LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 4.4:769-836, 2003 2003-0-004-004-000004-1

Phonological Profile of Zhongu: A New Tibetan Dialect of Northern Sichuan*

Jackson T.-S. Sun Academia Sinica

Zhongu is an obscure variety of Tibetan spoken in the Zhongu Valley of Songpan County in northern Sichuan, a borderland between Tibetan and Qiang. This paper, the first linguistic description of the dialect, explores the Zhongu phonological system and its evolution. A number of striking features are revealed, including lack of common modern Tibetan suprasegmental distinctions, phenomenal reduction of rhymes, and drift toward accretion of uvular and dental initials. The peculiar character of Zhongu, owing in part to its idiosyncratic phonological innovations and esoteric vocabulary, should earn it a place in the internal classification of Tibetan as a minor (but distinct) dialect. The current subgrouping schemes of modern Tibetan are critically evaluated in light of this new data.

Key words: Tibeto-Burman, Tibetan dialects, dialect subgrouping, Zhongu dialect

1. Introduction

With dozens of mutually unintelligible dialects, Tibetan is an extremely diverse language. The extensive linguistic survey of China in the ’50s covered more than fifty varieties of Tibetan spoken in China, signalling a significant advance in Tibetan dialectology. This body of data, still not fully published, has been steadily enriched by

* The field research on which this paper is based was funded mainly by a National Science Council project (NS-C88-2411-H-001-03), conducted in 1998 through 1999. Except where otherwise noted, the variety of Zhongu Tibetan reported here is that spoken by G|es—angm|ei 格 桑梅 /kizøme/, a native from L—ay—î 拉依 /lëji/ Hamlet, H|ongt«u 紅土 Village, in H|ongt«u 紅土 Township. I am also indebted to other Zhongu consultants, especially Ch«îl|un 齒輪 (/t®æ˙li/, from Z|esh\u 則術 /ts˙®˙/ Village), Ni|anm\eicu\o 年妹磋 (/¯emeætso/, from Ji\aoch«angb\a 較場壩 Village), and Zh|ax—î 扎西 (/t®ë∆˙/, from L—ay—î Village). Thanks are due to the Taiwan Affairs Office of the Sichuan Provincial Government for their invaluable assistance. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Workshop on Tibeto-Burman Languages, UC Santa Barbara, July 27-29, 2001. I am indebted to Huang Bufan for her insightful suggestions regarding the etymologies of certain Zhongu words. The helpful comments provided by Jim Matisoff, Weera Ostapirat, and two anonymous Language and Linguistics reviewers are also highly appreciated.

Jackson T.-S. Sun individual efforts to document Tibetan dialects spoken in that country.1 However, certain Tibetan-speaking regions in China remain little explored to this day. One such area is the Aba Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in northern Sichuan. Located in the Chinese-Qiang-Tibetan-rGyalrong borderland, this prefecture has all the necessry geographical and sociolinguistic factors conducive to linguistic divergence, sheltering obscure Tibetan dialects little known to the outside world. Zhongu2 is possibly the most remarkable of these dialects, and the focus of this paper. Zhongu Tibetan is spoken in H|ongt«u 紅土 and H|ongzh|a 紅扎 Townships and in P|îng-—an 平安, G—un\a 姑納, and Lu|ob«uch—ong 蘿卜沖 Villages of Xi«aox\îng 小姓 Township in the Zhongu Valley (/Âo≥˙kæu/, ; in Chinese, R\ew\ug—ou 熱 務溝)3 of S—ongp—an 松潘 () County. The Tibetans of the neighboring M\aizh|ag—ou (麥扎溝) Valley in H—eishu«î 黑水 () County, with whom the Zhongu Tibetans have been in close contact, allegedly use a similar dialect, but I have not been able to verify this claim.4 While clearly a form of Tibetan, Zhongu is divergent enough to make it incomprehensible to Tibetan speakers from outside these valleys. The phonological and lexical study reported herein is based on materials collected during several recent field trips, gradually expanding on preliminary work done in a much earlier pilot study. 5 The main findings are presented in three sections. Synchronic Zhongu phonology is outlined in Section 2. Section 3 traces the origins and developments of this phonological system by a comparison with the sound system of ancient Tibetan, as reflected rather faithfully in standard Tibetan orthography.6 Now equipped with newly revealed sound laws, I proceed to assess the linguistic position of Zhongu in Section 4, critically reviewing in the process current subclassifications of the spoken Tibetan dialects of China. The paper concludes with an appended English- Zhongu vocabulary of about 1,500 common words.

1 Nagano 1980, Qu and Tan 1983, Gesang 1985, J. Sun 1986, Qu et al. 1989, Causemann 1989, Lu 1990, Huang et al. 1994, Huang and Zhang 1995, Hongladarom 1996, Wang 1996, Hua and Duozangta 1997, Haller in press. 2 Written , pronounced /©o≥˙/ at Layi Village (cf. variant pronunciations /Âo≥˙/ and /re≥˙/ at other villages). 3 There are five townships in Zhongu Valley: K«al|on 卡龍, Y\any|un 燕雲, H|ongzh|a 紅扎, H|ongt«u 紅土, and Xi«aox\îng 小姓. Varieties of Amdo Tibetan are used at K«al|ong and Y\any|un, while most villages in Xi«aox\îng Township speak Northern Qiang. 4 My Zhongu consultants assured me that the Maizhagou Tibetans ‘speak the same way as we do’. However, when I had an opportunity to work briefly with one Maizhagou speaker in 1998, I found his speech lacking many of the distinctive traits of Zhongu Tibetan. 5 I met my first Zhongu speaker at W\enchu—an 汶川 Town in 1990. Although on that occasion I could do little more than record a short wordlist, the striking aberrancy of this Tibetan variety had already caught my attention. 6 Wylie’s standard Tibetan transliteration system will be adopted throughout.

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2. Synchronic phonology 2.1 Syllable canon

All Zhongu syllables are open. The optional onset is composed of at most two consonantal slots, followed by an obligatory simple vowel slot. This surprisingly meager syllable structure is summarized as (C)(C)V. A degree of syllable reduction can be observed in casual speech, producing surface syllables that violate the syllable canon. One type of reduction elides the /˙/ of unstressed grammatical suffixes. Frequently seen examples include the directional morpheme /r˙/ (e.g., /tsæ|˙-r˙/ → [tsæ˙r] ‘hither’), and the imperative prefix /m˙-/, and the unstressed form /r˙/ of the copula verb /ri/; the latter two often cliticize to the verb stem and become surface codas (e.g., /nd|˙-r˙/7 → [nd˙r] ‘exist (declarative)’; /dz|ë-m˙- ≈tu/ → [dz|ëm≈tu]8 ‘Throw it away!’).

2.2 Initials

The onset system of Zhongu Tibetan is quite complex, with forty-two simple initial consonants and thirty-three complex initials.

2.2.1 Simple initials

The Zhongu inventory of simplex (i.e., unamenable to cluster analysis) initials are:

p t ts t® t∆ k q pæ tæ tsæ t®æ t∆æ kæ qæ b d dz d dÔ g s ® ∆ ≈ z Â Ô © Ù m n ¯ ≥ ‘m ‘n ’¯ ’≥ l ‘l r ‘r w

7 From the existential verb <’dug> plus the copula . 8 Imperative form of the complex verb dz|ë-≈tu ‘to throw away’.

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Among the above, the uvulars and the voiceless sonorants are noteworthy. The distinctiveness of the uvulars is borne out by minimal pairs like the following:

/ko/ ‘to hear and understand’ /qo/ ‘to decrease’

/kæë/ ‘mouth; opening’ /qæënde/ ‘to be bitter’

/©‰/ ‘to come [PFV]’ /Ù‰/ ‘to scratch to stop an itch’

For some speakers at least, the voiceless sonorant tap/trill /‘r/ is in phonological opposition to the voiceless retroflex spirant /®/. The voiceless lateral /‘l/ may be alternatively realized as a consonant cluster [Ùl] ~ [≈l] ± [¬l]. Another conspicuous deviation from a typical Tibetan consonantal system is the complete absence of the palatal glide /j/.9 Examples of simple initial consonants are:

/p/ /pi/ ‘wool’; /pø/ ‘to embrace’ /pæ/ /pæi/ ‘brewer’s yeast’; /pæ˙/ ‘to undress [PFV/IMP]’ /b/ /ba/ ‘goiter’; /be/ ‘to hide (an object)’ /m/ /më/ ‘butter’; /mø/ ‘to be much/many’ /‘m/ /‘m‰/ ‘medicine’; /‘met˙/ ‘mole (on body)’ /w/ /-wa/ ‘nominal suffix’; /-wu/ ‘nominal suffix’ /t/ /tø/ ‘Asiatic black bear’; /te/ ‘that’ /tæ/ /tæu/ ‘sledgehammer’; /tæi/ ‘to get’ /d/ /du/ ‘tree’; /da/ ‘to lick’ /s/ /sø/ ‘thought; mind’ /si/ ‘to wake up’ /z/ /z˙/ ‘to bark’; /zø/ ‘to be good’ /n/ /në/ ‘oath’; /nø/ ‘to exist’ /‘n/ /‘nu/ ‘oil’; /‘ni/ ‘snot’ /l/ /l˙/ ‘manure’; /lu/ ‘to fall from height’ /‘l/ /‘lë/ ‘god, buddha’; /‘la/ ‘to give birth (as of animals)’ /r/ /r‰/ ‘long’; /r˙/ ‘to be’ /‘r/ /‘ra/ ‘to touch’; /‘r‰/ ‘pimple’ /ts/ /tsu/ ‘mouse’; /tsa/ ‘to filter; to strain’

9 OT palatal glide went to /z/ in Zhongu; see below.

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/tsæ/ /tsæ˙/ ‘grease’; /tsæu/ ‘marmot’ /dz/ /dza/ ‘penis’; /dzo/ ‘to say’ /t®/ /t®˙/ ‘boat’; /t®a/ ‘to recover from illness’ /t®æ/ /t®æ˙tso/ ‘ten thousand’; /t®æë/ ‘to be thin (as of ropes)’ /dÂ/ /dÂëzë/ ‘enemy’; /dÂ˙/ ‘to roll up’ /®/ /®a/ ‘deer’; /®˙/ ‘to die’ /Â/ /Âu/ ‘flea’; /Â˙/ ‘to melt’ /t∆/ /t∆ë/ ‘tea’; /t∆a/ ‘to call (as of animals)’ /t∆æ/ /t∆æa/ ‘blood’; /t∆æ˙/ ‘to guide, to lead along’ /dÔ/ /dÔëmë/ ‘steelyard’; /dÔe/ ‘to exchange’ /∆/ /∆˙/ ‘louse’; /∆i/ ‘to know’ /Ô/ /Ô˙/ ‘snake’; /Ôe/ ‘to forget’ /¯/ /¯˙/ ‘person’; /¯ë/ ‘five’ /’¯/ /’¯o/ ‘to be crazy’; /’¯i/ ‘to find’ /k/ /ka/ ‘pillar’; /kø/ ‘to be full’ /kæ/ /kæë/ ‘mouth’; /kæ˙/ ‘to carry’ /g/ /g˙/ ‘nine’; /gë/ ‘to be glad’ /©/ /©ë/ ‘fox’; /©‰/ ‘come [PFV]’ /≥/ /≥ë/ ‘I’; /≥˙/ ‘to weep’ /’≥/ /’≥a/ ‘incantation’; /’≥o-nbo/ ‘to be blue’ /q/ /qe≥˙/ ‘hook’; /qo/ ‘to decrease’ /qæ/ /qæa/ ‘snow’; /qæë/ ‘to be bitter’ /≈/ /≈ø/ ‘shoe’; /≈ë≥˙/ ‘hole’ /Ù/ /Ùø/ ‘power’; /Ù‰/ ‘to scratch’

2.2.2 Complex initials

Three kinds of complex initials are noted in Zhongu: prenasalized consonants, pre- aspirated consonants, and consonants in combination with a uvular pre-initial. Voiced and voiceless aspirated stop/affricates may be prenasalized, symbolized in this study by a preposed raised n. The prenasal element agrees in voicing and place of articulation with the main consonant (e.g., /npæ/ → [‘mpæ]). The prenasalized initials are:

npæ ntæ ntsæ nt®æ nt∆æ nkæ nb nd ndz nd ndÔ ng

Prenasalization is contrastive, as these minimal pairs show:

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/de/ ‘to be good’ /nde/ ‘this’

/tsæa/ ‘sweep [PFV/IMP]’ /ntsæa/ ‘to be cold’

Voiceless stop/affricates may be pronounced with a slight puff of glottal air preceding the closure phase of a following consonant. If the latter happens to be a voiceless affricate, the pre-aspiration acquires supraglottal coronal friction under assimilation to the following affricate (i.e., /æts/→ [sts]; /æt∆/→ [∆t∆]).10 Pre-aspiration is phonologically significant on voiceless stop/affricates; many lexical pairs are minimally distinguished by this feature:

/kø/ ‘cowhide’ /ækø/ ‘to be thirsty’

/tsë/ ‘rust; bird’ /ætsë/ ‘pulse; grass’

/pi/ ‘wool’ /p˙æpi/ ‘brother’

The complete set of phonemic pre-aspirated consonants are:

æp æt æts æt∆ æk

The third type of complex initials consists of unequivocal clusters comprising a uvular pre-initial11 attached to another consonant. Listed below are the attested [uvular + C] clusters, with some minimal pairs showing them in contrast with the corresponding simplex initials:

10 This tendency is particularly clear in the speech of Zh|ash—î, from L—ay—î Village. 11 The voiceless uvular spirant ≈- is alternatively realized as a stop q-.

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≈p ≈t ≈ts ≈t® ≈t∆ Ùd Ùdz ÙdÔ ≈s ≈∆ Ùz ÙÂ Ùm Ùn Ù¯ Ùl

/∆˙/ ‘cloud; louse’ /≈∆˙/ ‘plough [N]’

/z˙/ ‘to bark’ /Ùz˙/ ‘leopard’

/lu/ ‘to collapse; to fall from height’ /Ùlu/ ‘lungs’

The additional minimal pairs below confirm that the uvular pre-initial must also be kept distinct from pre-aspiration:

/tsa/ ‘to filter’ /ætsa/ ‘sand’ /≈tsa/ ‘China fir’

/tsø/ ‘earthern wall’ /ætsø/ ‘to hang’ /≈tsø/ ‘to be clean’

Examples of the complex initials:

/npæ/ /npæërë/ ‘dhole’; /npæ˙/ ‘to fly’ /nb/ /nb˙/ ‘insect’; /nbë/ ‘to burn, to be aflame’ /ntæ/ /ntæ˙/ ‘declivity’; /ntæu/ ‘to drink’ /nd/ /ndu/ ‘color’; /nde/ ‘to chase’ /ntsæ/ /ntsæo/ ‘lake’; /ntsæe/ ‘to open’ /ndz/ /ndzo/ ‘dzo’; /ndzë/ ‘to paste’ /nt®æ/ /nt®æe≥ë/ ‘rosary’; /nt®æu/ ‘to snatch away, to rob’ /ndÂ/ /nd‰/ ‘rice’; /ndÂ˙/ ‘to drag; to pull sth heavy’ /nt∆æ/ /nt∆æ˙/ ‘lip’; /nt∆æa/ ‘(as of sth stiff) to break’

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/ndÔ/ /ndÔe/ ‘penis’; /ndÔi/ ‘to worship’ /nkæ/ /nkæolo/ ‘wheel’; /nkæu/ ‘to contract’ /ng/ /ngo/ ‘head’; /ngë/ ‘to hatch’

/æp/ /æpë/ ‘picture’; /æpø/ ‘to beg’; ‘meadow’ /æt/ /æta/ ‘tiger’; /ætu/ ‘to be hungry’ /æts/ /ætsë/ ‘grass’; /ætse/ ‘to mix’ /æt∆/ /æt∆ø/ ‘to swell’; /æt∆u/ ‘to set (as of the sun)’ /æk/ /æk‰/ ‘stairs’; /æko/ ‘to carve’

/≈p/ /≈pa/ ‘dish; curry’ /≈t/ /≈tø/ ‘speech’; /≈tu/ ‘to release’ /≈ts/ /≈tsa/ ‘China fir’; /≈tsø/ ‘to be clean’ /≈t®/ /≈t®‰/ ‘to tear’ /≈t∆/ /≈t∆i/ ‘urine’; /≈t∆˙/ ‘to twist’ /Ùd/ /Ùd˙/ ‘parasol’; /Ùdø/ ‘to open (eye, mouth, etc.)’ /Ùdz/ /Ùdzi/ ‘speech, utterance’; /Ùdz˙/ ‘to run’ /ÙdÔ/ /ÙdÔë/ ‘to be slippery’; /ÙdÔ˙/ ‘to dry sth by fire’ /≈s/ /≈su/ ‘three’; /≈so/ ‘to bring up; to raise’ /≈∆/ /≈∆˙/ ‘plough [N]; ‘to whip’ /Ùz/ /Ùz˙/ ‘banded onyx’; /Ùzë/ ‘to be steep’ /ÙÂ/ /ÙÂø/ ‘vulva’; /ÙÂ˙/ ‘bow (weapon)’ /Ùm/ /Ùma/ ‘soldier’; /Ùmo/ ‘to plough’ /Ùn/ /Ùnø/ ‘sky; rain’; /Ùnë/ ‘to hang (in the air) [VI]’ /Ù¯/ /Ù¯˙/ ‘two’; /Ù¯o/ ‘to collapse (as of sth soft)’ /Ùl/ /Ùl˙/ ‘song’; /Ùlu/ ‘to rummage’

Palatalized consonants are found at the allophonic level. Palatalization occurs automatically with consonants preceding the non-low front vowels /i/, /e/; and /‰/; e.g., /ge/ [gje] ‘to laugh’; /pe/ [pje] ‘Tibetan’.

2.3 Rhymes

The Zhongu rhyme inventory is probably the most impoverished of all Tibetan dialects. There are no diphthongs, no consonantal codas, nor any secondary features such as nasalization or vowel length. In fact, the entire Zhongu rhyme system consists of nine simple vowels:

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i u e ˙ o ‰ ø ë a

The mid vowels12 contrast two degrees of vowel height:

/ndÂe/ ‘demon’ /dze/ ‘eight’ /nd‰/ ‘rice’ /dz‰/ ‘say [PFV]’

/lo/ ‘year’ /to/ ‘two (in classifier phrases)’ /lø/ ‘road’ /tø/ ‘Asiatic black bear’

Two low vowels are distinguished: a front /ë/ (phonetically centralized, hence the IPA symbol) and a more back /a/:

/ætë/ ‘horse’ /®ë/ ‘east’ /æta/ ‘tiger’ /®a/ ‘deer’

Examples of the vowel phonemes are:

/i/ /®i/ ‘bit’; /li/ ‘to do; to make’ /e/ /dze/ ‘eight’; /se/ ‘to grow’ /‰/ /r‰/ ‘cotton cloth’; /kæ‰/ ‘to lean’ /ë/ /©ë/ ‘antler’; /‘lë/ ‘to lay (e.g., bricks)’ /˙/ /r˙/ ‘mountain’; /s˙/ ‘to select’ /u/ /pæu/ ‘belly’; /ru/ ‘to incubate’ /o/ /ro/ ‘corpse’; /zo/ ‘to be slanting’ /ø/ /tø/ ‘Asiatic black bear’; /lø/ ‘to stand’ /a/ /ra/ ‘enclosure’; /®a/ ‘to stack’

2.4 Suprasegmentals

The most striking characteristic of the Zhongu sound system is the absence of suprasegmental features commonly found in phonologically reduced varieties of spoken Tibetan. Zhongu makes no phonological use of vocalic length or nasalization,

12 The higher mid rounded vowel /o/ is actually pronounced as a centralized vowel [Üo].

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≈se-n|a ‘gold’ gold-black

‘lës|ë-no ‘at/from Lhasa’ Lhasa-LOC

ætër|˙-ts˙-k˙ ‘with an ax’ ax-INDEF-INST

d|e-k˙ [d|ek] ‘It is fine/good (mirative).’ be fine-MIR

Complex verbs containing nominal roots or complement verbs exhibit trochaic stress instead, as in:

p|a-l‰ ‘to marry a wife’ bride-take

n|a-¯‰ ‘to listen’ ear-listen

ndÔ|o-go ‘to want to go’ go-want

nt∆æ|ë-su ‘Go eat!’ eat-go:IMP

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As shown by the minimal pair below, however, stress placement is not always predictable and must sometimes be lexically marked:13

m|e-r˙ ‘ideophone mimicking moving currents’ me-r|˙ ‘to be red’

3. Phonological history

This section presents a phonological history of Zhongu recovered through a comparison with the phonological structure of Old Tibetan (OT).14 The most extraordinary overall characterization of Zhongu phonological diachrony is the drastic simplification of the original Tibetan syllable canon, compounded by a sweeping merger of old onsets and rhymes. Segmental decay was counterbalanced mainly on the morphological plane by bulk-increasing suffixes, some of which having no obvious OT etyma, rather than on the phonological plane by innovative suprasegmental contrasts. The specific sound changes that took place to generate the current Zhongu phonological system are discussed in the ensuing subsections.

3.1 The Zhongu syllable

OT had an extremely complicated syllable structure, permitting as many as six consonant slots: (C)(C)C(C)V(C)(C).15 In the formation of Zhongu Tibetan, the OT initials were considerably depleted, evolving into a modern onset system with only two slots. The reduction of the original rhymes in Zhongu is even more extensive,

13 In what follows, non-stem-final stress will be indicated by grave accent. 14 This term refers to the phonological system underlying traditional Tibetan orthography. Much of this phonological system can be readily recovered through a comparison of the modern dialectal reflexes of the orthographic forms. For instance, the written sign achung must have represented prenasalization as a prefix and some voiced guttural spirant (*¿ or *© or *Ù) as a root initial, but must have had nil phonetic value at the syllable coda position. Some uncertainties remain regarding the actual phonological values of some letters and letter combinations (e.g., ; see §3.2.2.3). For convenience of exposition, Old Tibetan will be represented herein by Written Tibetan forms enclosed in angle brackets alongside the corresponding spoken forms, except where otherwise noted (e.g., when discussing ancient phonetic values). 15 OT also allowed secondary diphthongs (VV), stemming from earlier disyllables. No OT diphthongs of this type could take syllable codas.

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Jackson T.-S. Sun progressing to an extent unmatched in modern Tibetan. 16 The resultant Zhongu syllable canon is (C)(C)V, a scanty remnant from its elaborate OT progenitor. Some modern Zhongu syllables ending in the vowels /a/, /u/, and /i/ originate from coälesced OT disyllables containing the morphologically opaque nominal ‘suffixes’ - ma, -mo, -wa (written ), and -wo (written ). Contraction involving these OT syllables, especially <-ba>, is commonplace throughout modern Tibetan, but the process in Zhongu affected all four of the above OT syllables without any ostensible trace of syllable coälescence ever having taken place (e.g., nasalized vowels, length, etc. cf. G«e-«er () Tibetan p~oÚ¡£ ‘girl’ Qu and Tan 1983). Some examples follow:

/ka/ ‘pillar’ /tsæu/ ‘nephew’ /≥a/ ‘tail’ /©wa/ <’o.ma> ‘milk’ /®u/ < ‘mushroom’ /pu/ ‘daughter’

3.2 History of Zhongu onsets

Old Tibetan had one of the most complex onset systems in Tibeto-Burman. This complexity is mainly syntagmatic. The OT unitary consonants are quite unremarkable in themselves, but all kinds of combinations of them are permitted, yielding more than two hundred initial clusters, many of which are made up of three or four consonants. These old onsets have been greatly reduced and simplified; in the meanwhile a number of novel consonantal types emerged in compensation for the lost onset contrasts, including pre-aspirated obstruents, voiceless sonorants, retroflexes, and uvulars. The evolution of the OT simple consonants and consonant clusters in Zhongu Tibetan will be examined in turn.

16 OT had about ninety separate rhymes. The Zhongu rhyme inventory contains only one tenth of that number. This should set a record for modern Tibetan. The smallest Tibetan rhyme system reported in Qu’s survey (Qu 1991:234) contains seventeen (Y«aji—ang 雅江 ), whereas Hua and Duozangta (1997:112) find only sixteen in Sh|îb\azi 石壩子 . But these dialects still have almost twice as many rhymes as Zhongu.

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3.2.1 Fate of OT simple onsets in Zhongu 3.2.1.1 OT sonorants

The OT sonorants include four nasals (*m, *n, *¯, and *≥), two liquids (*r, *l ), 17 and two glides (*w, *j ). Except for the unusual innovations whereby the OT glides *j and *w changed respectively to spirants /z/ and /©/, the OT simplex sonorants were generally kept as such in Zhongu, and need concern us no further.

3.2.1.2 OT obstruents

The OT obstruents contrast in voicing; the voiceless stop/affricates are further distinguished by aspiration. Unprefixed OT voiced stop/affricates became devoiced in Zhongu; devoicing however did not extend to voiced spirants,18 which are still voiced:

/k˙/ ‘tent’ /t∆ë/ ‘tea’

/Âo/ ‘yogurt’ /z˙/ ‘to bark’ /©u/ <’ong> ‘to come’

Original voicing is preserved if the OT obstruent was protected by a preceding prefix:

/do/ ‘stone’ /go/ ‘door’ /ngo/ ‘head’

17 There is some doubt concerning the original phonetic quality of the OT w, written , as some modern dialects show voiced uvular reflexes, e.g., Ù- (Amdo Xiaman, J. Sun 1996) or Ùw- (D|ar\î 達日 , Zhang 1996:23). 18 I believe (contra an earlier view expressed in J. Sun 1986:114) that OT originally had three voiced spirants: z, Ô , and a guttural ¿ or Ù (written with root-initial achung <’>), the dialectal reflexes of the latter include Ù (in many Amdo varieties, while in other Amdo varieties it has dropped), ¿ (Lhasa and many Central varieties), and © (Zhongu, Baima). That the achung at the root initial position represented a voiced guttural spirant was proposed early on by Róna-Tas (1966:129, fn.142); this is also the widely held opinion among Mainland Chinese Tibetanists.

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A significant innovation setting Zhongu apart from most other Tibetan dialects is the characteristic conditioned split of palato-alveolar spirants, which turned into retroflexes in most phonological environments, except before modern high-front vowels where they remain palato-alveolars, e.g.:

/®˙/ ‘to die’ /Â˙-nbo/ ‘to be sweet’ /∆i/ ‘firewood’ /sëÔi/ ‘field’

The same shift also affected OT consonant clusters:

/®ë/ ‘to butcher’ /Âë/ ‘to shave’

A side-effect of this sound change brought the voiced retroflex spirant /Â/ in contrast with the dental trill/tap /r/ (from OT r-). This is a rare opposition in modern Tibetan, where [Â] is normally a positional variant of the /r/ phoneme. A few other modern dialects are known to turn all the original palato-alveolars into retroflex consonants, such as Zhu|on|î (卓尼 , Qu 1962), D—ongy\î (東義),19 and the D|îq\îng (迪慶 ) dialect cluster of northwestern Yunnan (Lu 1990, Zhang 1993, Hongladarom 1996). However, retroflection of OT palato-alveolar spirants in Zhongu is probably a fairly late, independent development, as it is conditioned by modern vowel qualities.

3.2.1.3 Zhongu Uvulars

Zhongu, like certain Tibetan dialects spoken in its vicinity, boasts a whole set of phonemic uvulars: /q/, /qæ/, /≈/, and /Ù/. Some of these were secondarily derived by word-internal mutation (e.g., /raÙo/ ‘cowpen’, /t®a≈u/ ‘cave’, /tsæiqa/ ‘half’), or came from original consonant clusters (e.g., /Ùø/ ‘power’, /Ùo-Ùo/ ‘to be round’, /≈ø/ ‘boot, shoe’). Other instances of uvulars are of mysterious origin, as they occur in lexical items of unknown ancestry (e.g., /≈ë≥˙/ ‘hole’, /qæet®˙/ ‘neck’; /qe≥˙/ ‘hook’, and in the suffixes /-qe/, /-qo/ attached to many nouns, as in /nëqe/ ‘ear’, /Âëqo/ ‘hat’). It would be

19 A variety of Tibetan spoken at Da\och|eng (稻城 <’Dab.pa>) County in G—anz—î 甘孜 Prefecture (personal research).

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu rash to attribute them indiscriminately to Qiangic substratal or areal influences, as very few of them are recognizable as Qiangic loanwords (e.g., /qæolo/ ‘walnut’; /qæet®˙/ ‘neck’20). Moreover, there are native Tibetan lexical items containing (simplex) uvular onsets, such as /≈ëko/ ‘to understand’, /qæa/ ‘snow’, and /qæënde/ ‘to be bitter’. Since it is perfectly normal for archaic linguistic traits to be preserved in peripheral dialects (e.g., Zhongu /Ù¯˙/ ‘eye’ reflecting an older form than the standard written form ), and furthermore since uvular pronunciations of these words are documented in several other conservative dialects,21 we may not want to reject out of hand the possibility that some instances of Zhongu uvulars represent retention of ancient consonantal contrasts which predate standard written Tibetan.22

3.2.2 Fate of OT cluster onsets in Zhongu

OT cluster initials fall into two overlapping groups depending on the secondary consonantal element in combination with the main consonant (or root initial); namely, those carrying prefixes (g-, d-, b-, m-, n-, r-, l-, s-),23 and those carrying medials (-y-, -w-, -r-). These old clusters have survived in various residual forms in Zhongu, giving rise in several cases to innovative consonantal types.

20 Cf. Jiulong Pumi q~a£∞ts‰i∞∞ ; Muya Ù_˙∞∞tsa∞£ ; Shixing Ù~‰££tsæi∞£. 21 In many Tibetan dialects that distinguish uvulars from velars, these three test words often contain uvular onsets, as evidenced in the following examples from Sh|îb\azi (Hua and Duozangta 1997), Y\any|un (, personal research), and R|en—ent|ang 仁恩塘 (; personal research): Shibazi Yanyun Ren’entang qæåÚ∞∞ qæaÚ kæáÚ ‘snow’ qæaÚ∞∞ qæë-nde qæØ ‘bitter’ --- ≈ë-ko ≈Ø-ko ‘understand’ 22 For more evidence and further discussion of this possibility, see Huang 1991:230-235. 23 Some initial clusters involving one of the three continuant prefixes (r-, l-, s-) permit an additional ‘external’ prefix b-. Incidentally, the Tibetan script writes -l- in clusters like kl-, gl-, rl- as a subscript, as if it were a medial. There is ample OT-internal as well as dialectal evidence, though, that despite this misleading spelling convention l here actually served as the main consonant (cf. Huang 1983:36, Beyer 1992:74-79).

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3.2.2.1 OT consonantal prefixes

OT had nasal (m-, n-24) as well as oral (g-, d-, b-, r-, l-, s-) prefixal consonants. The OT nasal prefixes merged before obstruent root initials (in this case stop/affricates), resulting in the Zhongu prenasalized consonants, as in:

/ndz˙©˙/ ‘finger’ /ndz˙/ <’dzug> ‘to plant (trees)’

/ntæu/ ‘to see’ <’thung> ‘to drink’

The nasal prefix m- (from earlier *b-), however, elided before another nasal (e.g., /në/ ‘oath’). Among the oral prefixes, the labial b- disappeared altogether, irrespective of voicing of the root initial:

/Âa/ ‘to stay overnight’ ‘put [PFV]’

/∆˙/ ‘louse’ ‘to untie’

The dental oral prefixes d-, r-, l-, and s-25 also dropped before voiced (sonorant and obstruent) consonants:

/≥˙/ ‘silver’ /≥o/ ‘to parch’ /≥ët∆˙/ ‘fifty’

/≈t∆igø/ ‘bladder’ /gø/ ‘porcupine’ /guækë/ ‘evening’

24 Written as achung <’>. The prefix achung clearly represented prenasalization in Old Tibetan, distinct from the bilabial nasal prefix m-. 25 For the fate of sC- where C is a sonorant, see further on.

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Before being elided, these prefixes had acted as a buffer against devoicing of the following root initials, supplying the majority of modern voiced stop/affricates:

/te/ ‘that’ /de/ ‘to be well’ /dewë/ ‘village’

Dental prefixes occurring in front of voiceless obstruents (in this case stops/affricates), on the other hand, merged and survived as phonemic pre-aspiration on the main consonant:

/ækø/ ‘marrow; foot’ ‘to be thirsty’ ‘to make dry’

/kø/ ‘to be full, complete’ ‘cowhide’

The dental spirant prefix s-, in combination with OT sonorants, underwent quite unique developments.26 OT sN- clusters (where N = any nasal root initial), in particular, evolved into Zhongu voiceless nasals. Contrast:

/në/ ‘if’ /‘nëngo/ ‘nose’

/≥ë/ ‘I’ /’≥ë/ ‘early’

Also standing out for its exceptional diachrony is the velar prefix g-, which developed into a uvular spirant (≈- or Ù-, depending on voicing of the root initial) and accounted for a good many Zhongu consonant clusters, some of which contrast with pre-aspirated consonants:

26 The OT sr- and sl- clusters are traditionally analyzed as the root initial s followed by medials -r- and -l-. For their developments in Zhongu, see further on.

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/nø/ ‘inside’ /nø-∆i/ ‘soul’ /Ùnø/ ‘sky; rain’

/lo/ ‘year’ ‘wisdom; mind’ /Ùlo/ ‘girth’

/ætsø/ ‘to hang’ /≈tsø/ ‘to be clean’

3.2.2.2 OT medials

Among the three OT medials, the wazur (i.e., -w-) dropped without compensation:

/ætsë/ ‘pulse’ ‘grass’

/tsæë/ ‘to be hot’ ‘salt’

The palatal medial -j- could combine with labial and velar stops, as well as with the labial nasal m-. While mj- went rather banally to /¯/, OT velar and labial stops taking the -j- medial merged and were transformed into dental affricates:

/tsæo/ ‘you [SG]’ /tsø/ ‘wall’ /dzë/ ‘Chinese’ /ndzu/ <’gyog> ‘to lift, hoist’

/tsæe/ ‘flour’ /tsë/ ‘bird’ /ndzë/ <’byar> ‘to paste, stick’

This is an uncommon sound change typologically, perhaps even unique in modern Tibetan. Other Tibetan dialects usually preserve the palatal quality of the Ky-27 clusters,

27 Capital K-, P-, and T- represents any velar, labial, and dental stop consonant, respectively.

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu or changed them into palato-alveolars (as in many Khams and Amdo Tibetan varieties). The development of OT Py- clusters is extremely variegated in modern Tibetan, but if a modern dialect shows affricated reflexes of Py-, the place of articulation is normally palato-alveolar (cf. Zhang 1993:302). The OT medial -r- could be added to labial, dental, and velar stops, as well as to the spirants s and h.28 Considering first the stop-based clusters, we observe an interesting split, with OT Pr- and Tr- sequences merging as retroflex affricates while Kr- merging rather with the palato-alveolars:

/nt®æe/ <’phrad> ‘to meet’ /t®a/ ‘rock, cliff’ /ndÂ˙/ <’bri> ‘female yak’

/t®‰/ ‘to think of’ /ndÂe/ <’dre> ‘goblin; ghost’

/t∆˙/ ‘wash [PFV/IMP]’ /t∆æa/ ‘blood’ /t∆o/ ‘wheat’ /ndÔo/ <’gro> ‘to go’

The same alignment of the three OT cluster types is also reported in the neighboring Amdo, Zhuoni, and Zh—ouq«u (<’Brug.chu>) dialects (Hua 1983, Zhang 1993:302).

3.2.2.3 Miscellaneous changes of OT initial clusters

This subsection is dedicated to OT cluster development not accounted for in the foregoing. This includes , the three clusters of notorious heterogeneity in their modern reflexes: sr-, sl-, zl-, and various other clusters with spirantized Zhongu reflexes. The optional cluster realizations of the phoneme /‘l/, reflecting OT *hl (written , see §2.2.1), suggest that this script sequence might have once represented a true consonant cluster. Supporting evidence of the cluster origin of OT *hl- comes from its D|eg|e (德格 ; [æ¬]) and Z|adu—o (雜多 ; [hl]) reflexes (Zhang 1996:

28 An interesting gap is *mr- (which had probably turned into rm-); there was the extremely rare cluster smr-, however.

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23); in Baima29 likewise, words like l¿a ‘god’ carry the suggestive breathy register indicating a proto-sonorant cluster.30 Another remnant of *hl- as an earlier consonant cluster is the pronunciation ≈am (written ‘boot’) current in certain dialects spoken in the Amdo region. Unlike in most other modern dialects, OT sl- and sr- converged into the pre- aspirated dental affricate /æts/ in Zhongu:

/ætsi/ ‘younger sister’ /ætsa/ ‘to roast, to burn’ /æts‰/ ‘beans’

/ætsi/ ‘to arrive’ /ætsë/ ‘to be easy’ /ætsi/ ‘to teach’

The mysterious OT cluster zl- is also reflected by a Zhongu dental affricate, in this case a voiced /dz/, as in most varieties of Amdo Tibetan:

/dzë/ ‘month’31 /dzo/ ‘to say’ /dza/ ‘penis’32

Various complex initial OT clusters with oral prefixes developed (often via conditioned splits) into Zhongu spirants, contributing to the overall aberrancy of this dialect. These correspondences are listed below with supporting examples: sky- > /s/ /s˙/ ‘to borrow, to lend’ /se/ ‘to grow’

29 Nishida and Sun (1990) suggest that Baima is a separate Bodish language. Subsequent studies, however, convincingly demonstrate that Baima is merely an aberrant Tibetan dialect (Huang 1995, Zhang 1994, 1997). 30 This is also the case in Ladakhi (Beyer 1992:46, fn.9). 31 The word ‘moon’ /dëwë/ is however always pronounced with the literary-style initial /d/. 32 The meaning ‘semen, juice’ is given in Das 1902:1099.

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu sgy- > /z/ /zek˙/ ‘large bag’ lc- > /®/; (before OT non-low front vowels) /∆/ /®a/ ‘iron’ /∆e/ ‘tongue’ dpy- > /∆/ (before OT high front vowels)33 /∆˙ngo/ ‘hip’ /∆˙kë/ ‘spring’ spy- > /s/ /sëng˙/ ‘wolf’ phy- > /®/ (before OT -o and -u)34 /®˙po/ ‘to be rich’ /®u/ ‘direction’ dby- > /z/ /zëækë/ ‘summer’ /z˙/ ‘to sway’ sby- > /Ô/ /Ô˙/ ‘to give’ spr- > /∆/35 /∆˙/ ‘cloud’ /∆and˙/ 36 ‘monkey’

33 Elsewhere OT dpy- gave /æts/, as in /ætsø/ ‘to hang down’. 34 Elsewhere OT phy- gave /tsæ/, see §3.2.2.2 above. 35 An apparent exception is /æpø/ ‘to beg’, which probably came from *spa≥, a variant of WT . Note that cognate forms of ‘to beg’ in most Amdo varieties also reflect *spa≥ (e.g., Labrang hwa≥) rather than . 36 With suffix -nd˙.

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3.3 History of Zhongu rhymes

OT had one of the fullest rhyme systems in Tibeto-Burman. Barring a few marginal and secondary diphthongal rhymes, OT rhymes adhered to the canonical structure V(C1)(C2), where V = {a, i, u, e, o}, C1 = {b, d, g, m, n, ≥, r, l, s}, and C2 = {d, s}. This original state of affairs has been drastically revamped in Zhongu. All the old codas were lost, transforming all closed syllables into open syllables. The amazing degree that rhyme attrition and merger have reached in Zhongu, leading inevitably to excessive synchronic homophony, is evident in the following table summarizing the observed correspondences between OT and modern Zhongu rhymes:39

Table 1: Zhongu rhymes and their OT origins Zhongu Rhymes Old Tibetan Rhymes ë a; ar a ag(s); eg(s); a.ba; a.ma; o.ma i a’u; e’u; ing(s); in; un; on; ad; ed; od; ab(s); eb(s); ob(s); as; es; os; al; e.ba; e.bo u og(s); ung(s); ong(s); um(s); i.ba; u.ba; o.ba; a.bo; i.bo; a.mo; o.mo; u.mo e e; ad; ed; od; er ‰ ing(s); eng(s); em(s); an; en; on; as; al o o; or ø ang(s), am(s), om(s) ˙ i; u; ig(s); ug(s); id; ud; in; ib(s); ub(s); im(s); is; us; ir; ur; il; ul; el; ol

37 Elsewhere OT sbr- gave /b/, as in /bëna/ ‘yak-hair tent’; /bø≥˙/ ‘fly’. 38 A few words show /dz/ corresponding to OT rdz- (e.g., /dzi/ ‘lie’). 39 A number of OT rhymes exhibit multiple Zhongu correspondences. OT -ad, -ed, -od, for instance yielded /i/ in some words but /e/ in others; the split in such cases does not seem attributable to stylistic (literary vs. colloquial) differences.

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Attention can now be directed to several notable phonological developments that forged the Zhongu rhyme system.

3.3.1 Merger of the OT high vowels i and u

The merger of the OT high vowels i and u is an important areal feature in the Amdo and Khams regions. What is striking about this process in Zhongu is its relentless thoroughness, as the majority of the OT rhymes containing the two old vowels became reduced to /˙/, as seen in Table 1 above.

3.3.2 Loss of -r without concomitant vowel change

As in the other Tibetan dialects, coda depletion in Zhongu was often accompanied by compensatory vowel shifts. However, the exceptional treatment of OT -r can be considered an important characteristic of this dialect. The loss of -r in Zhongu is more complete than the other codas, since OT syllables carrying the -r coda bore the same reflexes as OT open syllables with the corresponding vowels:40

/®ë/ ‘flesh, meat’ ‘east’

/tsæ˙/ ‘outside’ ‘backward’

/nb˙/ <’bu> ‘bug’ /nb˙nb˙/ <’bur.’bur> ‘to be protruding’

/dewë/ ‘village’ /këde/ ‘plate’

/®o/ ‘dice’ ‘to slip; to be lost’

40 The OT -r coda also seems to have dropped very early in Baima Tibetan, since OT syllables with -r behaved tonogenetically like open syllables (Huang and Zhang 1995:99).

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3.3.3 Compensatory vowel developments

As the three OT simple rhymes a, i, and u developed shifted vowel qualities (OT a > /ë/; OT i, u > /˙/), various OT closed rhymes containing old codas were also transformed, some of which replenished the vacated vowel spaces (e.g., OT ag > /a/; ab > /i/; og > /u/), while others generated different innovative vowels (e.g., OT an > /‰/; am > /ø/). The outcome of these sound changes is a significantly expanded modern vocalic inventory with four new vowel phonemes: /ë/, /‰/, /ø/, and /˙/.

3.4 Irregularities

It will be quite a challenge to elucidate exhaustively the phonological history of Zhongu. The lexical aberrancy of this dialect presents the first stumbling block. Many common vocabulary items are hard to identify with any known Tibetan roots, even with some knowledge of the major sound correspondences. Consider, for example: /s˙mo/ ‘bamboo’; /t®øpu/ ‘book’; /tun˙/ ‘earthworm’; /≈ë≥˙/ ‘hole’; /npæe/ ‘to itch’; /sirë/ ‘nail (body part)’; /ætsa/ ‘sand’;41 /tsëtso/ ‘thing, object’; /pëkø/ ‘spider’; /t®ëqu/ ‘grave’. The problem of morpheme identification is further complicated by stark violations to expected sound changes. Many such cases appear to be sporadic exceptions; e.g., /¯ë/ (instead of */≥ë/) ‘five’; /si/ (instead of */s˙/) ‘charcoal’; /lu/ (instead of */‘lu/) ‘to fall’; /®a/ (instead of */ætsa/) ‘to stack up’. Other cases, though, can be further explicated.

3.4.1 Dialect mixture

Among the Zhongu forms that do not correspond normally, some seem to be importations from Amdo, the dominant Tibetan dialect in the area. Doublets are particularly revealing. Consider /®aro/ , the normal Zhongu word for ‘iron’, and /æt∆aæk˙/ ‘wire’. The syllable /®a-/ manifests a characteristic Zhongu sound change lc- > /®/ and is therefore the genuine native reflex of . The alternant /æt∆a-/, on the other hand, was clearly a borrowing from Amdo where OT lc- regularly yields /æt∆/. Loanwords of this type usually pertain to pastoral life or plateau fauna,42 such as /t∆æ˙rë/ (instead of */tsæ˙rë/) ‘cheese’, /kæumo/ (instead of

41 The obviously relatable written form would account for the rhyme, but unfortunately not the onset, of /ætsa/. 42 The Zhongu are rongpa, or traditional farming Tibetans.

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*/kæ˙mo/) ‘cowhide bellows’, /æt∆ø/ (instead of */ætsø/) ‘wild ass’, and /Ùja/ (instead of */Ùza/) ‘yak’.

3.4.2 Word-internal anomalies

In Zhongu, sound laws deduced from observing the behavior of isolated syllables often fail to apply to syllables inside polysyllabic (compound or affixed) words.43 The word /doÙë/ ‘flint’, for example, has a compound element /Ùë/ ‘white’ with a different initial /Ù/ than the expected reflex /æk/ of . Other examples of internal voicing and spirantization include /z˙©e/ ‘writing; letter’, /s멉/ ‘seed’, and the diminutive suffix /©˙/ ; e.g., /l˙-©˙/ ‘lamb’. Examined below are two other primary sources of such irregularities: internal de-aspiration and syllable boundary shift.

3.4.2.1 De-aspiration

Aspirated initials are generally de-aspirated word-internally in Zhongu. Although certainly not a rare phenomenon in modern Tibetan,44 word-internal de-aspiration in Zhongu is notable for its systematic (though not exceptionless) operation. Some examples are provided:

/nëtsë/ ‘illness’ /t®æ˙tso/ ‘ten thousand’ /p˙tsë/ ‘son’ /metu/ ‘flower’ /ak˙/ ‘paternal uncle’

/t∆æ˙ta/ ‘water-barrel strap’ /Ù‰ta/ ‘leather string’ Cf. /tæë≈a/ ‘rope’

43 This is a familiar problem in Tibetan dialectology. Huang et al (1994), for example, have to list separate correspondences for isolated versus word-internal syllables in Y\ush\u 玉樹 () Tibetan. 44 Hu (1993:69) describes analogous de-aspiration conditioned by speech-tempo in the Lhasa dialect. Internal de-aspiration was also extensive in Baima (Zhang 1997:§11.1) and the Tongren, X|unhu\a 循化, and Hu\al|ong 化隆 varieties of Amdo (Hua 2002:30-34).

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3.4.2.2 Syllable boundary re-adjustment

Syllable boundary shifting is already in evidence in OT; e.g., ± ‘word; writing; letter’; ± ‘young animal’, ± ‘curd, cheese’. The syllable boundary readjustment rule [VC $ CV > V $ CCV], likewise, applied with great frequency in Zhongu polysyllabic words, making the original coda part of the following onset:

> *lu.spo > /l˙-æpo/ ‘body’ > *ru.spa > /r˙-æpë/ ‘bone’ > *gru.mpa > /t∆˙-nbë/ ‘badger’ > *sngo.npo > /’≥o-nbo/ ‘to be blue’ > *sma.npa > /‘me-nbë/ ‘doctor’ > *sho.gpa > /®o-æpë/ ‘wing’ > *dro.nbo > /t®o-nbo/ ‘hot (as of weather)’ > *bdu.ncu > /d˙-ndÔ˙/ ‘seventy’ cf. /di/ ‘seven’

4. The position of Zhongu in modern Tibetan

How many separate dialects does Tibetan have? What criteria should one employ for their subclassification? No conclusive answers are forthcoming for either of these fundamental questions. One popular view (Qu and Jin 1981, Zhang 1993) posits five major Tibetan dialects: Central (W\eiz\ang ), Southeastern (Khams), Southern, Western, and Northeastern (Amdo). It is clear that this classification scheme does not do sufficient justice to the actual diversity of modern Tibetan, particularly with regard to the dialects spoken in China. Of the three recognized Tibetan dialects of China, Central, Amdo, and Khams, the former two are homogeneous units with a high degree of internal intelligibility. There is therefore little doubt that they constitute valid major Tibetan dialects. What is problematic is ‘Khams’, the widely accepted third Tibetan dialect of China, which seems to have been arrived at by lumping together a host of mutually unintelligible speech forms by using untenable methods of dialect subgrouping. Qu and Jin (1981:79), for instance, list among the subclassifying criteria the following defining global features of the three major dialects:

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Table 2: Some global phonological features of the three Tibetan dialects of China according to Qu and Jin 1981 Presence of Voiced Presence of Tone Obstruent Onsets Central - + Khams + + Amdo + -

Obviously, two forms of modern Tibetan are not necessarily more closely related because they both preserve OT voiced obstruent onsets (shared retention)45 and both have tones (possibly convergent, but independent development).46 Supplementing the above with a long list of phonological traits of the three dialects (e.g., the presence of central, front rounded, or nasalized vowels, number of codas and tones, etc.) only makes their work seem like an exercise in typological, rather than genetic, classification (Qu and Jin 1981:79-80). This flaw is clearly revealed by the fact that many subgrouping features they discuss hold only for a subset of the respective dialects. For instance, they list the following divergent OT origins of modern palato-alveolar affricates as one of the ‘qualitative’ differences that demarcate the three major dialects (1981:82):

Table 3: OT sources of Palato-Alveolar affricates in the three Tibetan dialects of China according to Qu and Jin 1981 C-47 Py- Ky- Kr- Central + + - - Khams + + + - Amdo + + + +

The preceding table evidently reflects only tendencies displayed by alleged members of the proposed dialect groups, rather than reliable phonological isoglosses that delimit

45 Some also use the presence of consonant clusters in a similar way, with the same methodological problem. 46 The presence of OT prefixal consonants and development of phonemic tone have also been used by Róna-Tas as criteria for subclassifying Tibetan dialects into ‘archaic’ and ‘non-archaic’ subgroups (Róna-Tas 1966:21). I wish to show in a separate paper (J. Sun, forthcoming-a) that there are actually divergent tonogenetic paths in modern Tibetan; being such a prevalent sound change both areally and typologically, tonogenesis is a risky criterion to bank on for subclassifying modern Tibetan. 47 Standing for the original OT palato-alveolar affricates.

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Jackson T.-S. Sun precise dialect boundaries. Thus, Zhuoni and Diqing turned OT C- to retroflexes and OT Kr- to palato-alveolars (Qu 1962, Lu 1990, Hongladarom 1996); G«aiz|e (改則 ) preserved OT Ky- as true palatals; Zaduo merged OT C-, Py-, and Ky- into palatal affricates (Huang et al. 1994:117), whereas Cha—ngd—u (昌都 ) flip- flopped OT palato-alveolars (C-) and palatals (Ky-). All the above Tibetan varieties are commonly grouped under the Khams dialect complex, and yet they display sound changes that are at odds with what Table 3 tells us how a ‘Khams dialect’ ought to behave. The unity of the motley ‘Khams dialect’ should therefore not be uncritically embraced, for the simple reason that it is not grounded in principles of rigorous linguistic subclassification, which admit as evidence only shared innovations that are individual-identifying (Nichols 1996). If one exercises the methodological rigor demanded by mainstream historical linguistics (e.g., Campbell 1999 §6.4), it is highly probable that a number of peripheral ‘Khams subdialects’ may turn out to be distinct dialects in their own right. In fact, one such ‘Khams’ dialect, Yushu,48 has already been disentangled from core Khams Tibetan and proposed as a separate Tibetan dialect in Huang et al. 1994. In the meantime, the lamentable tendency persists to pigeonhole minor Tibetan dialects into the above- mentioned major dialects on the shaky basis of shared archaisms (consonant clusters, voiced obstruent initials, no diphthongs, etc.) or global similarities owing to convergent development (syllable canon reduction, vowel nasalization, tonogenesis, etc.).49 But the very existence of a dialect like Zhongu presents a serious predicament for subclassifications of that description. Should Zhongu be assigned to the Amdo dialect because it is a cluster and toneless dialect spoken in the vicinity of Amdo, or should it rather align with Khams on account of its elimination of all OT syllable codas, a most un-Amdo typological feature?50 It is temptingly convenient to classify Tibetan dialects in broad typological terms (e.g., tonal vs. non-tonal, cluster vs. non-cluster, archaic vs. innovative), but the results are hardly on solid scientific footing. I therefore propose that all distinct (i.e., language- like) forms of Tibetan should a priori be placed directly under Old Tibetan as its first- order offshoots, unless there are sound reasons for making the flat family tree

48 Spoken at Zaduo, Ji|eg«u (結古 ), N|angqi\an (囊謙 ) Counties of Yushu Prefecture in Qinghai Province, and B—aq—îng (巴青 ), D—îngq—îng (丁青 ) and Su«o 索 Counties in Tibet. 49 As a recent example, Hua and Duozangta (1997) attempt to categorize the Shibazi variety of Tibetan of Songpan County as a Khams dialect, mainly on account of its (marginally phonemic) tones. 50 Similarly baffling for typology-based classifications are dialects like Q—um|al|ai (曲麻萊 ) in Q—îngh«ai Province, which has innovated tones while remaining basically Amdo with respect to the conservative rhymes (Wang 1990).

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu hierarchical—that is, until one finds unmistakable evidence in the form of diagnostic shared innovations pointing to a period of common history between a subset of these dialects. I contend further that Zhongu be recognized as one such distinct Tibetan dialect on the grounds that, diverging sharply in phonology and vocabulary from all major Tibetan dialects, Zhongu has accumulated enough linguistic deviance to become language-like, and no definite proof has been found yet to subgroup it with any other Tibetan dialect.

5. Summary and conclusions

The foregoing outline of the Zhongu synchronic phonological system and its evolution demonstrates that this previously unknown dialect has followed the modern Tibetan drift of syllable-structure depletion almost to the extreme, yet managed marvelously without recourse to suprasegmental compensation of any sort. Its special linguistic position is, however, better ascertained by the many distinctive paths of linguistic innovation it traversed, as Zhongu is characterized not only by its peculiar vocabulary and grammar,51 but particularly by a set of characteristic sound changes, the most important of which are summarized as follows:

1. OT j- became /z/. 2. OT labial and velar stops with -j- merged and became dental affricates. 3. OT sky- became /s/; sgy- became /z/. 4. OT sl-, sr- merged and became /æts/. 5. Conditioned shift of some OT palato-alveolar spirants to retroflexes. 6. OT velar prefix g- developed into distinctive uvular spirants, whereas other oral prefixes either elided or turned into pre-aspiration. 7. OT spr- became /∆/; sbr- became /Ô/. 8. Loss of OT -r with no compensatory warping of preceding vowel.

51 I have not yet systematically investigated grammatical changes in Zhongu. The following morphosyntactic innovations have however been noted: distinctive case forms (e.g., dative /j˙/ or /së/, locative/ablative /no/, comparative /sono/) and aspect and modality markers, grammaticalization of imperative markers from OT directional terms (/z˙/ ‘upward’; /m˙/ ‘downward’; /tsæ˙/ ‘level direction’), and the obligatory use of a specialized existential verb /nba/ for predicating the existence of stationary but growing objects (plants, hair, etc.), e.g. r˙ngo du j˙ækëts˙ nba/*nø-k˙ ridge tree many exist-MED ‘There are many trees on the mountain ridges.’

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It is diagnostic innovations of the foregoing type52 that constitute the indispensable tools with which Tibetan dialectologists will eventually be able to determine the appropriate positions of Zhongu and other minor but distinct provincial dialects such as Baima (Huang and Zhang 1995, Zhang 1997), Yushu (in the sense of Huang et al. 1994), Basong (巴松 ; Qu et al. 1989), Zhuoni (Qu 1962), and Qiuji (求 吉 ; J. Sun forthcoming-b) in the colorful mosaic of modern Tibetan, alongside the prestigious principal dialects.

Abbreviations

MED mediative LOC locative INDEF indefinite INST instrumental MIR mirative PFV perfective IMP imperative SG singular

52 These sound changes are not claimed to be unique to this dialect, though. In fact, merger of OT -V and -Vr is also noted in the similarly aberrant Baima Tibetan dialect (Huang and Zhang 1995:99). The point is that we must focus on specific and uncommon sound changes in each Tibetan dialect we investigate, on the basis of which accurate subclassification of modern Tibetan can be conducted in the future. Huang and Zhang (1995) and Zhang (1997) mentioned some such characteristic phonological developments in Baima (e.g., OT l- became /j-/; voicing of voiceless aspirated stop/affricates after nasal prefixes) but unfortunately did not consider their relevance for subgrouping. For enlightening application of the criteria of sound changes to the subclassification of Tibetan dialects spoken in Nepal, see Bielmeier 1982 and Nishi 1983.

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References

Beyer, Stephan V. 1992. The Classical Tibetan Language. Albany: State University of New York Press. Bielmeier, Roland. 1982. Problems of Tibetan dialectology and language history with special reference to the sKid.gron dialect. Zentralasiatische Studien des Seminars für Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft Zentralasiens der Universität Bonn 16:405-25. Campbell, Lyle. 1999. Historical Linguistics: An Introduction. Cambridge: MIT Press. Causemann, Margret. 1989. Dialekt und Erzählungen der Nangchenpas. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. Das, Sarat Chandra. 1902. A Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Synonyms. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot. Gesang Jumian (格桑居冕). 1985. Zangyu Batanghua de yuyin fenxi [An analysis of the phonology of ’Ba’-thang Tibetan]. Minzu Yuwen 1985.2:16-27. Haller, Felix. in press. Dialekt und Erzählungen von Themchen. Hongladarom, Krisadawan. 1996. Rgyalthang Tibetan of Yunnan: A preliminary report. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 19.2:69-92. Hua, Kan (華侃). 1983. Anduo Zangyu shengmu de jizhong teshu bianhua [Several special sound changes of Amdo Tibetan initials]. Minzu Yuwen 1983.3:43-46. Hua, Kan (華侃). 2002. Zangyu Anduo Fangyan Cihui [A Vocabulary of Amdo Tibetan]. Lanzhou: Gansu Minzu Press. Hua, Kan (華侃), and Duozangta (朵藏他). 1997. Zangyu Songpanhua de yinxi han yuyin de lishi yanbian [Sound system of Songpan Tibetan and its historical development]. Zhongguo Zangxue 29.2:134-44. Hua, Kan (華侃), and Longbojia (龍博甲). 1993. Anduo Zangyu Kouyu Cidian [A Dictionary of Spoken Amdo Tibetan]. Lanzhou: Gansu Minzu Press. Huang, Bufan (黃布凡). 1983. An investigation of consonant initials of (dBus-gTsang) Tibetan of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Minzu Yuwen 1983.3:33-42. Huang, Bufan (黃布凡). 1991. Qiangyuzhi (Qiangic branch). Hanzangyu Gailun [A General Introduction to Sino-Tibetan Languages], ed. by Ma Xueliang et al., 208- 369. Beijing: Beijing University Press. Huang, Bufan (黃布凡). 1995. Conditions for tonogenesis and tone split in Tibetan dialects. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 18.1:43-62. Huang, Bufan (黃布凡), Suonan Jiangcai (索南江才), and Zhang Minghui (張明慧). 1994. Yushu Zangyu de yuyin tedian han lishi yanbian guilü [Characteristics in Yushu Tibetan phonology and its rules of historical change]. Zhongguo Zhangxue 26.2:111-134. Huang, Bufan (黃布凡), and Zhang Minghui (張明慧). 1995. Baimahua zhishu wenti

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yanjiu [On the linguistic position of Baima]. Zhongguo Zhangxue 2:79-118. Lu, Shaozun (陸紹尊). 1990. Zhangyu Zhongdianhua de yuyin tedian [Phonological characteristics of rGyal.thang Tibetan]. Yuyan Yanjiu 1990.2:147-159. Nagano, Yasuhiko. 1980. Amdo Sherpa Dialect: A Material for Tibetan Dialectology. Monumenta Serindica No.7. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Nichols, Johanna. 1996. The comparative method as heuristic. The Comparative Method Revisited: Regularity and Irregularity in Language Change, ed. by Mark Durie and Malcolm Ross, 39-71. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nishi, Yoshio. 1983. Classification of some Tibetan dialects of Nepal. Studies From the School of Law and Letters, Ehime University, Humanities Volume 16:51-70. Nishida, Tatsuo, and Sun Hongkai. 1990. A Study of the Baima-Chinese Vocabulary Baima Yiyu: The Structure and Lineage of the Baima Language (in Japanese and Chinese). Kyoto: Shokado. Qu, Aitang (瞿靄堂). 1962. Zhuoni Zangyu de shengdiao yu shengyunmu de guanxi [Relationship between Zhuoni Tibetan tones and its initials and rhymes]. Zhongguo Yuwen 1962.7:334-339. Qu, Aitang (瞿靄堂). 1991. Zangyu Yunmu Yanjiu [A Study on Tibetan Rhymes]. Xining: Qinghai Minzu Press. Qu, Aitang (瞿靄堂), and Jin Xiaojing (金效靜). 1981. Zangyu fangyan de yanjiu fangfa [Methods in the study of the Tibetan dialects]. Xinan Minyuan Xuebao 1981.3:76-83. Qu, Aitang (瞿靄堂), and Tan Kerang (譚克讓). 1983. Ali Zangyu [mNga.ris Tibetan]. Beijing: Shehui Kexue Chubanshe. Qu, Aitang (瞿靄堂) et al. 1989. Weizang fangyan de xin tuyu—Ji zuijin faxian de Basonghua [A new subdialect of Central Tibetan: On the newly discovered Basong dialect]. Minzu Yuwen 1989.3:39-61. Róna-Tas, A. 1966. Tibeto-Mongolica: The Tibetan Loanwords of Monguor and the Development of the Archaic Tibetan Dialects. The Hague: Mouton. Sprigg, R. K. Balti-English English-Balti Dictionary. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Sun, Hongkai (孫宏開), and Wang Xianhai (王賢海). 1987. Aba Zangyu yuyin de jige wenti [Several issues regarding initial consonants in the Tibetan of Ngaba Prefecture]. Minzu Yuwen 1987.2:12-21. Sun, Jackson T.-S. 1986. Aspects of the Phonology of Amdo Tibetan: Ndzorge Sá| me XÌra Dialect. Monumenta Serindica No.16. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Sun, Jackson T.-S. forthcoming-a. Variegated tonal developments in Tibetan. Language Variation: Papers on Variation and Change in the Sinosphere and in the Indosphere

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in Honour of James A. Matisoff, ed. by David Bradley, Randy LaPolla, Boyd Michailovsky, and Graham Thurgood. Pacific Linguistics. Canberra: Australian National University. Sun, Jackson T.-S. forthcoming-b. Phonological profile of Qiuji Tibetan. Wang, Qingshan (王青山). 1990. Zangyu Qumalaihua yu Zangzu buluo qianxi [Qumalai Tibetan speech and migrations of Tibetan tribes]. Qinghai Minzu Xueyuan Xuebao 1990.3:6-10. Wang, Xiaosong. 1996. Prolegomenon to Rgyalthang Tibetan phonology. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 19.2:55-67. Zhang, Jichuan (張繼川). 1993. Zangyu fangyan fenlei guanjian [Opinions on the classification of Tibetan dialects]. Minzu Yuwen Lunwenji [Papers on Minority Languages], ed. by Dai Qingxia et al., 297-309. Beijing: Central College of Nationalities Press. Zhang, Jichuan (張繼川). 1994. Baimahua he Zangyu [Baima and Tibetan] (In two parts). Minzu Yuwen 1994.2:11-24, 1994.3:53-67. Zhang, Jichuan (張繼川). 1996. Gudai Zangyu fangyin chabie yu zhengzifa [Old Tibetan dialectal differences and Tibetan orthography]. Minzu Yuwen 1996.3:22- 24. Zhang, Jichuan (張繼川). 1997. Particularité phonétique du Baima. Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 26.1:131-153.

[Received 25 February 2002; revised 11 April 2003; accepted 21 April 2003]

Institute of Linguistics, Preparatory Office Academia Sinica 130, Sec. 2, Academia Road Nankang, Taipei 11529, Taiwan [email protected]

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熱務溝話語音簡貌：一種川北藏語新方言

孫天心 中央研究院

熱務溝話是筆者在四川省北部藏、羌交界地帶發現的一種特殊藏語，分 布於松潘縣南部熱務溝區。筆者根據多年積累之第一手調查材料，首次對本 方言提供描寫記錄，詳加探究其語音系統之源流及突出特點，包括缺乏聲 調、長短元音等超音段語音對立，傳承自古藏語韻母體系極端簡化，以及發 展小舌與舌尖聲母之流變趨勢等。由於語音創新與眾不同，外加部分本土語 彙來源特殊，熱務溝話與周邊藏語已產生不同語種間之隔閡，不能直接通 話。本文根據新方言材料對現行藏語方言分類體系提出原則性檢討，並提出 在藏語方言家族中，熱務溝話應享有獨立小方言地位之意見。 文末附錄有英語－熱務溝藏語對照常用詞 1,500 條左右。

關鍵詞：藏緬語，藏語方言，方言次分類

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Appendix English-Zhongu Vocabulary

The following concise English-Zhongu vocabulary lists around 1,500 common lexical items with their suggested etymologies. Short illustrative sentences are provided where appropriate. Zhongu forms are syllabified in order to facilitate morpheme identification. The Tibetan etymologies given below, notably, are etyma underlying the modern Zhongu forms in question rather than their standard Written Tibetan meaning equivalents. Thus, the archaic written form is given as the source of the Zhongu morpheme Ù¯˙- ‘eye’, rather than the ordinary WT . Likewise, Zhongu ætso ‘to rest’ is not traced to WT , as WT regularly corresponds to Zhongu ≈s-, and the spoken word ætso is judged to stem from a different, as yet unidentified source. Uncertain origins are indicated by question marks in the corresponding syllable slot, e.g. ¯e-ngu ‘fire (disaster)’, where the source of the syllable -ngu is unknown, or beside a tentatively offered etymon, e.g. Ù¯˙-æpa ‘eyelash; eyebrow’ where the syllable -æpa probably reflects ‘skin, fur’. Exceptions to observed sound laws are highlighted by boldface, e.g. the first syllable in ætsø-≈u ‘anus’ undoubtedly came from ‘excrement’ but the rhyme is at variance with the expected correspondence -ag > a. a bit; a little; ¯˙-¯|u-ts˙ ≥˙-®˙-≥o-lo all; tsæø-mo abdomen; pæu t∆æ˙-t∆æu alone; single; kæe-nde (with suffix -nde) abdominal cavity; kæø-pë also; -je above; ngo-ti <’go.?> amber; æpi-®˙ ache; be painful; në angry; kæø ntsæ˙ acorn; du-ndÂ˙ ankle; pæo-lo add to; ni‘ anklebone; tsæë-tsæë-pë-t®˙2 afternoon; tsæ˙-t®o answer, admit, consent; kæë-l‰ afterwards; to-no (with locative -no) ant; t∆u-tsø again; wu; te wu ©u-k˙ ‘She has come antler, horn; ©ë again.’ anus; ætsø-≈u age; lo ; tsæo tots˙ lo t∆æa-ts˙ r˙ anything; t∆˙-t∆ø ; t∆˙t∆ø ¯˙-nø ‘What is your age this year?’ ‘There is nothing.’ aim; tsæe apron; pø-Â˙ air; breath; b˙ argali (Ovis ammon); l˙-gi alike; ndÂë <’dra>; r˙ ;1 arm; la-≈a

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Jackson T.-S. Sun armpit; nt∆æ‰-ætsë bar (the door); ≈t‰ arrive; ætsi bark [V]; z˙ arrow; ndë bark [N]; ku-t∆˙ ashamed, embarrassed; ≥o-tsæë barley; n‰ basket carried on back; të-qo (with suffix ashes; ko-ti -qo) ask; ndÂ˙ <’dri>, [PFV/IMP] t®˙ bat (animal); æts˙-npæë-jo aunt; (uncle’s wife) ane ; (father’s be; re ; (reduced form) r(˙); (in sister) ami ;3 (mother’s sister) affirmative replies) ri; tsæo ©o≥˙-k˙ ¯˙ amë |ë-r˙ ‘Are you from Zhongu?’ autumn; fall; æti-ngë be accomplished; be done; ndÂ˙ <’grub>; awl; nb˙ <’bug> tonda ndÂ˙-së-t‰ ‘The job is done.’ awn of wheat; t∆ë-që 4 (with suffix be accustomed to; li -që) be allowed; may; ¯‰ ax; ætë-r˙ be time for; r‰ ; të ¯i r‰-së-ts˙ ‘It is baby; më-je time to sleep now.’ back (body part); dzi-ætsë beam; æts˙-du back (vs. front); ntsæø-rë-k(æ)ë bear; endure; æts‰ ; (back of house) bear; (Asiatic black bear) tø ; nkæø-æta (black-bear cub) tø-p˙ ; backward; tsæ˙ (brown bear) t®i bad; a-Ùë; a-bë; ≥‰-nbë beard; kæë-æp˙ bad-tempered; kæu-tu beat, pound; du badger; t∆˙m-bë beat (as of hearts and pulses); npæë bag; (generic) kæë-k˙ ; (large <’phar> woolen bag) ze-k˙ ; (cloth beautiful; nt®æe-mo; go-zø bag) r‰-k˙ ; (leather bag) become; tæ‰ ; te në©i tæ‰-së-ts˙ dÔu ‘S/he has become deaf.’ bake in hot ashes; rtsa become mildewy; kë-nb˙ t∆æa bake in a pan; ≥o become moldy; m˙ bald; ngo-do bed; ¯i-nt®æ˙ ball; gø-wu bee; bø-ndu balloon gø-p˙ beetle; pa-go ball of yarn; do-≈pë before, formerly; Ùnë ; tø-ngo bamboo; s˙-mo; (bamboo strips) s˙-≈®a 5 ; (bamboo shoot) s˙-p˙; beg; æpø ± ®ø (bamboo joint) tsæe-æta beggar; dzë-æpø ; ®ø-wu bandit; æt∆ë-æpë

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu belch; ga-æpë kæu-æti ; (lower body) believe; trust; di-rë kæu-‘mi bell; t∆æo-t®˙ ; (a religious boil [VT]; (~ water) ætso , instrument) ndë-r˙ <’dar.ri> [PFV/IMP] ætsi ; te t∆æ˙ ætso-k˙ bellows; kæu-mo ‘S/he is boiling water.’; (~ solid food) belly; pæu ntsæi;7 [PFV/IMP] tsi belt; æke-rë boil [VI]; (as of liquid foods) Ùd˙ ; bend; bend down; g˙-g˙ (as of water) t∆æ˙; t∆æ˙ t∆æ˙-kë løæpë ©u bent; curved; g˙-r˙ ; Ù˙-Ù˙ re ‘Steam comes out when water big; æt∆ë-t‰ boils.’ birch; æta-ma (with suffix -ma) boulder; pæë-Ùu bird; tsë ; (small bird) t∆i-t∆u bone; r˙-æpë book; t®ø-pu bit; ®i borrow; (~ money) s˙ ; (~ objects) bite; so-qo ts˙ Ùzë tsæo gomo s˙-j˙-t‰ tu bitter; qæë-nde (with suffix s˙nbë ¯˙-Ô˙ rë ‘You borrowed money. -nde)6 Why haven’t you returned it yet?’ black; na ; (the color black)ne-©˙ bottle; ∆e-ndu blacksmith; ngë-rë bottom; æk˙ ; ©i bladder; ≈t∆i-gø boundary; pë-æki blanket; rug; æt‰ ; (saddle-blanket) bovine; zu ;8 (hornless ~) ngo-do gë-æt‰ bleat; nbë <’ba’> bow (weapon); ÙÂ˙ blind; ¯˙-ts˙ Âë bowl; kë-z˙ ; (metal bowl) blind person; Âë-rë ®a-kë ; (wooden bowl) blink; ¯˙-ts˙ tsu a-kë blister; t∆æ˙-gø box; go-nb˙ blood; t∆æa boy; p˙-tsë blood vessel; t∆æa-ta bracelet; d˙-©˙ 9 bloom; ngë brain; Ùl˙-w‰ blow (air); ≈p˙ bran; pæe blow (as of wind); t∆o; ≈p˙ branch; lo-t∆o ; (thin twig) nb˙-ze blow nose; ‘ni ≈p˙ <’bud.?> blue; ’≥o-nbo brass; ra blunt; pu-æto brazier; ≈u-pæ‰10 board; plank; ki-tæë bread; ko-ætse; tsæo koætse nt∆æë-do rë boat; t®˙ ‘Are you eating bread?’ body; l˙-æpo ; (upper body) break [VI]; (as of sth stiff); nt∆æa

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<’chag> ts|ø-xu ‘Bury the dead body in the break [VI]; (as of sth soft); t∆e11 earth!’ break [VT]; (~ sth stiff) ≈t∆u , busy; ¯˙-kæø [PFV] t∆a butcher [V]; ®ë , [PFV/IMP] ∆‰ break (sth soft); ≈t∆e , [PFV] t∆æe 12 butt, ram, collide; du breakfast; zë-ntæu ; nø-tsi butter; më butterfly; tsa-‘li-æt∆i ± tsa-lo-æt∆i15 breast; pa-pa13 buttocks; ntsæø-rë ;16≥ë breath; b˙ ntsæørë-kæë ma-©u ‘Don’t follow me!’ breeze; Ùlu-ma (with suffix -ma); button; dÔe-©˙ Ùlu-se-r˙;14 buy; ¯o , [PFV/IMP] ¯i brick; së-æpë calf (body part); z˙-qu bride; pa-më call; nb‰ <’bod>, [PFV/IMP] p‰ ; bridge; ze-nbë (as of beasts and birds) t∆a 17 bridle; ætë-ntæ˙ camel; ≥ë-mo bright; kë ; nde pæ˙ts˙ te ¯˙-kë-k˙ cane; t∆˙-ta ‘This room is not well-lighted.’ candy; ma-tæø18 bring up; ≈so , [PFV] ≈si capital; më-ætsë bring, carry; carry on back; kæ˙ careful, cautious; s‰-t∆æu broad bean; dzë-æts‰ caress; ¯ø broom; p˙-t∆a carpenter; m˙-tsø19 brother; p˙-æpi (elder) a-dzi carpet; së-d‰ ; (younger) ®ë-¯i carry; carry on back; kæ˙ <’khur>; (put bubble, foam; bu load on) ndÔ˙, [PFV/IMP] t∆˙ bucket; pail; t∆æ˙-zø cartilage; ®u; r˙pë ¯ë-që buckwheat; pu-l˙ carve; æko , [PFV/IMP] æki build a fire; light a fire; ¯e nb˙ castrate; z|˙ ts˙ [PFV/IMP] p˙ cat; ë-l˙ bullet; pu-d˙ catch; ndzi <’dzin>, [PFV/IMP] zu burn [VI]; nbë <’bar>; tsiku-nø ¯e nbë ¯‰-ts˙-k˙ ‘The fire in the stove burns catch cold; ntsæa <’khyag> brightly.’ catch fire; ¯e ®o burn [VT], set fire to; ¯e ndÔ˙ , catch up with; tsæ|ë-zi [PFV/IMP] t∆˙ cattle (generic); so-nt∆æe; zu burnt; scorched; tsæ˙ causative complementizer; -©o; ëmë-k˙ bury; ntsæø, [PFV/IMP] tsø; së-nø ro t®ë∆i-së ‘m‰ ntæu-©o t∆˙-së-t‰ ‘Mother

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made Trashi drink the medicine.’ choose, pick; s˙ causative verb, make; ndÔ˙ <’jug>, chop off (branches); ntæ˙ , [PFV/IMP] t∆˙ [PFV/IMP] t˙ cave; t®a-≈u chopper with curved blade; ®ø-to26 ceiling; du-si chopsticks; qæa-je charcoal; si chough (red-billed Pyrrhocorax change; dÔ˙ pyrrhocorax); t∆u-ma27 charge; dash; nt∆æu;20 ndzo ≥ë-së tsæ˙r˙ cicada; si-si nt∆æu-©‰-t‰ ‘The dzo charged at me.’ cinders; ¯˙-ndÂu charmbox; ki claw; bë-rë chase; nde <’ded>, [PFV] te clean; ≈tsø ~ ≈ts˙-wa (with cheat; ngo Ùzu 21 suffix -wa); nde këz˙ te |ë-≈tsø-k˙ ± cheek; ndÔë-nbë <’gram.pa>; (cheek nde këz˙ te ≈ts˙wa |ë-r˙ ‘Is this bowl bones) kæë-≥o nb˙-lu ;22 clean?’ (temple) në-du clear; tø-‘mo ; t∆æ˙ tø‘mo cheese; t∆æ˙-rë ©‰-s|ë-ts˙ ‘The river has cleared.’ cheese cake (a kind of sweets made from clear; sunny; tæø cheese); tæ˙ clever; dÔe(-wu) chest; t®ø(-ækë) cliff; t®a-ngo chew; di climb (trees); ndzë <’dzeg> chicken; te-wu ; (rooster) cloak; (single-layered cotton cloak) r‰-la pæo-t∆e ; (hen) mo-t∆e ; (two-layered cloak) ; (chick) ts˙-r˙ kæe-rtso; (lambskin cloak) tsæë-r˙ (with suffix -r˙) ; (woolen cloak) nt®æ˙ chickenpox; t∆æ˙-ndÂu chieftain, king; dÔë-wu clod of earth; po-tso28 child; ¯a-¯u 23 clogged; kæ|ë-t∆e ; t∆æ˙≈i-nø do-k˙ chimney; t˙-≈u ; (smoke vent) kæ|ët∆e-d‰-nø ‘The sewer is clogged nø-≈u ; (part of a stove) with rocks.’ tsi-≈u24 close; (door) ts˙ , [PFV/IMP] ts‰ chin; më-ndÔ˙ ; go pæër (m˙-)ts˙ ‘Close the China fir; ≈tsa door!’; (close eyes, mouth) tsu China oak; pe-∆i ; kæë ts|u-di ‘Shut up!’; (close Chinese; dzë(-¯i) umbrellas) npæi, [PFV] pæi Chinese prickly ash; Ùze-më close (vs. far); tæa-¯‰ chisel [V];25 ≈tsi cloth; r‰ choma (wild sweet potato); t∆˙-wa clothes; ki-≈ø (with suffix -wa) cloud; ∆˙

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Jackson T.-S. Sun coal; do-si coral; ®˙-r˙ coarse; æts˙-‘mo corner; t∆˙-ngo ; cf. (edge) coarse yak-hair; æts˙-pë z˙-ngo cobweb; pë-dë corpse; ro cockscomb; Ùz‰ cotton cloth; r‰ cold; ntsæa <’khyag>; ntsæa-æpo cough; l˙ <’khyag.po> count; æts˙ collapse; Ù¯o; (as of walls) lu cover up; put (lid) on; ngi <’gebs>, collar; ku-ta [PFV/IMP] ki ; tsæo la≈a-k˙ collect, gather; d˙ 29 ¯˙ts˙ ma-ngi ‘Don’t cover up your collide; du-r‰ eyes!’ color; ndu cover sth to keep it warm; t∆æo-©i ngi colostrum; buttermilk; first milk; æt®˙ 30 cowhide; kø comb; [N] ≈s˙-wa;31 [V] ∆e cowhide string; Ù‰-ta come; ©u <’ong>, [PFV] ©‰, [IMP] xu cowpen; ra-Ùo ; te ‘lësë-no ©‰-së-ts˙ ‘S/he has crack [V]; ngë <’gas> come from Lhasa.’ cramped, narrow; pë-≈˙ come back; Ùë-t∆a ©u ; tsæo crazy, mad; so; (mentally disturbed) ’¯o ≥ë-tsë Ùët∆a xu ‘Come back to me!’ ; (crazy person) ’¯o-ro come out (as of the sun); ‘l˙ ; so-ro common cattle; Ùlø-≥˙ ;32 crawl; climb; ndzë <’dzeg>; (on all fours) (cow) pë-tsu b˙-g˙ ts˙ common cold; nt∆æë-nbë cream; nkæ˙-Âa companion; r˙-æpë creek; stream; t∆æ˙-lu compensate; ndÔi <’jal>; te-k˙ ≥ë-j˙ cricket; të-p˙-t∆o ætë¯i-ts˙ ndÔi-së-t‰ ‘S/he gave me a crisp; t∆æi-æto horse in compensation.’ crop; lo-tu ; serë p|î-ji lotu complete, full; tsæø ; ntsæø-mo ≈t|˙-ja-ts˙ jë ‘Hailstones fell and completely ruined the crop.’ conch; tu crossbow; Ù˙-∆i <’ur.?> cone; du-ndÂ˙ crow (bird); tsë-ru 33 connect; ntæ˙ cuckoo; k˙-ku contract, draw in (legs); æku curse, malediction; mo-ze ts˙ convex; nb˙-nb˙ <’bur.’bur> , [PFV] ts‰ cooked; tsæi cushion; æt‰ cool; s˙-s˙ cut, slice; thrust; ≈t˙ copper; zø-‘më cut in two; tsæi-që (≈t˙-ji) Ù¯i ts˙

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dense; ≈t∆ë cut open; ≈®a dented; qo-tu cut with scissors; shear, reap; tailor; ndÂa demon; ghost; evil spirits; ndÂe <’dre>; <’breg>, [PFV]t®a (female~) ndÂe-mo <’dre.mo>; (devil) cut (firewood into smaller pieces); ∆i ≈se Ùd˙ ; (demon that causes diseases) Ùd‰ cut off (a piece); ≈t∆e dew; z˙-we ; pë-t∆æ˙34 cymbol; b˙-t∆æa dhole; red dog (Cuon alpinus); npæë-rë dance; t®|o nt∆æu <’phar.ba> dandruff; ngo-nb˙ dike; t∆æ˙-ra dare; æpu; te ¯˙ngo æts˙©˙-ts˙ ndÔo die; ®˙ ¯˙-æpu-k˙ ‘S/he does not dare go dice; ®o without company.’ difficult, hard, tired; ækë dative suffix; -tsë ±-së; te t®øpu te ≥ë-tsë dig; æko , [PFV/IMP] æki ; tsu ‘Give that book to me!’ pæ˙; t˙Ùa t®ëqu-ts˙ pæ˙-ji ro t®ëqu-nø daughter; pu m˙-tso ‘They dug a pit and buried the daughter-in-law; na dead body inside the pit.’ dawn [N]; në-≈ë digest; Â˙ dawn [V]; Ùnø lø dinner, supper; gu-tsi day after tomorrow; nø-¯˙ direct (visual) evidential suffix; -t‰ ; t®ë∆i rëk˙ m˙-ntæi-t‰ ‘(I saw day before yesterday; kæë-¯˙ that) Trashi did not drink liquor.’ day; ¯˙-wa (with suffix -wa); t˙ri dirty; ¯˙-≈tsø ¯˙wa t∆æa ts˙-r˙ ‘What is the date direction; ®u today?’ discuss; t∆|î-ts˙ daytime (vs. night); ¯˙-ngu dish, curry; ≈pa 35 dislike; qæë-se36 dead; ®˙-Âo dismount; pi37 deaf; në-©i ; te në©i tæ‰-së-ts˙ disorderly; ë-qæë-pë-qæë ‘S/he has become deaf.’ dispatch (people); ≥a declivity; ntæ˙ ditch; t∆æ˙-≈i decrease; qo distribute; divide; gi 38 deep (water); ntæo-nbo divine; mo ndi [PFV/IMP] ti deep (as of pits); di-na deer; ®a ; (deer-hunt) ®|a-dë do (labor); li do, make; li ; ts˙ , delicious; Â˙-nbo ; Âu [PFV/IMP] ts‰ ; tsæo koætse ë-ts‰ r˙ ‘Have you made bread?’

809

Jackson T.-S. Sun do business; kæ|e-ts˙ durative aspectual verb; k‰; nd˙ <’dug>, doctor; ‘me-nbë [PFV] d‰ , [IMP] di ; dog; tsæ˙-¯‰ (with suffix -¯‰); di-k‰ ‘Remain seated!’ (hunting dog) lë-tsæ˙ ; dusk; gu-ækë (puppy) tsæ˙-©˙ ; (mastiff) dust; tæi-qa ;40 (in the air) d˙ ndÂu-ts˙ <’brog.khyi> donkey; pu-tse dye; æts˙ door; go ; (door drape) go-ju dzo; ndzo ; (female) æt˙-mo ; (door frame) go-lë ; (door sill) go-d‰ ; (yard) eagle; Ùla go-ætsë ; (door bolt) Âa-®˙ ear (of a plant); s˙-l˙ dove; npæ˙-ru ear; në-qe down; downwards; tæ|˙-r˙ early; ’≥ë doze; t∆u-z˙ ts˙ earring; në-lu dragon; ndÂ˙ <’brug> earth; së ; (ground) së-ætsë ; dragonfly; k˙-ku-ætë-¯i (with (soil) tæi-qa ; te tsëtso te suffix -¯i)39 tæiqa-k˙ k|î-Âu ‘Cover that object with dragon deity in lakes; Naga; Ùl˙ ± ‘l˙ earth!’ earthernware, pot; dzë-t˙ drape; go-ju earthquake; së-ndÔ˙ ©u draw (swords); npæ˙ <’phud>, [PFV/IMP] earthworm; tu-n˙ pæ˙ earwax; në-ætsa dream; ¯˙-lø ; [V] ¯˙-lø ¯i east; ®ë easy; ætsë-wu dredge; s|ë-s˙ eat; nt∆æë <’cha>, [PFV] nt∆æi <’chas>, drink; ntæu <’thung>, [PFV/IMP] ntæi; [IMP] nt∆æo <’chos>;41 m˙-nt∆æo ‘Eat t®ë∆i ‘m‰ ntæi-së-t‰ ‘Trashi drank the it!’; ≥ë koætse nt∆æë-do ‘I am eating medicine.’ bread.’ drinking straw; qæa-b˙ edge; ‘ne-kë drive; nde <’ded>, [PFV/IMP] te egg; go-≥ë drop [N]; ntæ˙-pë eight; dze drum; ≥ë eighteen; t∆ø-dze drumstick; ≥ë-d˙ eighty; dze-t∆˙ drunk; z˙ elapse, pass; tæ‰ ; rëæpu ≈su dry; ækë-nbo ; ækø ; tæ‰-së-kë te tu ma-©‰-t‰ ‘Three days [CAUS] ækø ; ki≈ø ækø-ke ‘Dry are gone, and s/he still hasn’t arrived.’ up the clothes!’ elbow; t∆˙-ts˙ dry sth by fire; ¯|e-ÙdÔ˙ elephant; Ùlø-wu-nt∆æi

810

Phonological Profile of Zhongu eleven; t∆˙-≈ts˙ experiential aspect; ¯u embrace; pø ; ë-pø ts˙ extinguish fire; ¯e ≈se ; be extinguished [VI]; ®˙ empty; æt˙-wë eye; Ù¯˙-ts˙ empty out; s|ë-s˙ eyeball; Ù¯˙-do enclosure; ra eyelash; eyebrow; Ù¯˙-æpa end, finish; tsæë endure; æts‰ eyelid; Ù¯˙-gø enemy; dÂë-zë eyeglasses; ∆e-m˙ enough; ndø <’dang> face; ≥o ; kæë-≥o entire; tsæø-‘mo (with suffix fang, tusk; nt∆æi -‘mo) fall asleep; Ù¯|˙-t®o ; ≥ë taji envy; ’¯|î-lø Ù¯˙t®o-j|a-ts˙ ‘I fell asleep a while epilepsy; tæi npæë ago.’ esophagus; ¯˙-pë fall; (collapse) lu ; (fall from height) estimate; ≈a-se ætë ; ≥ë ≈ase æt‰ në lu ; (cause to fall (as of fruits) tæor‰ ¯˙ngo ≥ët∆˙ ætsët∆æë-ts˙ ©u-dz˙r ‘r˙; (trip and fall) kë-lë ndÔo ‘I estimate that about fifty people will fall off; come off; npæ˙;42 [PFV] pæ˙ come tomorrow.’ falling rock; do-le evening; gu-ækë family; t∆æ˙-ndzø exchange, barter; dÔe far; tæa-r‰ excrement; ætsë-≈a fart; ætsa-t®˙ ; [V] + ≈tu exhale; b˙ npæ‰ , [IMP] npæu fast; ndzu(-æpo) exhortative suffix; -∆‰ fat [V]; tsæo(-nbo) (with suffix exist; nd˙ <’dug>; [MIR] nø ; -nbo ); (as of livestock) ®i (as of plants and other stationary fat, grease; tsæ˙ growing objects) nba; ≥ë-së ¯a¯u Ù¯˙ fat meat; zë nd˙ r˙ ‘I have two children.’ te-së father; ë-pë ¯a¯u Ù¯˙ nø-k˙ ‘So s/he has two fathom; ndø <’doms> children.’ tsø-ngo ≈ë≥˙-ts˙ nba-k˙ fear, be afraid; æt∆a ‘There is a hole on the wall.’; nde l˙wë feather; t∆ë-dÔu te æpø t∆æil‰ nba-k˙ ‘There is much feel dizzy; ngo-z˙ nkæo ; grassland inside this valley.’ (illness characterized by dizziness) exist at a location, be present; nd˙ ng|o-z˙ në-dz˙ tsæo <’dug>; [MIR] nø , [PFV] d‰ ng|o-z˙ nëdz˙ |ë-nø ‘Are you suffering ; ndzo pæaj˙tø d|‰-nø ‘There is from vertigo?’ a dzo over there.’ fence, twig fence; sa-d˙

811

Jackson T.-S. Sun ferment; s˙ ; ëqë s˙-k˙ kø ‘The overflown the top of the dike, let’s dough has become fermented!’ quickly run away!’ fertilizer; manure; l˙ flesh; ®ë fiddlehead fern; m˙-Ù˙ flint; do-Ùë field; (së)-Ôi float; kæ˙ ;44 t∆ënëlo t∆ë-nø fifteen; t∆ø-≥ë kæ|˙-d‰-nø ‘(I see that) Tea leaves are fifty; ≥ë-t∆˙ floating in the tea.’ fight battles; ndz‰-r‰ ts˙ floe, floating ice; të fight for sth; nt®æu-r‰ <’phrog.res> floor; kø-li45 file (tool); së-dë flour; tsæe ; (wheat flour) t∆o-tsæe fill up (a hole); kæ|ë-s˙ film of oil; (kæ˙-)Âa flower; me-tu filter; tsa flute; pi-ba find; ’¯i fly (insect); Âø-≥˙ fine, well; de(-mo) fly [V]; npæ˙ <’phur>, [PFV/IMP] pæ˙46 finger; ndz˙-©˙ foal; æt˙-©˙47 fingerprint; ndz˙-tæ˙ fog; m‰‘ 48 fire; ¯e fold [V]; t®˙ fire (disaster); ¯e-ngu food; zë-ntæu firefly; nb˙-r˙-kë-re <’bu.?> foodstuff; grain; lo-tu fire-poker; ækø-zu foot; ækø fireplace; kø-rë foot of mountain; r˙-ætsë firewood; ∆i ; (firewood stack) forehead; ntæ˙-w‰ ∆i-nkæë forest; na(-æt∆e) first; tø-wu ;zë-ngo forget; Ôe fish; ¯ë fortune, fate; ®˙-≈˙ fist; nb˙-dzu forty; Â˙-t∆˙ five; ¯ë foundation of house; nkæø-së flag, banner; të four; Â˙ flail; nkæo-më <’khor.ma> fourteen; t∆i-Â˙ flame; ¯e-∆e fox; ©ë flash (as of lightning); t∆æ˙-lø nbë foxskin; ©ë-∆i free, liberated; tæë flat; le-pe; Ùze-≈t∆a le43 freeze; nkæa <’khang>;49 gu flea; Âu friend; (intimate friends; frinds of flee; escape; ndÂi <’bros>, [PFV/IMP] opposite sex) zø-së ; (of t®i ; t∆æ˙ t∆æ˙ra ngoti p˙-së-t‰ same sex) p˙-ru ëÙa tsuæts˙ kë ndÂi-∆‰ ‘The river has frighten; æt∆|a-ætsu

812

Phonological Profile of Zhongu frivolous; unruly; ngo-dzi go back, retreat; tsæ˙-æts˙ ts˙ frog; b˙-w‰ front; ’¯i-ndzi go first; ’≥|ë-j˙ ndÔo frost; pi goat; rë-¯i (with suffix -¯i); (kid) frost-bitten; ∆˙;50≥ë la≈a ∆|˙-ja-ts˙ ‘My r˙-t∆u hands are frostbitten.’ god; ‘lë fruit; æts˙-tu goiter; ba full; kø gold; ≈se-na full from eating; ndÂø <’grang> gong; qæe-≥ë52 gadfly; dÔø; bø-gi good; zø ± zë-≥ë ; de gale; Ùlu-gi ; ë-li game, playing; ætse-mo good at; nkæ‰ gall; nt∆æ˙-pë goods; t∆ë-Ùë gap; crevice; pë-æki goral; kæë-dzë garbage; ækø-ætsa gore; du garlic; go-≈a gouge out; ndÂ˙ <’dru>, [PFV/IMP] t®˙ gather; d|a-ts˙ generous; kæ|u-zø grain for popping; zi ; popped genitive suffix; -k˙; ≥|ë-k˙ ëpë ‘my grain ze-æt∆u zi father’ grandfather; ë-¯i get; tæi ; la-n|ø ©‰ grandmother; ë-ji get up; lø grape; g˙-ndÂu ; (wild gift; æt∆i grape) rë-ætse ginger; t∆ë-gë grass; ætsë girl; pu grasshopper; s˙-s˙-p˙ girdle; (made of cloth) æke-ra ; grave; t®ë-qu (silver belt) nt∆æi-më gravy; kæu give; Ô˙ , [PFV] tsi, [IMP] tsu; te green; dÔø-ng˙ ætë¯i te ≥ë-j˙ tsu ‘Give his horse to greens; curry; ≈pa me!’ greet; welcome; s˙ give birth; ≈so ;51 (as of animals) grey; së-pæa ‘la ± Ùla grind (flour); ntæa <’thag>, [PFV/IMP] ta glass; ∆e-go ground beetle; kø-nb˙ glue; p˙-ndÔ˙ grouse (?); zo-rë gnaw; Ù‰ grow [VI]; se go; ndÔo <’gro>, [PFV] tæ‰ , [IMP] gruel; me-la su ; ≥ë ‘lësë ndÔo go-k˙ ‘I want guard; ætsu to go to Lhasa.’ guest; ndÂi-nbo

813

Jackson T.-S. Sun guide [V]; t∆æ˙ hear; tsæo ; (hear and understand) gums; so-¯˙ ≈|ë-ko gun; pu heart; se ; (abstract sense)t®e-nbë gunpowder; pu-‘m‰ hearth; tæi-ku gutter; t∆æ˙-≈i heavy; dÔ˙-‘mo hail; se-ra heel; tsæ˙-æt‰ hair; æp˙ hell; Ù¯e-nkæø hair of head; æt∆ë-æp˙ help; r˙-æp|ë-ts˙ ; te-j˙ half; tsæi-qa r˙æpë ts˙ ‘Help him/her!’ hammer, sledge-hammer; tæu hemp; so-ta 53 hand, arm; la-≈a herd; zu ntsæo , [PFV] ntsæi handful; pë-rë <’tshos>; (go herding cattle) zu ndÔo handspan; ntæo handle; zu-z˙ (RDPL form) herder; zu hang (hang sth dangling); Ùnë; (hang sth here; ndø54 against a flat surface) ætsø ; hero; æpë-wu tæøæk˙ ts|ø-ngo æts|ø-ru ‘Hang the tangka hiccup; ga-æpë ts˙ on the wall!’; ætsø-j|a-nø ‘It is hanging hide (oneself); Âë ; Â|ë-di ‘Hide (already).’ yourself!’ happy; æt∆˙(-po) ; (glad) gë hide (objects, secrets); be high; ntæo(-nbo) (with suffix hard (not soft); ætsë(-nde) (with -nbo) suffix -nde) hilt, knife-handle; t∆a-pa hat; Âë-qo (with suffix -qo) hip, hip bone; ∆˙-ngo hatch; ngë; ts˙r˙ ngë-s|ë-ts˙ ‘The chicks hire; ≥a have hatched.’ hit (target); dzi ; t®o≥t®o≥ have a temperature; have a fever; tsæë t®i lu-p˙-tæ‰ sëætsë dzi-t‰ ‘The cup fell and hit the ground.’ have diarrhea; pæ|u-∆e hit; ≈t˙ have to, must; want to; go hither; tsæ|˙-r˙ have sex; ts˙ , Ùjo; [RECP] Ùjo-r‰ hoe; ka ; (pickaxe) ka-t∆u hoist, lift; nø-tsu he/she; te hole; ≈ë-≥˙; (concave; dent) qo-tu head; ngo-t®˙ 55 headwaters; t∆æ˙-ngo hold (contain); ®u heal; t®a hold in the arms, embrace; pø heap [N]; pæo-tso; [V] pæo-tso m˙-ts˙ home; inside of the house; tsæ˙-nø

814

Phonological Profile of Zhongu homesick; tsæ˙-nø t®‰ në-dz˙ nëtsë ma-’¯i-k‰ ‘Don’t honey; bø-æts˙ get ill!’; te nëdz˙ kæ˙kæë-ts˙ ’¯i-ts˙ ‘He hoof; ¯˙-ke came down with an unusual disease.’ hook [N]; qe-≥˙ in a moment; right away; ætsu-ts˙-kë hoop; lë-k˙ in the way; ga horizontal; tæi-kë-kë in that way; t|ë-tse horse; ætë-¯i (with suffix -¯i) in this way; nd|ë-tse <’di.?> horse-dung; ætë-l˙ incantation; ’≥a horse feed; pe-¯ø incense; æpi hot; tsæë-nde (with suffix -nde); incubate, sit on eggs; ru ; (as of weather) t®o-nbo ; t˙ri mot∆e-k˙ go≥ë ru-de-nø ‘The hen has të t®o-k˙ ‘It’s too hot today.’ been sitting on eggs.’ hot pepper; la-t∆˙56 indirect evidential suffix; -ts˙ ; house; nkæ˙-wë; nkæø t®ë∆i rëk˙ m˙-ntæi-ts˙ ‘(I know how; t∆æ|a-ts˙-j˙ ; nde pu te ≥ë indirectly that) Trashi did not drink t∆æ|ats˙j˙ ®˙r|ë-ts˙ go ¯˙-∆i-k˙ ‘I don’t liquor.’ know how to use this gun.’ industrious; diligent; ko-t∆e how many, how much; t∆æ|a-ts˙ ; infect; ngo <’go>; te-k˙ nt∆æënbë ≥ë-j˙ tsæo(-së) gomo t∆æats˙ nd|˙-r˙ ‘How ng|o-ja-t‰ ‘he infected me with much money do you have?’ common cold.’ hunchback; ¯ë-g˙ inhale; b˙ nd‰ , [PFV/IMP] hundred; dzë t®‰ hundred thousand; nbu-æte <’bum.?> insect, bug; nb˙ <’bu> hungry; pæu ætu insert; poke into; Ùze ; (insert sth hunt; r˙-da d|ë-ndÔo into container) dz˙ <’dzud> hurry; t®˙ lø inside; nø hurt, be painful; në ; ≥ë ngot®˙ interest; npæ˙ <’phel> në-k˙ ‘I have a headache.’ interstice, gap; pë-≈ë , (space husband; ¯˙ (= ‘person’); zë-ri between two objects) pë-æki (= ‘male adult’); dë-æpo intestines; dz˙-wa (with suffix hybrid bovine; æt˙-l˙ -wa); (large intestines) dz˙-wa bø-nbo I; ≥ë , (small intestines) ice; t∆æø-ru;57 t®o≥t®o≥-nø t∆æ˙ t∆æøru dz˙-wa t®æë-©˙ (with gu-së-ts˙ ‘The water in the cup has suffix -©˙) turned into ice.’ iron; ®a-ro ill; në itch; zë ; ∆|˙-npæe illness; në-tsë ; (specific kind) ivory; pë-so

815

Jackson T.-S. Sun jar, big water container; t∆æ˙-zø ladle [V]; t∆˙ lake; ntsæo jaw; më-nt∆æ˙ lama; lë-më Jew’s harp; ≈t∆ë; (play on Jew’s harp) lame person; Âë-wu ≈t∆ë ≈t®˙ lamb; l˙-©˙ joint; tsæ˙ landslide; t∆æ˙-rë jump; nt∆æu language; æki juniper; ®˙-pë lap; pø-nø ; (lap part of key; de-¯i cloak) pø-ntæ˙ kick; ækø-to ≈t˙ ; (as of a larder; tsæø horse) nt®æa-k˙ dza <’phra.rgyag>,58 lasso; ®˙-so [PFV/IMP] nt®æa dzi <’phra.brgyab>, last night; ndø-ntsæ|‰-nø <’phra.rgyob> <’di.ru.mtshan.nam> kidney; nt∆æi-l˙ 59 last year; në-¯˙ ; ’≥ë-lo kill; ≈se , [PFV/IMP] se sod>; t®i t®ë∆˙-k˙ se-së-ts˙ ‘The brown late; ntsæ˙ <’phyi> bear, Trashi killed it.’ later; in a while; ¯a-nd|˙-¯˙; t˙-kë-nd|˙-¯˙ kite; t∆æë laugh; gi ± ge kiss; æt∆i lay (bricks); Ùlë ± ‘lë, [PFV/IMP] Ùl‰ knead; z˙ . lay (eggs); ‘la knee; po-‘mo lay (carpets); nd‰ <’ding> [PFV/IMP] t‰ kneecap; po-‘mo ≥ë-du lead along; t∆æ˙ ; (lead the way) kneel; po-nd˙ ts˙ ; pond˙ l|ø-t∆æ˙ ts˙ ma-nd˙ ‘Don’t keep kneeling!’; leaf; në-lo ; (leaves with branches) pond˙ tæ˙r m˙-ts˙ ‘Kneel down!’ nb˙-lo ; tsëte ©‰-së-kë nëlo-ngo knife; lo-t∆˙ ; (long sword) pët∆æ˙ po-ja-t‰ ‘Sunlight came out, and ætsë-≈to the dew on the leaves disappeared.’ knock; ≈t˙ leak; ‘l˙; te zo≥ë te ‘l˙-k˙ ‘This pot is knot; nd˙-pë leaking.’ know; ∆i ; (be familiar with) lean on sth., recline supported by one t∆æ|ë-zi ; (be acquainted with, elbow; kæ‰ recognize) ≥o-∆i learn; ®ø60 know how; ∆i leave sth behind; l˙ ladder; (log-ladder) æk‰-nkæa ; leave unused or unconsumed, remain; Ùla (made of planks) dzë-æk‰ ; (remainder, leftover) Ùla-më ladle [N]; tæo-nb˙ ; (big ladle) l˙-tæø left-hand; zo-t∆˙

816

Phonological Profile of Zhongu leg; æk˙-wë ± ækø-wë living room; kø-kë leisure; have free time; kæø load [N]; Ù‰ ;64 (leather-string for leopard; Ùz˙ binding loads) Ù‰-ta leprosy; leper; ndze-wu load [VT]; ndÔ˙, [PFV/IMP] t∆˙ letter, writing; z˙-©e locative suffix; -no; ≥ë ‘lës|ë-no ©‰-¯˙ level; de t®æ˙ntu ndÔ|o-go ‘I came from Lhasa lick; da and will go to Chengdu.’ lid; kæë-le 61 lock [V]; Ùze; [N] Ùze-t∆ë lie (posture); (lie face down) së-nt∆æ˙-tse loft; attic; nkæø-æti ¯i ; (lie face up) log; Ùd˙-wa ; (small ones tsæ˙-dze-qe-tse ¯i used as firewood) du-l˙ lie (say falsehood); dz|î-ndzu long; r‰(-wu) life; ®u ; (life-span) tsæe look; ætë , [PFV] æt‰ , [IMP] lift; raise; ndzu <’gyog>, [PFV] tsa æti , [IMP] tsu loom; tæ|a-ntæa light [N]; (sunlight) tsë-te; (ray of light) loose; ‘le ; ‘lë-‘lë ætsi-ndë; (lamp) t˙-ndÔa lose (not win); ma-l‰ light (vs. heavy); zø-‘mo lose (cannot find); nbo <’bor>, [PFV] po light, kindle; ¯|e-dÔa;62 ¯|e-≈s˙ ; ≥ë gomo po-jë-ts˙ ‘I’ve lost the lightning; Ùlu ± kë money.’ like, love; gë ; ≥ë tsæo-së/ji gë-k˙ loud; æki æt∆a ;65 ki ntæo-nbo ‘I like you.’; ≥ë kæ˙kæë ndzo®ë nt∆æë gë-r˙ ‘I love to eat beef (of dzo) very louse; ∆˙ much.’ low; Ùmë(-më) (with suffix -më) lion; se-nge lower (head); g˙-g˙ lip; nt∆æ˙ ; (upper lip) zë-nt∆æ˙ lukewarm; t®o-nbo-t®o-Ùlu ; (lower lip) më-nt∆æ˙ lunatic; so-ro liquor; (fermented beer) t∆æø ; lunch; t®o-tsi (distilled) rë-k˙ ; pi-rë lungs; Ùlu ; Ùlo-pe maggot; ®ë-nb˙ ; (similar sp.) listen; n|a-¯‰ nb˙-na <’bu.nag> little, few; ¯˙-¯u ; ætsa magpie; kë-ækë66 live; dwell; Âa 63 maize; ji-m‰67 live, alive; ≈si-nbo make (food); li live charcoal; ¯e-ndÂu make tea; t∆|ë-bø livestock; ætë-zu make way; l|ø-æts˙ liver; t∆æ˙-nbë man (male person); zë-ri

817

Jackson T.-S. Sun mane; t∆o-Âa mind; lo manger; ætë-nkæë 68 mirror; me-lu manure; l˙ miss; t®‰ mare; go-më mix; ætse ; pæa¯i l˙¯‰ ætse-r‰ mark; æta tæ‰-së-t˙ ‘The pigs and sheep have market; ntsæu-rë become mixed together.’ marmot; tsæu moan; nkæ˙-nb˙ tse <’khun.?.byed> marrow; ækø mole (on body); ‘me-t˙ marry (a wife); p|a l‰ mole (animal); ts˙-lu marten; tsi-ngo-da monastery; ≈se-ækø ; go-nbë mask; ba-ngo <’bag.mgo> master, host; Ôe-da money; go-mo mat (bamboo); t∆ë-s˙ monk; ë-k˙ ; (young disciple) matter, affair; to-nda ; te-k˙ t®ë-wë ≥ë-j˙ tonda-ts˙ dz‰-t‰ ‘S/he told me a monkey; ∆ë-nd˙ ; (year of the thing.’ monkey) ∆˙-lo may, be allowed; t∆æë ± t∆æu month; dë-wë; dzë ; dëwë/dzë meadow; æpø Ù¯˙ ‘two months’ meal; zë-ntæu moon; dë-wë ; t˙ri ntsæ|‰nø dëwë measles; s˙ kæ˙kæë t∆æe-k˙ ‘The moon is very large measure; tsæe tonight.’ measure (grain with container); dÂu morning; në-≈a;70 (forenoon) ’≥ë-t®o meat; ®ë ; (spareribs) ®˙-ku ; (dried, salted meat) la-Âo69 morning star; Ùnø-lø-ækë-dÔi medicine; ‘m‰ meet; nt®æe <’phrad>, [PFV] t®æe mortar (for crushing substances in); su-qo (with suffix -qo) melt; Â˙ ; [VT] Â˙-k‰ mosquito; t∆æ˙-se merchant; kæe-wë moss; tæo-l˙; (hanging moss, beard lichen) method, solution; lo l˙-ma; (lichen on slippery rocks) middle; Â˙-æts˙ t∆æ˙-ma midnight; ntsæ‰-æts˙ ; moth; ndÂe-‘li-æt∆i <’dre.?.?> ntsæ‰-gi mother; ë-më milk [VT]; Âo , [PFV/IMP] Âi mount (horse); ndzi <’dzin> [PFV/IMP] zu milk; wa <’o.ma>; (mother’s milk) pa-pa mountain; r˙ ; (snow-capped mill; (watermill) t∆æ˙-nt∆æ˙ ; mountain; glacier) qø-r˙ (handmill) la-nt∆æ˙ mountain pass; lë-ngo ;

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dzë-ngo navel; umbilical cord; æti mountain ridge; r˙-ngo near; tæa-¯‰ mouse; tsu neck; qæe-t®˙ moustache; kæë-æp˙ necklace; æke-dÔi mouth; kæë ; (exterior opening) need; go-ti nt∆æ˙-to needle; kæi ; (large needle) bø-kæi move; shake; ndÔ˙ move sth to a different location; æpë negator; [IMPF] ¯˙- , [PFV/IMP] ; (move house) ækæø æpë ma- ; te go ¯˙-ntsæe-k˙ ‘S/he doesn’t open the door.’; te go much, many; mø(-wu) ; ma-tsæe-t‰ ‘(I saw that) S/he didn’t t∆æ˙-l‰; j˙-ækë open the door.’; go ma-ntsæe ‘Don’t mud; ndë-wa <’dam> (with suffix -wa) open the door!’ mudflow; t∆æ˙-ti ; së-t∆i neighbor; tsæ˙-ndzi muddy; ‘nu-po71 nephew; tsæu mule; t®˙ nest; tsæø-qo (with suffix -qo) multicolored; t∆æë-p|ë-le nettle; zë-lo muntjac; na-Ô˙ new, fresh; s˙-wa (with suffix -wa) mushroom; ®u ± ®i ; (wood-ear) new year; lo-së ë-ji-në-qe ; (Caesar’s next year; sø-¯˙ mushroom) pë-nde-se-rë; (matsutake niece; tsæë-mo mushroom) qæë-pa-®˙; (a kind of night; ntsæ‰-nø edible red mushroom) më-®ë nine; g˙ nineteen; t∆˙-g˙ musk; Ùlë-æts˙ ninety; g˙-t∆˙ musk deer; Ùla ; (male musk nipple; n˙-ngo deer) Ùlë-æts˙ nit; ∆˙-ætso myself [ADV]; ≥|ë-≥ë nod; ng|o-du nail (body part); si-rë nomad; ndÂo-æpë <’brog.pa> nail (tool); Ùze-r˙ (with suffix noise; ©˙ <’ur>; (make noise) t∆a-lo ts˙ -r˙) name; ¯i ; (house-name, family noodle soup; tsæa-qo (with suffix -qo) name) nkæø-¯i noon; ndzë-rë-kæë narrow, cramped; tu-‘mo ; (as nose; ‘në-ngo of roads) tu-‘mo; t®æë-©˙ ;72 te nostril; ‘në-≈u pæ˙ts˙ te kæ˙kæë tu‘mo-ts˙ r˙ ‘That now; të-j˙ ; ≥ë tëj˙ rëk˙ ntæu-do ‘I room is very cramped.’ am drinking liquor now.’ (just now) nauseate; s|˙-t®o t®o-t®o; t®ot®o ≥ë rëk˙ ntæu-kë te

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©‰-së-t‰ ‘I was drinking liquor jus now owe; s˙-nbë go when he came.’ owl; ©˙-w‰ <’ug.pa> numb; Ô˙ ≥ë æk˙wë Ô˙-k˙ ‘My pad; nd‰ <’ding>, [PFV/IMP] t‰ legs feel numb.’ paint; color; æts˙ number, digit; ë-ng˙ pair; t∆æë nun; t∆o-mo palate; zë-ngø oath; në ; (take an oath) në ts˙ palm (body part); ntæi-®a pan (for baking bread); ko-l‰ oats; pu-l˙ paper; ®u-®u object, thing; tsë-tso parasol, umbrella, canopy; Ùd˙ observe; ¯|o-l‰ parch; ≥o , [PFV/IMP] ≥i odor; t®˙-wa (with suffix -wa)73 <(b)rngos> often; Â|˙-k˙ parched barley flour; ætsë-nbë oil; (generic) ‘nu ; (vegetable oil) më-æk˙ parrot; ne-tso old (senile); g‰ ; l|o-l‰ part company; be separated; kæë-kæë ntæo old (used, stale); ¯˙-w‰ ; nde-k˙ te gagi-j˙ old person; (male) g‰-po ; kæëkæë ntæo-©ø t∆˙-j|a-ts˙ ‘He caused (female) g‰-mo this couple to get divorced.’ one; ≈ts˙ ; (in classifier phrases) paste [V]; ndzë <’byar> ka ± Ùa pasture; ætsë-së onyx (banded); Ùz˙ patch [N]; Ùl‰-nbë open [VT]; ntsæe;74 [PFV/IMP] tsæe pay back (loan); s˙-nb|ë Ô˙ ; tsæ˙nø-k˙ tu ta mø-k˙ këæku ts˙-tsæe ‘There is too much smoke in pea; æts‰-ndÔu the house, open the window a bit!’; peach; tæø-ts˙76 (open eye, mouth, openings of bags, peacock; tsë-më-®ë etc.) Ùdø ; kæë ma-Ùdø ‘Don’t peak; r˙-ngo-t®|˙-kæë open your mouth!’; (open umbrella) peck; gu pæi pebble; t∆æ˙-do other; ë-r|u-Ùë; s|ë-k˙ peel [VT]; Âu others; di-r|˙-Ùë75 peel off; kë-ja lø otter; ®ø pen in; d˙ otter-skin; ®ø-∆i penis; ndÔe ; dza outside, outdoors; tsæ˙-so ; person; human; ¯˙ tsæ˙so Ùnø nbi-l‰ ma-l‰ ts˙-k˙ ‘It’s pestle; tsæë-do raining outside.’ pheasant; r˙-te overflow; ‘lë phlegm; qæë-l˙

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu pick (flower); ntæ˙ <’thu>; tu pick up; d˙ plate; de-r˙ ; kë-de picture; photo; ≈pë plateau; tæø pickles; ’≥o play; ætse ; t®ë-la ts˙ pierce; ≈ë-≥˙ npæ˙ <’phig>, [PFV/IMP] plough [N]; ≈∆˙ pæ˙ ploughshare; ®a pig; pæa-¯i (with suffix -¯i ); plough [V]; Ùmo , [PFV/IMP] Ùmi (sow) pæi-g‰; (piglet) ë-gu pigsty; pæa-nkæø pockmarked person; ma-ts˙83 pigwash; pæa-t∆i point, tip, edge; ‘ne-kë pika (Ochotonidae); t®a-Ùze point at; ndz˙-t˙ ts˙ 77 pointed; ætsø-ndu pile [N]; nb˙-r˙78 poison; t˙ pile up; æpu polyp; ®ë-na pillar; ka poor; m‰-po ; te m‰po p˙-tæ‰ pillow; ngo-’≥‰ 79 ‘S/he has become poor.’ pimple; ‘r‰ pop; explode; pø pinch with fingernail; se-ndu ts˙ poplar; la-p˙; la-wu; dÔo porcupine; gø pinch and twist; se-ndu ≈t∆˙-t®˙ ts˙ pot; zo-≥ë ; (large pot) zø-d‰ pine; l˙-ts˙ potato; jø-ji84 pipe; ¯e-ng˙ pour (liquid) into container; l˙ 85 pit, grave; t®ë-qu; (site of pour out; dzu cremation)t˙-mi pour out completely; Ùzë pit, stone; ndÂ˙ <’bru>; (of peaches) power; Ùø qæø-lo prayer flag; ætë-æt∆u pitch (tent); npæi, [PFV/IMP] pæi pregnant; pæ|u nba 86 place; së-t∆ë press; Ùn‰ plains; flat ground; g˙-nø press (hide) to soften; ¯e ; plait; rw‰80 (wooden tool for pressing hide) ¯e-kø plait [V]; ‘lë ; [PFV/IMP] ‘l‰ 81 pretend; tsæe-k˙; nde ¯a¯u te tsæ|ek˙ placenta; Ùdi ≥˙-k˙ ‘This child is pretending to be plane (tool); pi-l‰ 82 crying.’ plant [V]; (sow seeds) ndi <’debs>, price; ku [PFV/IMP] ti ; (plant seedlings); prop; ≈t‰ ndz˙ <’dzugs>, [PFV/IMP] ts˙ property; dÔ˙

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Jackson T.-S. Sun protruding; nb˙-nb˙ <’bur.’bur>; gë-gë , [PFV] Ùnø pi proud; nbo-nbo ; Ùnø të tæo-s|ë-t‰ ‘The provoke; kæë ntsæë rain has stopped now.’ pry with lever; ka-l|ø ts˙ rainbow; ndÔë-tse <’ja.tshon?> puddle; t∆æ˙-qo (with suffix -qo) raise, feed; ≈so , [PFV/IMP] ≈si pull; tæ‰ pull up (e.g. weeds); nbi <’bal>, raise (hand); æke-æke [PFV/IMP] bi rake [N]; bë-rë ; ®ë-bë ; pull, drag; ndÂ˙ <’drud>, [PFV/IMP] t®˙ [V] bë-r|ë-ts˙ ; (harrowing rake withput teeth) ®a-Ùza pulse; ætsë rash; ndÂ˙-nb˙ <’brum.bu> purposive complementizer; -j˙; ≥ë t∆æø ray; ©i <’od> ntæu-j˙ ndÔo go ‘I want to go and drink read; nd‰ <’don>, [PFV/IMP] t‰ wine.’ reach out, extend; ætsu pus; na-qo (with suffix -qo) real; ≥o-më pustule; më-na receive; nt®æe <’phrod>, [PFV] t®æe88 push; ≈t‰ recognize; ≥o-∆i put; put aside for future use; ndÔu <’jog>, recompense; ndÔi <’jal> [PFV] Âa , [IMP] Âu recover from illness; (në-tsë) t®a put in order; d˙-s|u ts˙ put (object) into container; tsø; te-k˙ red; me-r˙ matæø kæë-nø m˙-tsø-t‰ ‘S/he put the reduce; lu candy into her/his mouth.’ regret; x˙-r|‰-sø put (clothing) on; put (soil) on; ngi;87 reheat; tsæë-nde ts˙ ; t®i [PFV/IMP] ki puttee; ¯ë-æt∆˙ rein; ntæ˙-ndë Qiang; r˙-wë reincarnated buddha; t®˙-æk˙ quarrel; ndze-‘mo ts˙ ; npæ|a-r‰ relation, relative; ®ë-ta ts˙ release;89 ≈tu , [PFV] tø quiet; qæ˙-r|a-ji-di quit; ≈t∆e religious doctrine; t∆æi rabbit; r˙-©u remember; s‰-nø |ë-nø rack on which harvested grain is placed to dry; rë-z˙ repair; t∆i rafter; Ùdu-∆i resin; tæø-t∆˙ rain; [N] Ùnø ; (rain coming rest [V]; ætso down on sunny day) t∆æë ; restaurant; zë-nkæø kë-nbi ; [V] Ùn|ø nbi return, give back; s˙-nbë Ô˙

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sbyin> rub (hide); z˙ rGyalrong; tsæë-kæo rub (skin); npæ˙ <’phur>, [PFV/IMP] pæ˙ ribs; æts˙-©˙ 90 rice; nd‰ <’bras> ruminate; Ùdi 93 rich; ®˙-po rummage; Ùlu94 ride; ndzi <’dzin>, [PFV/IMP] zu run; Ùdz˙ 91 rust; tsë ; [V] tsë t∆æa right-hand; t®ø-la92 rim; ntæë-©ë-Ôi row [V]; t®˙-dza rinse; ∆e sad; s‰-d˙ ring; æt∆˙-mø ; ndz˙-æt∆˙ saddle; ætë-gë saffron; k˙-ku me-tu ringworm; t®a salamander; t∆æ˙-Ô˙ ripe; s˙ saliva; kæë-t∆˙ rise (as of the sun); ®ë salt; tsæë river; t∆æ˙ ; ≥˙Ùa-k˙ dewë kæë©i salt; tsæë ©o≥˙t∆æ˙ r˙ ‘Below our village flows salty; tsæ|ë-qæë the Zhongu River.’ same; ≥˙-®˙-≥o-lo; ndÂë-ndÂë road; way; lø <’dra.’dra> roam; nt∆æø <’khyam> sand; ætsa; (fine sand) ætsa ætsë-nbë roast, bake, scald; ætsa rob; nt®æu <’phrog>, [PFV/IMP] t®æu sausage; Ùj˙95 saw [N]; su-le rock; cliff; t®a say, tell, speak; dzo , [PFV] dz‰ roll [VI]; nt®æa; gøwu sëætsë nt®æa-k˙ , [IMP] dzi ; te-k˙ ‘The ball is rolling on the ground.’ dzo-k˙ kø te tæor‰ ©u-r˙ dzo-kaÚ ‘S/he roll [VT]; gë-lu ts˙ ; says that (another) s/he will come ¯a¯u-k˙ gøwu sëætsë gëlu-ts˙-k˙ ‘The tomorrow.’; te piæki dzo ∆i-r˙ ‘S/he can child is rolling the ball on the ground.’ speak Tibetan.’ roll up; dÂ˙ scabies; ≥o roof (slab-covered roof); ndÔ˙ scallion; ë-tsu 96 room; pæ˙-ts˙ scar; më-dÔi root; ætsë-æko scatter; ≈to ; (become scattered, rope; tæë-≈a e.g. beads) ntæo <’tor> rosary; nt®æe-≥ë ± nt®æo-≥ë <’phreng.ba> scissors; nt∆æ‰-nbë rot; r˙ scold; npæa rough; rë-rë scrape; Âu round; Ùo-Ùo scratch to stop an itch; (∆˙)Ù‰;97 (as of a

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cow) nt®æ˙ <’phrug> seventeen; t∆i-di scratch; claw; Ù‰ seventy; d˙-ndÔ˙ scream; nb|ë-®o sever; Ùdë scrub; ©˙ sew, patch; ndÂ˙ <’drub>, [PFV/IMP] scythe; di-zo t®˙ ; bi sea; dÔë-ntsæo shadow, shade; t∆˙-so ; ©i search; tsæ˙ <’tshol> shake; quake; ndÔ˙ <’gul?>; së ndÔ˙-k˙ seat, mat; æt‰ ‘The earth is shaking.’ seat for higher-ups, throne; nt®æ˙ shake (head), sway; z˙ second day after tomorrow; ©i-¯˙ share, portion; æt∆i-la sharp; no ; no-nbo (with second day before yesterday; kæë-¯˙ te suffix -nbo) kæ|ë¯˙ sharpen; dë see; ntæu , r˙ ; ‘m‰-no shave; scrape; Âë t∆it∆o tu ¯˙-ntæu-k˙ ‘One can’t see she, he; te 100 anything in the fog.’ sheath (of knife); k˙-®˙ see off; s˙ sheep; l˙-¯‰ (with suffix -¯‰) seed; së-©‰ shin; ≥ë-du seep; æti shine; ®ë select; s˙ shoe, boot; ≈ø ; (worn by women) sell; ntsæu <’tshong>, [PFV/IMP] tsu nba-≈ø ; (Mongolian-style, ; ≥ë ætë¯i kæëætsø t|e-së tsu-së worn by men) su-≈ø ‘I sold the horse to him/her yesterday.’ shoot, throw; npæ‰ <’phen>, [PFV] npæø semen; kë-wu98 <’phangs> [IMP] pæu ; te send; æk˙ ©˙do npæ‰-¯˙ de-k˙ ‘S/he shoots send for help; r˙-pë ≥a slingshots well.’ separate; gi short; tæu ; (as of a person) sequentializer; clause linker; -¯˙; ≥ë (t∆æ˙-)t∆æu ‘lës|ë-no ©‰-¯˙ t®æ˙ntu ndÔ|o-go ‘I came shoulder; nt®æa-wë from Lhasa and will go to Chengdu.’ shoulder-blade; su-æpë serow (Capricornis sumatraensis); shout; nbe <’bod> kæë-dzë shrink; nkæu(-ndÔo) <’khum.(’gro)> servant; Ùlë-wë 99 shudder; ntsæa-ndë <’khyag.’dar> set (as of the sun); l|ë-æt∆u shun; Âë set fire to; ¯|e-ndÔ˙ , [PFV/IMP] shuttle; t∆o-to t∆˙ shrine; nt∆æi-ækø set out; ntsæa shy; ≥|o-tsæë seven; di sibling; (elder brother and younger sister)

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p˙-za ; (elder sister and younger slide; ÙdÔë brother) ¯i-ætsi slingshot; ©˙-do <’ur.do> sickle; zo-rë slip and fall; ÙdÔë side (of body); Ùl|o-no (with slippery; ÙdÔë locative -no) slow; ngo <’gor> sieve; tsæa-®u small; t∆æ˙-t∆æu sift; qa smallpox; t®˙-ndÂu silver; ≥˙ smear; æt∆˙ sinew, tendon; ®u; ætsë-®u smell [N]; t®˙-wa (with suffix -wa) sing; Ùl˙ l‰ ; ntsæe, [PFV/IMP] smell [V]; ‘nu 103 tsæe smith; ngë-rë sink; ndë; te dogu te ætsuæts|˙kë t∆æ˙-©i smoke [N]; tu ndë-p˙-tæ‰ ‘The stone quickly sank to smoke [V]; tæ‰ <’then> (= ‘to pull’) the bottom of the water.’ smooth; ze-æt∆a-re sister; pu-æp˙; (elder sister) ë-mi/ë-dë; snail; nb˙-za-©ë-r‰ <’bu.?> (younger sister) ætsi snake; Ô˙ ; (as in year-sign) dÂ˙ sit; nd˙ <’dug>, [PFV] d‰ , [IMP] di ; tæ|˙r˙ z˙/m˙-di; së-ki di ‘Sit snare; Ùlë-ta down!’ sneeze; ë-tæ˙ ∆ø ts˙ sit cross-legged; dzë-nd˙ snore; ≈˙-pë ts˙ sit on eggs; ru snot; ‘ni six; t®˙ snow; qæa ; r˙ngo qæa sixteen; t∆˙-t®˙ kæ˙kæë-ts˙ ntæ˙po ©‰-së-ts˙ ‘The snow sixty; t®˙-t∆˙ has piled quite high on the mountain skin; ®˙-nba ; ∆i ; ridge.’ (whole skin, fur) pa-æpa snub; ‘në-tø skin, flay; ngu <’gog>;101 [PFV/IMP] ku soak; bø soft; ¯ë-që; (soft and warm) ndÔë-nbo skin dirt; t®˙-wa (with suffix -wa) <’jam.po> skirt; t∆æ˙-ri 102 soldier, army; Ùma skull; ngo-t®˙ r˙-pë sole (of foot); ækø-qo (with sky; Ùnø ; Ùnø-no ∆˙ t∆æ˙l‰ nø-k˙ suffix -qo) ‘There are many clouds in the sky.’ solid; sturdy; ætsë-nde (with suffix slanting; zo ; z˙ -nde) sleep; go to bed; ¯i some; t∆æ|ë-ts˙ ;104 ¯˙-¯|u-ts˙ sleeping place; ¯i-së ; ë-nd|î-ts˙ sleet; t∆æ˙-më-qæa sleeve; npæ˙-ru son; p˙-tsë

825

Jackson T.-S. Sun son-in-law; ma-æpë sputum; qæë-l˙ song; Ùl˙ ; (love songs) lë-j˙ squat; æku-æku square; t®˙-Â˙ ; t®˙-Â˙-gë-le soon; t®˙-ke soot; æt®ë-æpë; (on ceiling) tu squeeze; ≈t∆˙ sore, boil; më-na squirrel; du-pæ‰-≥˙ ± du-pæ‰-©˙ soul; nø-∆i sound; dÂë stack up; ®a ; mate m˙-®a ‘Stack soup; tæø105 up the sacks.’ sour; s˙ ; s˙-mo ; stairs; æk‰ |ë-s˙-k˙ ‘Is it sour (mirative)?’; s˙mo stallion; ætë-≈si |ë-r˙ ‘Is it sour?’ stamp (foot); ækø-nt®æa-la-nt®æa spacious; së-≈ë le span; ntæo stand; lø ; l|ër˙ m˙/z˙-lø ‘Stand spark; ¯e-æta up!’; lø-di ‘Keep standing!’ sparrow hawk; t∆æë star; ækë-më ; t˙ri ntsæ|‰nø spatula; ku-t®æ|‰-t®æ‰106 ækëmë t∆æ˙l‰ ntæu-k˙ ‘Many stars can spear; ndu be seen tonight.’ speech; ≈tø startle; æt∆a spend; ≈tsa stay (= sit); nd˙ <’dug>, [PFV] d‰ spicy; tsæë; tsæë-nde (with suffix , [IMP] di -nde) stay overnight; Âa spider; pë-kø steal; æk˙ spin; nt∆æi; pi ntæa steam; lø-æpë spindle; npæø <’phang>; npæø-lo steelyard; dÔë-më <’phang.lo> steep; Ùzë spine; dÔi-ts˙ step; make a step; ækø æpi spittle; nt∆æ˙-wa (with suffix stepmother; më-zë -wa) stick, rod; la-to; (thick firewood stick) spleen; tsæe-æpë ∆i-tsu splinter; ®a-z˙ stick, paste; ndzë <’byar> split [VT]; ≈®a sticky; ndzë <’byar> spoon; tæø-qo (with suffix -qo) sting [V]; npæ‰, [PFV] pæ‰ spring; ∆˙-ækë stingy, narrow-minded; kæu-¯‰ sprinkle; t∆æ|˙-≈to sprout; come into bud; në-lo se stinky; t®˙-wa ≥‰ (with suffix ; nde jøji t˙Ùë no nëlo se-k˙ -wa), t®˙-wa a-bë/ë-Ùë (with ‘The potatoes have sprouted.’ suffix -wa)

826

Phonological Profile of Zhongu stir; æt∆˙ sulphur; m˙-z˙ stir-fry; ≈s˙ 107 summer; zë-ækë stirrup; ji-t∆‰ sun; ¯˙-wa (with suffix -wa); stomach; s‰-ækë ¯˙wa ‘l˙-së-ts˙ ‘The sun has come out.’ stone; do ; do-gu sunbathe; tsë-te109 ÙdÔ˙ stone resevoir beside water source; sunken, concave; qo-qo t∆æ˙-æk‰ sunlight; tsë-te; tsæo ®ë ker˙ z˙t∆æë-ts˙ stool; t∆u-tse tsëte ¯a nd‰ go-k˙ ‘You are too pale, story, folklore; kæë-æpe you need to get some sunlight.’ storey; -kæø supper; gu-tsi stove; tsi-ku swallow; ≈tu ,110 [PFV] tø straight; t®ø ; t®ø-‘mo swallow (bird); t∆ë-la t∆˙-lë strain, filter; tsa swear; take an oath; në ts˙ ; street; ki-®ø108 në ma-ts˙ ‘Don’t take an oath!’ strength; ∆i sweat; ¯i-t∆˙ stretch out; make taut; dzø ; sweep; ntsæa <’phyag>, [PFV/IMP] tsæa tæë≈a z˙-dzø ‘Stretch out the rope!’ ; ©˙ stride over; gø sweet; ≥ë-mo strike with palm; du swell; (become swollen) æt∆ø ; string (beads); dz˙ (expand) ndÂø <’grang>111 stroke; pat; touch; ra [PFV/IMP] swim; t∆æ˙-ætse ts˙ ra‘ sword; tsë-æto strong; ≥|ë-t∆æe tadpole; ¯˙-wa-ngo-do strong (as of liquor); gi-æpo (with suffix -wa)112 stupid; Ùl‰-do ; Ùl‰-nbë tael; ®ø tail; ≥a stutterer; kæ|ë-æk˙ ; æk˙-pë tailor [N]; zo-nkæ‰ ; zo-wë succeed; l|‰-ndÂ˙ tailor [V]; ndÂë <’dra> suck; nd‰ <’jib> take; l‰ , [PFV] lø , [IMP] suckle [VI]; n˙ ; [VT]; pa-pa ‘ni lu ; sëætsë gomo l|ër˙ l|u-xu ‘Pick up the money on the ground!’ suddenly; Ùlø-dzu k|˙-no take away by force; snatch; nt®æu (with locative -no) <’phrog>, [PFV/IMP] t®æu sugar; (brown sugar) bø-æts˙ take in (people needing food and ; (white sugar) ∆e këro lodging); adopt; t∆ø take off; take out (of container, of

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enclosure); npæ˙ <’phud>, [PFV/IMP] there; tø115 pæ˙ these; (dual) nd˙-©i ; (plural) take turns; æko-ætë-ts˙ li las> they; (dual) t˙-©i (with dual suffix talk, give a speech; ∆e -©i); (plural) t˙-Ùa (with plural tall; (as of people) t∆æe ; (as of suffix -Ùa) objects, buildings) ntæo thick (as of books; hair of head); ntæ˙-po tangka; tæø-æk˙ <’thug.po>; (as of ropes) bø ± target; nb‰ <’ben> bø-nbo ; (as of soup) tartar; so-t®a æts|˙-që-to tasty; Âu ; Â˙-nbo thief; æk˙-më tattered; ≈t®‰-ro thigh; lë-gø tax; t®æ‰ thimble; æt∆˙-mo tea; t∆ë ; (brick tea) t∆ë-dÔi thin (as of books); ætsi-©˙ (with tea-churner; t∆ë-ndu suffix -©˙); (as of ropes) t®æë-©˙ teach; ætsi (with suffix -©˙); (vs. fat) teacher; g‰-g˙n ®ë-¯e ; (watery) t∆æ˙-ætu teapot; ko-ndze113 ; ®˙-r˙ ®ë-rë tear; ≈t®‰ , [PFV/IMP] t®‰ think; ponder; ≈tse 114 think of, miss; t®‰ tears; Ù¯˙-nø t∆æ˙ thirsty; kæë-ækø tease (wool); si thirteen; t∆˙-≈su tell fortune; mo ndi , thirty; s˙-ndÔ˙ [PFV/IMP] mo ti this; nde <’di> temple; Ùnë-du this year; to-ts˙ ten; t∆˙-tæa-nbë thorn; tsæe-mo ten thousand; t®æ˙-tso those; t˙-Ùa (with plural suffix -Ùa) tender; ndÔë-nbo <’jam.po> thought; sø ; sø-t∆ø tendon; rtsë-®u thousand; ætu tent; k˙ ; b˙-kë ; (yak-hair thread; æts˙-ndÂ˙ ; (yarn) tent) bë-na æk˙-w‰ testicles; qæë-do threshold; go-d‰ tether; ndu <’dogs>, [PFV] ta , three; ≈su [IMP] tu throat; u-r˙

(with suffix -r˙); ¯a-qu than; so-no (with locative -no); t®æ˙nd˙ throw; dz|ë-≈tu ± dz|o-≈tu , dzënø-sono ¯a t®o-k˙ ‘Chengdu is a [PFV] tø little hotter than Songpan.’ thumb; ntæi-t∆i that; te thrush (bird); ndÔu <’jol.mo>

828

Phonological Profile of Zhongu thunder; ndÂ˙ <’brug>; nbëkæø ndÂ˙ trace; dÔi t∆a-t‰ ¯u-k˙ ‘It rarely thunders at track [N]; ækø-dÔi Ma’erkang.’ tread; ækø-z˙ , [PFV/IMP] thunderbolt; tæu ækø-zi Tibet; Tibetan; pi treasure; no-nbë Tibetan eared pheasant; tsë-jø tree; du tree trunk; du-∆i tick; se-të kë-le tremble; ndë <’dar> tie up, bind (people or animals); gu; (tie trivet; nkæo-æt∆u; (makeshift trivet up objects) Ùdø comprising three pieces of rock) pi-ku tiger; æta trough; water conduit; ©ë-tsu tight; t∆u; ≈t∆˙ trousers; ækø-‘nø time, watch; t˙-tsæe true; ≥o-më (with suffix -më) tin; Âë-¯i trunk; ®ø-ndz˙;118 (containing clothing) tinder; ¯e-b˙ ki-tsæ‰ tinderbox; ¯e-t∆ë tsampa; ætsë-nbë tired; æts|ë-nt∆æe ; tsampa dough; t®u (exhausted) ¯˙-l‰; ¯˙-l‰ ®u-≈t∆e turban; haircloth; ngo-æt∆˙ 119 toad; se-rë-qo (with suffix -qo) turn, spin; nkæo <’khor> tobacco, cigarette; tø turn around; tsæ˙-l|a ts˙ ;116tæë-ma-≈‰ turn corner; Ùë-rë nkæo today; t˙-ri turnip; lo-du;120 (turnip greens) lo-ka; together; ¿‰ (pickled turnip greens) lo-s˙ ; tomorrow; tæo-r‰ 117 (turnip tuber) lo-du tomorrow morning; tæo-r‰-në-≈a turquois; Ùj˙ ; tæo-r‰-zë-©ø tusk; so-nt∆æi twelve; t∆˙-¯i tomorrow night; tæo-r‰-ntsæ|‰-nø twenty; ¯˙-®˙ twenty-one; ¯˙-®˙-ætsa-ts˙ tongs; ækë-nbë tongue; ∆e twin; tsæi-≈so tonight; t˙-ri-ntsæ|‰-nø twist (two strands of yarn into one); dÔ˙ tool; la-t∆ë twist (towels); ≈t∆˙ tooth; so two; Ù¯˙ ; (in classifier phrases) torch; ¯e-dÔ˙ to torn (as of clothing); t®‰ ugly; go-¯‰ touch; æke uncle (maternal); a-Âø ±

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Âø-wu ; (paternal) ë-k˙ wages; Ùlë waist; æk˙-w‰ uncultivated land; gi wait; g˙ ; ndø g|˙-di ‘Wait here!’ under; ©|˙-no <’og> (with locative -no) wake up; si understand; ≈|ë-ko ; ≈ë |ë-ko-t‰ walk; ækø-t|ø ndÔo ‘Do you understand?’ wall; (earthern wall) tsø ; (plank undress; npæ˙ <’phud>, [PFV/IMP] pæ˙ wall) npæu-rë walnut; qæo-lo123 untie; [VT] ∆˙ ; [VI] Ô˙ want (to do sth); sø upper jaw; zë-ngø warm oneself by fire; ¯|e-nd‰ up, upwards; l|ë-r˙ 124 urine; ≈t∆i ; (urine and excrement) warm; (as of weather) t®o-tse de t∆æ˙-ætsa ; (feel warm) t®o-nbo urn; dzë-t˙ ; dzë-më use; ®˙-Âë wart; ndze-rë uvula; ∆e-ka wash; nt∆æ˙ <’khru(d)>, [PFV/IMP] t∆˙ valley; l˙-wë ; (gully) lu-≈˙ wasp; bee; bø-≥˙ vaporize; l|ø-nb˙ [PFV] l|ø-p˙; watch tower; nkæë dzët˙ kæële ki-xu m‰ t∆æø l|ø-nb˙ water-barrel; t∆æ˙-zo ; (its ndÔo-r˙ kø ‘Put the lid on the wine urn carrying strap) t∆æ˙-ta ; or the wine will vaporize.’ (support in the back) lë-x˙ vegetable garden; lo-Ôi 121 water; t∆æ˙ vein; la-ætsë wave [N]; t∆æ˙-®ë verandah; Ùd‰ we all; [INCL] a-Ùa; [EXCL] ≥˙-Ùa (with vermilion; ntsæi plural suffix -Ùa) vertical; æke-æke we two; [INCL] ë-©i; [EXCL] ≥˙-©i very; kæ˙-kæë; j˙-ækë(-ts˙) (with dual suffix -©i) village headman; official in general; wear, put on; ki ; (wear rings, ngo-t®˙ necklaces, etc.) tæu village; de-wë 122 weasel; ætse-æt˙ 125 vinegar; tsæu weather; Ùnø ; t˙ri Ùnø ¯˙-de-k˙ vital organs; nø-t∆˙ ‘The weather is not good today.’ voice; æki weave; ntæa <’thags>, [PFV] tæa, [IMP] vomit; s˙ ta vulture; tsë-gi wedge; tsæ˙ vulva; ¯ë-m˙ ; ÙÂø weed; ætsë-gi wade; t∆æ|˙ dÔi weep; ≥˙

830

Phonological Profile of Zhongu weigh, measure; tsæe outside.’ weld; bë window; kë-æku ; (large) west; n˙ pæu-≈ë; t®ë-m˙126 wet; Ùl‰-nbë wing; ®o-æpë what; t∆æ˙(-ts˙) winnowing basket; s˙; ntsæë wheat straw; su-z˙ ; (threshed winter; gi-ngë bran of this) pæe wipe; ntsæ˙ <’phyi>, [PFV/IMP] tsæ˙ wheat; t∆o wheel; nkæo-lo <’khor.lo> wire; æt∆a-æk˙ when (Q); nø ; t∆æ|a-ts˙-ki; te wisdom; lo t∆æ|ats˙ki ©u-r˙ ‘About what time will wither; j‰; metu j‰-së-ts˙ ‘The flowers s/he come back?’ have withered.’ where (Q); k|ø-no (with locative wok; ®a-l˙ -no) wolf; së-ng˙ whet, sharpen; dë woman; female adult; më-ri whey; të-rë ± të-r˙ womb; ¯i which; k|ø-te wood; ∆i whip [N]; la-®ë ; [V] ≈∆˙ wool; pi whirlpool; t∆æ˙-∆i woolen cloth; nt®æ˙ ;127 ≈ë-së128 whirlwind; tse-≈t∆˙ woolpecker; du-pæe-©˙ white; ke-r˙ work; l‰-ækë ; [V] l‰-ækë li who; s˙ wide; kæi-kæi t∆æe ; (as of clothing) worry; s‰-¯˙-de ts˙ kæi t∆æe ; (as of roads and worship; ndÔi rooms) Ôi t∆æe wound [N]; më-kë ; (be widow; z˙-sa-më wounded) më-kë npæ˙, [PFV] më-kë wife; më-ri pæ˙ wild ass (Equus kiang); æt∆ø wrap; dÂ˙ wild boar; pæa-gi wrinkle; ts˙-nb˙ wild cat; l˙-gi wrist; la-tsæ˙ wild duck; t∆æ˙-la write, draw; ndÂ˙ <’bri>, [PFV/IMP] t®˙ wild goat, bharal (Pseudois nahoor); ; ¯a¯u t®˙-j˙-te z˙©e r˙ ‘It was a rë-gi letter that the child wrote.’ willow; dÔ˙-wa; (willow twigs) dÔ˙-ta wrong; nu win; l‰ yak; Ùja ; (breeding yak) wind [V]; æt∆˙ Ùja-nt®æø ; (female) ndÂ˙ wind; Ùlu ; tsæ˙so Ùlu <’bri>; (wild yak) ndÂu <’brong> t∆o-¯|‰-ts˙-k˙ ‘The wind blows fiercely yarn; t®˙-©˙

831

Jackson T.-S. Sun yawn; Ùli ts˙ year after the next; ©i-lo year before the last; ’≥ë-lo-te-’≥ë-lo year; lo yeast (brewer’s yeast); pæi yell, cry out; t∆a-l|o-ts˙ yellow; se-r˙ yesterday; kæë-ætsø yeti, legendary wild man; na-j˙-gi yield; make way; l|ø-æts˙ ; te-së l|ø-æts˙ ‘Make way for him!’ yogurt; Âo ± ©o yoke; ¯ë-∆i yonder; pæ˙-©˙-tø you; tsæo ; (dual) tsæo-©i (with dual suffix -©i); (plural)tsæo-Ùa (with plural suffix -Ùa) young; l|o-t∆æu youngster; (male) pæo-së ; (female) mo-së Zhongu Valley; ©o-≥˙-kæu

832

Phonological Profile of Zhongu

Notes:

1 Amdo usage. The original meaning is ‘kind, type’. 2 Cf. Northern Qiang pat® ‘round object’. 3 Cf. Q—ug«u 曲谷 Qiang ‰-mi‰ (Huang Bufan, p.c.). 4 WT . 5 T|ongr|en (同仁 ) Amdo ta≥-ma . 6 Cf. Baima Tibetan kæa¡£-nd‰£∞. 7 Cf. Amdo ‘to boil (solid food). The Zhongu form violates expected correspondences. 8 WT ‘goods’; with semantic shift to ‘bovine’ as in Amdo and some Khams dialects. 9 As in Amdo; cf. WT . 10 From Chinese hu«op|en 火盆. 11 WT <’chad>; [PFV] . 12 WT [IMP] stem. Cf. WT [PFV] . 13 Cf. Northern Qiang påpå. 14 With optional suffix -ma. 15 Cf. variant form tsa-Ùlo-t∆I used in Layi village. 16 Standard WT ‘hinder part, rump’. 17 Amdo Xiahe (bLa.brang) t˚a≈. 18 From Chinese m«at|ang 馬糖 ‘horse-sugar’. 19 From Chinese m\uji\ang 木匠. 20 Also means ‘to jump’. 21 Literally ‘to cover up the head’, an idiom found also in Amdo. 22 The latter compound element occurs also in the word ntsæø-rë nb˙-lu ‘buttock cheek’. 23 A word found in many Tibetan dialects of the area. 24 Cf. ‘stove’ tsi-ku. 25 Also means ‘to hew’. 26 Cf. Daofu ˚æo≥tæu; Guiqiong ∆uø∞∞tu∞∞; Muya ˚ë∞∞to££; Caodeng rGyalrong t∆a≥tw‰÷; Zhongre rGyalrong ∆Ø≥twë÷. 27 Cf. WT . 28 Cf. Amdo Tibetan wot˙ . 29 Also means ‘pick up objects on the ground, tidy up’. 30 Probably a loan from Amdo; the expected native reflex would be *∆˙. 31 With suffix -wa; Cf. WT . 32 Suffixed form of . 33 Cf. Standard Tibetan ‘large-billed crow’. 34 Probably (‘hoarfrost-water’); Cf. WT ‘dew’; ‘hoarfrost’. 35 The initial correspondence is amiss. Cf. Southern Qiang ≈u££b壣. 36 Cf. Situ rGyalrong kæa; Caodeng rGyalrong qæë ‘dislike’. 37 WT , [PFV] of <’bab> ‘to descend’. The verb is invariant in Zhongu. 38 WT . The verb is invariant in Zhongu. 39 The first two syllables appear to mean ‘cuckoo’. 40 Cf. B—ath|ang 巴塘 (<’ba’.thang>) tæei¡£-kå∞∞.

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Jackson T.-S. Sun

41 This verb (WT ‘to gnaw’) is attested with the meaning ‘to eat’ in many other dialects of this area and Khams, including Baima, Zh—angl\a 漳臘 (), and Qiuji. 42 Cf. WT <’bud> ‘to fall down’. 43 Cf. WT ; but the expected reflex of -eb is -i. 44 Cf. Xiahe kæ˙r. 45 Cf. Caodeng rGyalrong kolev÷. 46 The probable source *phur is not attested with this meaning. 47 Cf. WT . 48 Wrong rhyme for WT . 49 Cf. nkha≥. attested in the Amdo variety of Zangs-dkar Township, Hongyuan County (Hua 2002:213), but *nkæa≥ would have yielded *nkæø in Zhongu. 50 Cf. Xiahe ∆˙. 51 The word usually means ‘to raise; to feed’ in Tibetan. 52 Cf. WT <’khar.rnga>. 53 Cf. WT , an Indic loan. 54 Cf. WT <’di-ru>. 55 The first syllable is a morpheme denoting ‘round object’, cf. Northern Qiang q˙ ‘head; round obejct’. 56 From Chinese l\aji—ao 辣椒. 57 Cf. WT <’khyags.rom>; Xiahe t˚æakrom; the Zhongu form bears general resemblance to the above but the vowel correspondences are wrong. 58 With instrumental suffix -k˙. 59 Other Tibetan dialects usually show -ma suffix. 60 Probably a loan from Chinese xu|e 學. 61 As in Amdo. 62 Cf. Xiahe ædÔon . 63 Cf. WT ‘to stay overnight’. 64 Cf. Xi|am\an Amdo Ùa. 65 The second morpheme means ‘to be big’. 66 Cf. WT . 67 From dialectal Chinese y\um\ai 玉麥. 68 Cf. Xiahe . 69 From Chinese l\ar\ou 臘肉. 70 Cf. Xiahe ‘tomorrow’; WT ‘morning’. 71 Cf. WT . 72 WT ‘thin; slender’. 73 Cf. in other Tibetan dialects. 74 The would-be source of this imperfective form *’phye is unattested. Cf. WT <’byed> 75 Cf. Xiahe æde ‘others’. 76 From Chinese t|aozi 桃子. 77 The second syllable probably means ‘to enter hole; to insert’. 78 WT <’bur> ‘protuberance’.

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Phonological Profile of Zhongu

79 WT and other modern dialects show a different morpheme order . 80 Cf. Xiahe rawa. 81 An ancient alternant of the verb , of which only the perfective stem is found in WT. Cf. Xiahe æla. 82 Cf. WT <’bur.len>. 83 From Chinese m|azi 麻子. 84 From Chinese y|angy\u 洋芋. 85 Invariable verb, from WT ([PFV/IMP] ) ‘to pour’. 86 With the existential verb nba (q.v.). 87 From *ngon; cf. WT . 88 From *phrod. 89 The verb also occurs as main verbs in words meaning ‘to piss’ ‘to defecate’, as well as innovatively ‘to swallow’. 90 Identical to Xiahe æts˙©˙; WT . 91 Semantic extension from ‘to catch’. 92 Cf. Guiqiong t®u~壡la∞∞. 93 Possibly a secondarily differentiated form based on di ‘to chew’. 94 Cf. WT ‘to turn upside down’, but the initial correspondence is wrong. 95 Xiahe æje ‘a kind of sausage’, for which the non-standard written form is offered in Hua and Longbojia 1993:522. 96 From Chinese c—ong 蔥. 97 Cf. Xiahe Ùar. 98 Not a reflex of WT . 99 Cf. WT ‘day laborer’. 100 Demonstrative ‘that’. 101 Cf. Xiahe ngo≈; Balti kok ‘to pull off, strip’ (Sprigg 2002:92); WT <’gog> means ‘to snatch away’. 102 Cf. Xiahe t∆æ˙ri. 103 Cf. Xiahe æn˙m < *snum; WT . 104 Same as in Amdo. 105 A loan from Chinese t—ang 湯. 106 From dialectal Chinese gu—och«anchan 鍋鏟鏟. 107 WT ‘to whirl’; Cf. Caodeng rGyalrong ≈s˙r ‘to stir-fry’. 108 Probably from Chinese ji—esh\ang 街上. 109 This word means ‘sunlight’. 110 Semantic shift from original meaning ‘to let in’. 111 Semantic shift from original meaning ‘to be full’. 112 Literally ‘bald sun’. 113 Probably from Chinese gu\anzi 罐子 ‘jar’. 114 Cf. Xiahe stem alternants [IMPF] <’dral>; [PFV] ; [IMP] . 115 Cf. Xiahe t˙-na . 116 Possibly an Amdo loan; cf. Xiahe tø.

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Jackson T.-S. Sun

117 The word means ‘daybreak’ in WT. The innovative sense of ‘tomorrow’ is also found in certain Amdo dialects, e.g. Hongyuan. 118 From Chinese xi—angzi 箱子. 119 Same as in Xiahe. 120 WT . 121 The first syllable comes from lo-du ‘turnip’. 122 Innovated meaning, also used in Amdo, of WT ‘tribe’. 123 A widespread Qiangic word, cf. Situ rGyalrong Ôgo-lo; Guiqiong kæ~u£¡l~u∞∞; Shixing qæa££ra∞£; Lyusu kæa£∞e ∞£; Namuzi qæa££la∞∞. 124 WT . 125 WT 126 Found in many Amdo varieties, e.g. T|ongr|en t®ama. 127 The form may preserve ancient prenasalization not seen in the standard written form. Cf. A\îk\e Amdo mt®æuk. 128 Cf. Xiahe hasæa≈.

836