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Focus: a Footnote to the History of the Thirties. by Eugen Spier

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Focus: a Footnote to the History of the Thirties. by Eugen Spier FOCIJS A Footnote to tlte Histury ,f the Thirties by EUGEI{ SPIER With an introduction by LADY VIOLET BONHAM CARTER, D.B.E. http://www.nationalists.org OSWALD WOLFF (PUBLISHE, RS) LIMITED London, \{. r r 963 FIRST PUBLISHED 1963 @ oswALD woLFF (runr.rsnnns) LrMrrED, LoNDoN MADE AND PRINTBD IN GREAT BRITAIN BY TI{E GARDDN CITY PRESS LIMITED LETCHWORTH, HERTFORD SHIRE TO my loving And beloved wife Henny ". the great theories of government which the British race devised and which the English-speaking people have adopted are closely associated with the system of religious ethics, and are the foundation upon which civilisation stands, and without which it will fall." From an address by Sir Winston Churchill to the l'Focus fo'r the Defence of Freedom and Peace". CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE List of Illustrations B Introduction by Lady Violet Bonham Carter, D.B.E. 9 Foreword r 3 I First Contacts 17 II Extending our Range 24 III Discussions at the Savoy 42 IV The Albert Hall Meeting 58 V f'rom the Albert HaJl to Manchester 78 VI The Campaign go,es o,n g r VII A Lunch with Winston Churchill rc4 VIII Jugoslavia and the West r r g IX Appeasement continues : Eden and the Focus 122 x The Annexation of Austria r 30 XI Munich, Prague and War r 39 Ep,ilogue t4g Postscript r 5 r Chronological Table r 5g Index r 55 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Winston Churchill from the pairrting by Egerton Cooper, R.A. Frontispiece The Authon Facing Page r 6 Lady Vib1et Bonham Carter, D.B.E. t, 64 Sir Robert Walry-Cohen ), 65 H.E. Dr. Z. Maeuranic ,) 96 Mrs. Eugen Spier from the painting by Joseph Oppenheimer e7 INTRODUCTION Trrr Footnote to the History of the Thirties here recorded by lVfr. Eugen Spier lives in my memory as a ray of light on one of history's darkest pages. I welcome the opportunity of writing these few intro'ductory words, if only beciuse it enables me to pay my grateful tribute to its author and to the vital part he played both in the inception of Sir Winston Churchill's "Focus in Defence of Freedom and Peace" and in all its zubsequent str:uggles and activities. It was due to his generosity and srngle- minded devotion to our cause that we were able to go into imme- diate and effective action. We had at the outset no material and little moral backing. We were a small group of like-minded individuals swimming a[ainst the tide-not only of government policy but of the pi.ritirrg public attitude and mood. Our national leaders, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald and Mr. Baldwin, reflected and expressed the general desire for a quiet life at ho,me and (if possibL) abroad. Tranquillity, Safety First, Appeasement-these were the watchwords behind which the British people marched, or rather crawled, throughout the Thirties. Translated into practice, Tranquillity meant the passive acceptance of great social evils such as ma$s unemployment in our midst; Safety First was the policy which led us so blindly and so, unp,repared into the Second World War; Appeasement was the pursuit of peace at any price which o,ther people could be made to pay. Sir Winston Churchill was in the shadows, ut odds with his own party and with all the powers that be. It is revealirg, that a bare three months before the outbreak of war, The-Times refused to publish a letter in which I made a plea for his inclusion in the government unless I consented to excise the sen- tence which contained it. Under the banner head,line .Is Winston worth it ? Truth commented on "the factitious, interested and altogether contemptible campaign over his inclusion in the 9 IO FOCUS Cabinet" : and added, "Why no,t make a job of it and have Vic Oliver in too ?" Such were the Thirties. Th.y have been described as "the years that the locusts have eaten", "the years when England slept". No one who did not live through them can imagine the agonisirg vigil of those few who were awake and resolved to *uk.r, oih.o. We recognised in Winston Churchill the spearhead of our salvatior, the voice which could arouse the sleeping con- scien,ce of our people both to their honour and their p'eril. It was our aim to make thrt voice heard f.ar and wide, to' set his light upon a candlestick, to open the eyes of the blind and make the ai4 hear, to bring home to our government o,f (so.called) realists the stark realities which stared us in the face. This may seem to have been an ambitious goal fo,r sixteen individuals gathered round. a table at the Victoria Hotel, without funds, o,rganisation press o'r public. or arry visible means of support either from -We were armed only with a burnirg sense of urgency and an abso' lute faith both in our cause and in our leader. We naturally incurred much criticism and contumely- We were denounced as "war-mongers" and also, paradoxically, as "Geneva gas-bags"; "blood-thirsty pacifists" conveniently com- bined the two. We were rebuked by Elder Statesmen as unPrac- tical idealists who wished to involve our country in "a quarrel about ideo,logies". "Butr" replied Winston Churchill, "surely we must have an opinion between Right and Wrong ? . There must be a moral basis for British foreign policy. It is this con- flict of moral and spiritual ideas which gives the free countries a great part of their strength. ." And, in a speech to the House of-Commons, "There is no high explosive so, powerful as the soul of a free people". It was this "high explosive" that we were trying to igniie. At a great Focus meeting in the Free Trade Hail Manihester he thus declared our aims : "Arm and stand by the Covenant. In this alone lies the assurance of safety, the defence of freedo,m and the hope of p'eace." One of our most serious handicap,s was the refusal of the press, with a few honourable exceptions, to report our meetings. Mr. Wickh am Steed has given a clue to the reasons fo'r this boyco'tt in his book The Press: "Certain large advertising agents had warned journals for which they provided much revenue, that advertisements would be withheld from them should they 'Pluy INTRODUCTION I I uP' the internatio,nal crisis and cause an alarm which was bad for trade." This muting and muffiing of the facts of international life prevailed not only in commercial but in social circles, where to mention disagreeable subjects like Hitler, concentration camps or the persecution of the Jews, was considered rank bad form. Perverse optimism or deliberate escapism was the order of those days. It was as though a fireproof curtain had been dropped between our people and reality. We strove against desperate odds to make a breakthrough. It may be said, ffid with some justice, that we strove in vain. Although I believe we helped to turn the tide of public feefirg, it turned too late to keep pace with events or to arrest their course. We realised that we had lost the race with time &s, one by one, we passed the milesto,nes to catastrophe. Air parity gone Anglo-German Naval Treaty signed-Italy's invasion of -theAbyssinia-the false dawn of sham sanctions and their abandor- ment, which spelt the League of Nations' dpom-the occupation and remilitarisation of the Rhineland in breach of the Treaties of Locarno, zrrd Versailles-Mr. Chamberlain's refusal o,f President Roosevelt's offer to convene a conference, described by Winston Churchill as "the rejection of the last frail chance to, save the world fro,m tyranny otherwise than by wa^r." The tempo quickenrAustria is subjugatedl, Czechoslovakia is threatened, Litvinov pledges Soviet Russia to defend her if France is loyal to her o'bligations, Muirky visits Winston Churchill and sugges,ts a Three Power Declaration by France, Russia and Great Britain-the chance to forge the Triple Alli- ance, dreaded by Hitler, it rejected-Chamberlain's three iU- starred flights to plead with Hitler-the agony of Czechoslovakia final betrayal of Munich. -theTwo scenes are seared upon my memory. One is the meeting of the Focus at seven o,'clock on Munich night at the Savoy Hotel. We had already lunched together, and during the after- noon a telegram had been drafted, addressed to the Prime Minister at Munich, adjuring him in the strongest terms not to betray the Czechs. Winston Churchill suggested that it should be signed by himself, Mr. Eden, Lord Lloyd, Lord Cecil, Mr. Attlee and Sir Archibald Sinclair. Cecil, Lloyd and Sinclair were eager to sign, but Anthony Eden refused on the ground that it would be interpreted as an act of hostility to Chamberlain. Attlee, with 12 FOCUS whom Noel-Baker pleaded urgently, refused to srgn without the approval of his pafry, who were meeting at some watering-place a fortnight hence. (A fortnight hence-whilst every minute the sands were running out, and a free people's fate and our pledged word hung in the balance !) Leaden despair descended on us as we realised our helples,sne$s; and when we parted there were tears in Winston Churchill's eyes. Another unforgettable experience was Jan Masaryk's visit to me early the next morning when the terms were known. He to,ld me that our Minister in Prague had presented them to, Benes, and demanded an acceptance within two hours.
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