 51-70. zation elsewhere in California. William Pink and Dr. Nancy Evans were instrumental in introducing me 1981 1978-1980 Investigations in the Anza- to Tom Lucas, who later accompanied me to the Borrego Desert State Park. Pacific Coast Gwendolyn and World View sites. I am indebted to Archaeological Society Quarterly 17(4): Mr. Lucas for all that 1 have learned from him. Mable 1-38. Carlson, Curator of the Julian Pioneer Museum, Binford, Lewis R. allowed me access to the local soapstone artifacts on 1962 Archaeology as Anthropology. American exhibit there, and Ken Hedges did the same at the Antiquity 28(2): 217-225. San Diego Museum of Man. Allen Ulm, Area Manager of Cuyamaca Rancho State Park, proved to be an Chace, Paul G. invaluable aid during the survey. Maurice H. Getty 1964 Petroglyphs in Luisefio Territory. Archaeo­ and Dr. Paul E. Nesbitt, California Department of logical Research Associates Bulletin 9(2):3. Parks and Recreation, offered encouragement Clarke, James Mitchell throughout the project. Syd Wdlard provided me with 1948 The Cuyamaca Stor>': A Record in Pictures geological identifications, and John McAleer assisted of San Diego's City-County School Camp. in various ways. Jeri Hirshberg accompanied me to San Francisco: Rosenberg Foundation. the sites, and supplied me with a partial listing of the plants occurring there. Shane Coles and Billie Davis Cline, Lora L. also accompanied me to the sites, and were very 1979 The Kwaaymii: Reflections on a Lost Cul­ helpful in the photographing of them. Finally, Daniel ture. El Centre: Imperial Valley College G. 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