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Us Department of the Treasury
2/12/2021 United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order | U.S. Department of the Treasury U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY United States Targets Leaders of Burma’s Military Coup Under New Executive Order February 11, 2021 Washington – Today, the Biden administration launched a new sanctions regime in response to the Burmese military’s coup against the democratically elected civilian government of Burma. In coordination with the issuance of a new Executive Order (E.O.), the U.S. Department of the Treasury designated, pursuant to that E.O., 10 individuals and three entities connected to the military apparatus responsible for the coup. The United States will continue to work with partners throughout the region and the world to support the restoration of democracy and the rule of law in Burma, to press for the immediate release of political prisoners, including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, and to hold accountable those responsible for attempting to reverse Burma’s progress toward democracy. These sanctions specifically target those who played a leading role in the overthrow of Burma’s democratically elected government. The sanctions are not directed at the people of Burma. “As the President has said, the February 1 coup was a direct assault on Burma’s transition to democracy and the rule of law,” said Secretary Janet L. Yellen. “The Treasury Department stands with the people of Burma — and we are doing what we must to help them in their eort to secure freedom and democracy.” “We are also prepared to take additional action should Burma’s military not change course. -
↓ Burma (Myanmar)
↓ Burma (Myanmar) Population: 51,000,000 Capital: Rangoon Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Trend Arrow: Burma received a downward trend arrow due to the largest offensive against the ethnic Karen population in a decade and the displacement of thousands of Karen as a result of the attacks. Overview: Although the National Convention, tasked with drafting a new constitution as an ostensible first step toward democracy, was reconvened by the military regime in October 2006, it was boycotted by the main opposition parties and met amid a renewed crackdown on opposition groups. Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party, remained under house arrest in 2006, and the activities of the NLD were severely curtailed. Meanwhile, a wide range of human rights violations against political activists, journalists, civil society actors, and members of ethnic and religious minority groups continued unabated throughout the year. The military pressed ahead with its offensive against ethnic Karen rebels, displacing thousands of villagers and prompting numerous reports of human rights abuses. The campaign, the largest against the Karen since 1997, had been launched in November 2005. After occupation by the Japanese during World War II, Burma achieved independence from Great Britain in 1948. The military has ruled since 1962, when the army overthrew an elected government that had been buffeted by an economic crisis and a raft of ethnic insurgencies. During the next 26 years, General Ne Win’s military rule helped impoverish what had been one of Southeast Asia’s wealthiest countries. The present junta, led by General Than Shwe, dramatically asserted its power in 1988, when the army opened fire on peaceful, student-led, prodemocracy protesters, killing an estimated 3,000 people. -
A Comparative Study of Amitav Ghosh's the Glass Palace
An Open Access Journal from The Law Brigade Publishers 127 A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF AMITAV GHOSH’S THE GLASS PALACE AND SUDHA SHAH’S THE KING IN EXILE Written by Akarshak Bose* & Dr. V Rema** * 4th Year B Tech CSE Student, SRM Institute of Science and Technology, Ramapuram, Chennai, India ** Professor and HoD Department of English and Other foreign languages SRM Institute of Science and Technology, Ramapuram ABSTRACT The present study is a comparison between The Glass Palace by Amitav Ghosh and The king in exile by Sudha Shah. Both of them deals with the similar historical plot and shares common places. The Royal Family of Burma King Thibaw , who used to have the unchallenged power of life and death over the Burmese people are now living exile. They have to get approval from the British on every personal matter of their lives. The life in exile was extremely strange and frustrating for the once most powerful family of Burma. The present study also deals with how situation changes and people’s responses or readiness to accept the changes. The Central Character of The Glass Palace Rajkumar when came to Mandalay he had nothing , created an empire of timber and later on he left as a refugee when Japanese invaded their Country, whereas being the king of Burma, when he lost his kingdom to British and deported to India , he was forced to comply with little earning. This comparison in being set up on the grounds of Common places, Common plots and common themes between the two books. Keywords- Amitav Ghosh, Sudha Shah, King Thibaw, Burma, Mandalay, Exile INTRODUCTION The comparative study, between the glass palace by Amitav Ghosh and the king in exile by Sudha Shah shared several things in common. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
(BRI) in Myanmar
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 22 | November 2019 Selling the Silk Road Spirit: China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar Key points • Rather than a ‘grand strategy’ the BRI is a broad and loosely governed framework of activities seeking to address a crisis in Chinese capitalism. Almost any activity, implemented by any actor in any place can be included under the BRI framework and branded as a ‘BRI project’. This allows Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and provincial governments to promote their own projects in pursuit of profit and economic growth. Where necessary, the central Chinese government plays a strong politically support- ive role. It also maintains a semblance of control and leadership over the initiative as a whole. But with such a broad framework, and a multitude of actors involved, the Chinese government has struggled to effectively govern BRI activities. • The BRI is the latest initiative in three decades of efforts to promote Chinese trade and investment in Myanmar. Following the suspension of the Myitsone hydropower dam project and Myanmar’s political and economic transition to a new system of quasi-civilian government in the early 2010s, Chinese companies faced greater competition in bidding for projects and the Chinese Government became frustrated. The rift between the Myanmar government and the international community following the Rohingya crisis in Rakhine State provided the Chinese government with an opportunity to rebuild closer ties with their counterparts in Myanmar. The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) was launched as the primary mechanism for BRI activities in Myanmar, as part of the Chinese government’s economic approach to addressing the conflicts in Myanmar. -
China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette?
CHAPTER 4 China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette? Hossain Ahmed Taufiq INTRODUCTION It is no secret that both China and India compete for superpower standing in the Asian continent and beyond. Both consider South Asia and Southeast Asia as their power-play pivots. Myanmar, which lies between these two Asian giants, displays the same strategic importance for China and India, geopolitically and geoeconomically. Interestingly, however, both countries can be found on the same page when it comes to the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. As the Myanmar army (the Tatmadaw) crackdown pushed more than 600,000 Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi’s government was vociferously denounced by the Western and Islamic countries.1 By contrast, China and India strongly sup- ported her beleaguered military-backed government, even as Bangladesh, a country both invest in heavily, particularly on a competitive basis, has sought each to soften Myanmar’s Rohingya crackdown and ease a medi- ated refugee solution. H. A. Taufiq (*) Global Studies & Governance Program, Independent University of Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2019 81 I. Hussain (ed.), South Asia in Global Power Rivalry, Global Political Transitions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7240-7_4 82 H. A. TAUFIQ China’s and India’s support for Myanmar is nothing new. Since the Myanmar military seized power in September 1988, both the Asian pow- ers endeavoured to expand their influence in the reconfigured Myanmar to protect their national interests, including heavy investments in Myanmar, particularly in the Rakhine state. -
The Glass Palace
HISTORY PROJECT “To use the past to justify the present is bad enough—but it’s just as bad to use the present to justify the past.” — Amitav Ghosh, The Glass Palace Srijon Sinha Class XI-H1 – The Shri Ram School, Moulsari THE GLASS PALACE WRITTEN BY AMITAV GHOSH TABLE OF CONTENTS Research Question .......................................................................... 2 Abstract ....................................................................................... 2 Reason for choosing the topic ......................................................................2 Methods and materials ...............................................................................2 Hypothesis ..............................................................................................2 Main Essay .................................................................................... 2 Background and context .............................................................................2 Explanation of the theme ...........................................................................3 Interpretation and analysis .........................................................................5 Conclusion .................................................................................... 5 Bibliography ................................................................................. 6 1 RESEARCH QUESTION What are the historical, cultural and political forces that shape the progression of the plot, the characters, their actions, and furthermore, how do the -
Regional Reverberations from Regime Shake-Up in Rangoon.Qxd
Asia-PacificAsia-Pacific SecuritySecurity SStudiestudies RegionalRegional ReverberationsReverberations fromfrom RegimeRegime Shake-upShake-up inin RangoonRangoon Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Volume 4 - Number 1, January 2005 Key Findings The reverberations from the recent regime shake-up in Rangoon continue to be felt in regional capitals. Since prime minister Khin Nyunt was the chief architect of closer China-Burma strategic ties, his sudden removal has been interpret- ed as a major setback for China's strategic goals in Burma. Dr. Mohan Malik is a Professor with the Asia-Pacific Center for However, an objective assessment of China's strategic and eco- Security Studies. nomic needs and Burma's predicament shows that Beijing is His work focuses main- unlikely to easily give up what it has already gained in and ly on Asian Geopolitics through Burma. From China's perspective, Burma should be and Proliferation in Asia-Pacific region. His satisfied to gain a powerful friend, a permanent member of the most recent APCSS UN Security Council, and an economic superpower that comes publication is “India-China Relations: bearing gifts of much needed military hardware, economic aid, Giants Stir, Cooperate infrastructure projects and diplomatic support. and Compete ” The fact remains that ASEAN, India and Japan cannot compete with China either in providing military assistance, diplomatic support or in offering trade and investment benefits. With the UN-brokered talks on political reconciliation having reached a dead end, it might be worthwhile to start afresh with a dia- logue framework of ASEAN+3 (ASEAN plus China, India and Japan) on Burma. This would also put to test China's oft-stated commitment to multi- lateralism and Beijing's penchant for "Asian solutions to Asian problems". -
Myanmar's Security Outlook and the Myanmar Defence Services
CHAPTER 7 Myanmar’s Security Outlook and the Myanmar Defence Services Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction: Elected civilian government and the military in politics There were expressions of disappointment and even outright condemnation by the West and opposition groups that viewed the 7 November 2010 elections, held under the auspices of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as neither free nor fair as well as lacking inclusiveness. Allegations of votes being manipulated in favour of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP that was transformed from the military-sponsored Union Solidarity and Development Organization, led by former prime minister and retired general U Thein Sein), the boycott of National League for Democracy (NLD, which convincingly won the 1990 election and whose leader Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was still under house arrest had refused to re-register for competing in the polls) and complaints of unfair election laws tarnished the victory of the USDP which won overwhelmingly. By winning over 79 percent of the contested seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Assembly or lower house of parliament) and nearly 77 percent in the Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly or upper house of parliament) at the national level and substantially (majority party in all seven states and seven regions) at the provincial level, the USDP was in a position to form the Union Government as well as the respective Region/State Governments. Though the Chairman of the SPDC Senior General Than Shwe and the Vice Chairman -
Theocracy Metin M. Coşgel Thomas J. Miceli
Theocracy Metin M. Coşgel University of Connecticut Thomas J. Miceli University of Connecticut Working Paper 2013-29 November 2013 365 Fairfield Way, Unit 1063 Storrs, CT 06269-1063 Phone: (860) 486-3022 Fax: (860) 486-4463 http://www.econ.uconn.edu/ This working paper is indexed on RePEc, http://repec.org THEOCRACY by Metin Coşgel* and Thomas J. Miceli** Abstract: Throughout history, religious and political authorities have had a mysterious attraction to each other. Rulers have established state religions and adopted laws with religious origins, sometimes even claiming to have divine powers. We propose a political economy approach to theocracy, centered on the legitimizing relationship between religious and political authorities. Making standard assumptions about the motivations of these authorities, we identify the factors favoring the emergence of theocracy, such as the organization of the religion market, monotheism vs. polytheism, and strength of the ruler. We use two sets of data to test the implications of the model. We first use a unique data set that includes information on over three hundred polities that have been observed throughout history. We also use recently available cross-country data on the relationship between religious and political authorities to examine these issues in current societies. The results provide strong empirical support for our arguments about why in some states religious and political authorities have maintained independence, while in others they have integrated into a single entity. JEL codes: H10, -
Thai-Burmese Warfare During the Sixteenth Century and the Growth of the First Toungoo Empire1
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century 69 THAI-BURMESE WARFARE DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND THE GROWTH OF THE FIRST TOUNGOO EMPIRE1 Pamaree Surakiat Abstract A new historical interpretation of the pre-modern relations between Thailand and Burma is proposed here by analyzing these relations within the wider historical context of the formation of mainland Southeast Asian states. The focus is on how Thai- Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century was connected to the growth and development of the first Toungoo empire. An attempt is made to answer the questions: how and why sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare is distinguished from previous warfare, and which fundamental factors and conditions made possible the invasion of Ayutthaya by the first Toungoo empire. Introduction As neighbouring countries, Thailand and Burma not only share a long border but also have a profoundly interrelated history. During the first Toungoo empire in the mid-sixteenth century and during the early Konbaung empire from the mid-eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, the two major kingdoms of mainland Southeast Asia waged wars against each other numerous times. This warfare was very important to the growth and development of both kingdoms and to other mainland Southeast Asian polities as well. 1 This article is a revision of the presentations in the 18th IAHA Conference, Academia Sinica (December 2004, Taipei) and The Golden Jubilee International Conference (January 2005, Yangon). A great debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond, Professor John Okell, Sarah Rooney, Dr. Michael W. Charney, Saya U Myint Thein, Dr. Dhiravat na Pombejra and Professor Michael Smithies. -
Vice-Senior General Soe Win Attends 74Th Union Day Celebrations in Nay Pyi Taw
ACT NOW TO MAKE BETTER MANAGEMENT OF CLIMATE CHANGE-INDUCED HEALTH RISKS PAGE-8 (OPINION) NATIONAL NATIONAL Pilgrims make meritorious deeds at Local inmates, foreigners released from prisons, jails pagodas of regions, states under State Pardon Order PAGE-4 PAGE-5 Vol. VII, No. 303, 2rd Waxing of Tabodwe 1382 ME www.gnlm.com.mm Saturday, 13 February 2021 Vice-Senior General Soe Win attends 74th Union Day celebrations in Nay Pyi Taw ice-Chairman of State unity, and perpetuation of na- Administration Council tional sovereignty; To nurture V and Deputy Command- and develop new generations er-in-Chief of Defence Services endowed with high skills and Vice-Senior General Soe Win capabilities imbued with strong took part in the celebrations of Union spirit. 74th anniversary of Union Day The flag-hoisting and sa- in Nay Pyi Taw yesterday. luting ceremonies took place at The Union Day message 5:30 am in the presence of ethnic from the Chairman of State Ad- national people, civil service per- ministration Council and Com- sonnel, members of civil society mander-in-Chief of Defence Ser- organizations and invited guests, vices Senior General Min Aung together with the ceremonial Hlaing was read by Vice-Senior Honour Guard Troop. General Soe Win at the flag-hoist- The ceremonies were also ing and saluting ceremonies held attended by Union Ministers, in front of Nay Pyi Taw City Hall. Union Attorney-General, Audi- The 74th Union Day was tor-General of the Union, Nay organized this year with the ob- Pyi Taw Council Chairman, sen- jectives: To work on