University of Faculty of Arts and Humanities Pluringual and Intercultural Studies Department of Anglophone Studies

CHILD MARRIAGE AND GIRLS IN THE REGION: AN ANALYSIS OF GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE

Presented by: RADESA André Hugues Diallo Date of defense: Wednesday 14th August 2019 Mémoire de Master II

Academic Year: 2018-2019 Under the Supervision of Dr. Zoly Rakotoniera

DEDICATION To those working on behalf of children‟s gender issues particularly gender-based violence.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the FIFAHO Association in Ihosy and its entire staff for sharing valuable information regarding gender-based violence.

I am also grateful to the lecturers at the English Department for their kind guidance particularly Dr. Casey Woodling, serving as a co-supervisor for this work.

I deeply give thanks my family and friends for their admirable support. I am most grateful to my close friend, confidant, and wife Ravelotsoanirina

Nathalie Irène for her moral support through the years.

I am additionally grateful to interviewees and communities within the districts of Ihosy in the research sites for their contribution to the current research.

I additionally wish to give thanks to different people who shared their knowledge, perspectives, and experiences with me. Particular thanks go to Dr.

Zoly Rakotoniera who serves as a supervisor for her support and participation in the process of guiding me in the right path of this study and her insightful comments and experience as a passionate advocate of gender studies.

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ABBREVIATIONS

ACRWC African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women CSB Centre de Santé de Base (Basic Community Health Centre) CEG College d‟Enseignement General (Middle School) CISCO Scholar districts (Circonscription Scolaire) CEPAV Cellules de Prise en Charge des Adolescentes Victimes (Cells for the Care of Adolescent Victims) CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child DHS Demographic and Health Survey GBV Gender-Based Violence MINJUS Ministry of Justice NGO Non Governmental Organization PNC Prenatal Consultation PISSCA Projets Innovant des Sociétés Civiles à (Innovative Civil Society Projects in Madagascar) UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child UNFPA The United Nations Population Fund UNDP United Nations Development Programme USAID The United States Agency for International Development UNICEF United Nations Children‟s Fund UN United Nations FIFAHO Fikambanana Fampandrosoana an‟i Horombe (Association for the Development of Horombe region) FGD Focus Group Discussion FAO Food and Agricultural Organization

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List of Tables

Table 1. Key informants at FIFAHO Association‟s Headquarter in Ihosy ...... 15 Table 2. Key informants for FGDs in the rural commune of ...... 16 Table 3. Key informants for in-depth Interviews in the rural commune of Ankily ...... 16 Table 4. Key informants in the Urban commune of Ihosy ...... 16 Table 5. Percentage of early pregnancy among teenage girls under 18 years old in 8 communes in the Districts of Ihosy during the school year 2016 – 2017 according to PNCs (Prenatal Consultations) ...... 32 Table 6. Percentage of first PNCs among girls under 18 years old in the region in 2016 (January-December) ...... 33 Table 7. High prevalence of pregnancies and childbirths among Bara teenage girls ...... 54 Table 8. Public Institutions involved in the elimination of child marriage ...... 70

List of Picture Picture 1 Map showing the delimitation of the Bara territory ...... 13 Picture 2. Sensitizing campaign of teenage middle school students in Ihosy by FIFAHO ...... 66

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ABSTRACT

According to UNFPA‟s surveys in 2012, the United Nations Population Fund, Madagascar is among the African countries that have the highest rates of female child marriage in the world with 49 percent of women aged 20 to 24 married before their 18th birthday and 447, 000 Malagasy women aged 20 to 24 were victims of this harmful practice in 2010. This dissertation aims at studying the particularities of child marriage as a form of gender-based violence in the Bara region in the southern part of the Island. Thus, this study focuses mainly on the analysis of background and manifestations of this social issue in its cultural, social, and economic aspects.

It shows the current state of gender-based violence among the Bara ethnic group as a community practice rooted in social norms. For this reason, we have focused our research on deep investigations of norms and stereotypes set up by the society as a driver of child marriage in order to suggest general policy recommendations to eliminate this practice.

To do this, we decided to make an analysis that is meant to explore child marriage as result of gender inequality and gender-based violence. As a result, we will use feminist theories to better understand the nature of gender inequalities observed in child marriage. Through these methods and theories we explain how Bara teenage girls aged „‟13-17‟‟years old are forced to child marriage, become victims of gender-based violence, experience early pregnancy, and face low school attendance.

Our results provide evidence that the practice of child marriage is harmful to Bara teenage girls given that not only it is proved as a form of gender-based violence, but it also violates their basic rights to have a better future and to enter marriage consentingly.

Keywords: child marriage, practice, gender-based violence, norms, theory

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RESUME

D‟après une étude menée par l‟UNFPA, Fonds des Nations Unies pour la Population en 2012, la grande île figure parmi les pays Africains recensés ayant un haut taux de prévalence de 49 pourcent du mariage des enfants parmi les femmes âgées de 20 à 24 ans mariées avant l‟âge de 18 ans. Cela s‟ajoute au nombre de 444, 000 femmes Malgache âgées 20 à 24 ans victimes de cette pratique néfaste en 2010.

Ce mémoire a pour objectif d‟étudier les particularités du mariage des enfants comme étant une forme de violence fondée sur le sexe chez l‟ethnie Bara dans la partie sud de la grande ile. Ainsi, cette étude se concentre sur une analyse du fond et des manifestations de ce fléau social tout en étudiant ses aspects culturels et socio-économiques.

Il essayera de montrer l‟état actuel de la violence fondée sur le sexe parmi la communauté Bara comme étant une pratique collective encrée sur des normes de la société. En effet, nous avons focalisé notre recherche par des investigations de ces normes et stéréotypes mis en place par la société comme étant des facteurs majeures favorisant le mariage d‟enfant afin de proposer des stratégies adéquats pour éradiquer ce fléau. . En entrant sur le vif du sujet, nous avons décidé de faire une analyse qui est censée d‟explorer le mariage des enfants comme étant une forme d‟inégalité de genre et violence fondée sur le sexe. En conséquence, nous emploierons des théories féministes pour mieux cerner les problèmes d‟inégalités de genre observées chez le mariage des enfants. Par ces méthodes et théories, nous avons expliqué comment les adolescentes de la région Bara âgées de 13 à 17 ans sont devenues victimes de la violence fondée sur le sexe, font face à la grossesse précoce, et l‟abandon scolaire précoce.

Nos résultats fournissent des preuves que la pratique du mariage des enfants est préjudiciable pour les adolescentes Bara non seulement il est prouvé comme étant une forme de violence basée sur le sexe mais aussi il est considéré comme une atteinte à leurs droits fondamentaux en ce qui concerne leur avenir afin qu‟elles puissent se marier à des personnes qu‟elles souhaitent fonder une famille en toute sécurité et sans contrainte.

Mots clés : mariage des enfants, pratique, violence fondée sur le genre, normes, théories

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FINTINA

Isan‟ireo firenena Afrikanina manana ny taha ambony amin‟ny fampanambadian- jaza ny firenena Malagasy araka ny fanadihadiana nataon‟ny UNFPA tamin‟ny taona 2012. Izany taha izany dia 49 isan-jato hita tamin‟ireo vehivavy 20 ka hatramin‟ny 24 taona nanambady mialohan‟ ny 18 taona. Iharan‟ity fomba mandratra ity ireo vehivavy miisa 444, 000 20 ka hatramin‟ny 24 taona nanambady mialohan‟ ny 18 taona ny taona 2010.

Ity asa fikarohana ity dia mikendry ny handinika manokana ny fampanambadian- jaza tsy ampy taona amin‟ny maha herisetra mifototra amin‟ny maha lahy sy maha vavy azy. Noho izany, dia miompana indrindra amin‟ny fandalinana lalina ireo singa fototra mahatonga ny fampanambadian-jaza hahazo vahana sy ny fivelaran‟izany any amin‟ny faritra Bara any amin‟ny tapany atsimon‟ny nosy iny ity asa fikarohana ity.

Notrandrahina tao anatin‟izany ireo zava-misy ankehitriny ara-kolontsaina, sosialy sy toekarena mety hisy hifandraisany amin‟ity endrika fampanambadiana ity. Izany dia natao mba handalinana ny herisetra mifototra amin‟ny maha lahy sy maha vavy sy ireo lamina napetrakin‟ny fiarahamonina. Noezahina naroso ihany koa ireo vahaolana mahomby entina hiadiana amin‟ity olana ara-tsosialy lehibe ity.

Nisafidy ny hampiasa ny haitsikera féministes ity asa fikarohana ity mba ahafahana mandalina ireo olana fototra momba tsy fitoviana hita eo amin‟ny maha vavy sy maha lahy. Nohazavaina tamin‟ny alalan‟ireo fomba fiasa sy haitsikera ireo ny antony mahatonga ny herisetra atao amin‟ny tovovavy Bara 13 ka hatramin‟ny 17 taona hahazo vahana ka mahatonga azy ireo hitondra vohoka aloha loatra sy hiala andaharana an-tsekoly.

Ny voka-pikarohana dia mampiseho porofo fa mitondra voka-dratsy ho an‟ny tovovavy Bara ny famporisihina azy ireo hanambady aloha loatra. Isan‟ireo voka-dratsy ireo ny herisetra sy ny fanitsakitsahina ny zo fototr‟izy ireo amin‟ tsy fahafahan‟izy ireo manambady olona tiany hovadiana ampahalalahana.

Teny manandanja: fampanambadian-jaza, fomba, herisetra mifototra amin‟ny maha lahy sy maha vavy, "normes", haitsikera

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Table of Contents DEDICATION ...... i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii ABBREVIATIONS ...... iii List of Tables ...... iv List of Picture ...... iv ABSTRACT ...... 1 RESUME ...... 2 FINTINA ...... 3 Table of Contents ...... 4 INTRODUCTION ...... 6 CHAPTER ONE: Methodology and Research Materials ...... 13 1.1 The Research sites: Geographical delimitation and Historical background of the Bara region ...... 13 1.2 Methodology ...... 16 1.2.1 Research methods and data analysis ...... 18 1.2.2 Data collection methods and selection of participants ...... 18 1.2.3 Objectives and Research questions ...... 21 1.2.4 Hypothesis ...... 22 1.3 Conceptual and Theoretical framework ...... 23 1.3.1 Concepts and definitions ...... 23 1.3.2 Theoretical Approaches ...... 24 1.3.3 Literature review ...... 27 CHAPTER II: Results and Analysis ...... 31 2.1 Factual and Statistical data ...... 31 2.2 Features of child marriage in Bara region ...... 34 2.2.1 The traditional or customary marriage known as valy tandra ...... 34 2.2.2 The valy longo or valy troky marriage between cousins: A pre-determined or promised marriage ...... 36 2.2.3 The phenomenon of valy valizy or a temporary relationship ...... 37 2.2.4 The Fanambalia Atokatrano: An early cohabitation and interaction with male partners ...... 38 2.3 Analysis of factors of child marriage in Bara community ...... 39 2.3.1 The lack or disvaluation of education ...... 39

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2.3.2 Pregnancy of girls as factors of child marriage...... 41 2.3.3 The different values of boys and girls due to social norms ...... 43 2.3.4 The influence and power of parents‟ authority ...... 46 2.3.5 The burden of the fomba, the traditional practice ...... 47 2.3.6 The non consideration of the community law ...... 48 2.3.7 Early interaction of girls with men and child marriage ...... 49 2.4 Analysis of the impacts of marriage in the Bara community ...... 50 2.4.1 Low rate of girl schooling in the districts of Ihosy child ...... 50 2.4.2 Bara teenage girls: victims of GBV ...... 51 2.4.3 Pregnancies as impacts of child marriage ...... 52 2.4.4 Child marriage: an opportunity to exploit girls ...... 55 2.4.5 Child marriage and its social impacts on girls ...... 56 2.4.6 The violation of women‟s decision-making process...... 57 CHAPTER THREE: Policy recommendations to combat child marriage ...... 59 3.1 Changing the behaviors of people to eliminate societal norms ...... 59 3.2 Eliminating the roots of GBV resulting in early fertility among teenage girls 60 3.3 Taking into account the cultural factors to tackle gender inequality ...... 60 3.3.1 The bride price known as fanandraha and the dowry system ...... 60 3.3.2 Understanding the system of patrilineality ...... 61 3.4 Valuing women and girls by appealing to cultural community legacy ...... 61 3.5 Eliminating the objectification of women ...... 62 3.6 Empower women and girls through education ...... 64 3.7 Raising public awareness on the issue to address GBV ...... 66 3.8 Reinforcement of the roles of the government ...... 68 3.8.1 The protection of the rights of children ...... 68 3.8.2 The emphasis on law enforcement ...... 69 3.8.3 Reaching out most remote communities ...... 70 3.9 Overcoming child marriage through the actions of Bara scholars ...... 71 3.10 Understanding normative beliefs to stop child marriage ...... 72 3.11Eliminating Stereotypes ...... 72 CONCLUSION ...... 75 WORKS CITED ...... I APPENDICES ...... X

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INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

Child marriage is an alarming dangerous issue affecting the world today especially in poorer and developing countries for the negative impacts it has on child brides. This statement is supported by many organizations and institutions involved in trying to end this issue such as: Girls Not Brides1, the global partnership to end child marriage, UNICEF, UNFPA2, and Save the Children.3All of those institutions report on the consequences of this social issue annually in their publications. Yet, researcher like Abebayehu identifies health, economic, social, and psychological impacts of child marriage to girl brides in their lives (15). UNFPA in its 2012‟s report entitled „‟Marrying too young: End child marriage‟‟ reports that one out of three girls enters marriage as children in developing countries despite global policies to end the issue (UNFPA 6).The UNFPA‟s studies also reveal that more than 67 million poor and less-educated women aged 20-24 year old residing in rural areas of Africa and Asia got married as girls in 2010 (6).

Heather B. Hamilton, a Senior Adviser, and Interim Global Coordinator of this British Institution confirms that more than 720 million women who are currently alive in the world were married before the age of 18 (Girls Not Brides 2).She also declares that this horrific rate is combined with annual rates of 15 million of child brides in the world (2). Daily, the victims of this practice is moving upward to 41,000 girls (1)

According to Girls Not Brides, child marriage remains pervasive in places like “ South Asia (46 percent of the total population of girls under 18 ), sub-Saharan Africa (37 percent of the total population of girls under 18), in Latin America and the Caribbean (29 percent of the total population of girls under 18), the Middle East and North Africa (18 percent of the total population of girls under 18), East Asia and the Pacific (16 percent of the total population of girls under 18 despite of its rare prevalence in several communities in Europe and North America‟‟ (6).

1Girls Not Brides is a global partnership of 400 civil society organizations in many countries joining together to end child marriage around the world. 2. Several reports of UNFPA depict its mission to address child marriage worldwide. See UNFPA 7 for more details. 3 To find out more about the mission of Save the Children see Freccero, Whiting 25-28, especially on Findings, part II Save the Children Programming and Advocacy. 6

Apart from those figures, UNFPA predicts other devastating figures that might affect teenage girls in developing countries if nothing changes in decades starting from 2011 to 2020. In fact, UNFPA‟s recent studies reveal that:‟‟142 million of girl brides might suffer from child marriage from 2011 to 2020 which make 39.000 girls married daily‟‟ (6). All of those dramatic figures reveal the seriousness of the issue in each community where the practice is prevalent. However, we might wonder why does child marriage require a global particular attention for studies? And why are these figures a serious threat for teenage brides and their communities?

These questions need adequate answers for the future of teenage brides is at stake if the trends continue to persist. Few people are aware of the manifestation of gender based violence behind the practice of child marriage in Bara community even though the practice can be interpreted as a violation of human rights according to International conventions (UNFPA 10; Girls Not Brides 15-16).This constitutes a primarily reason of the choice of the topic so that a better understanding of the issue will be a helpful tool for researchers and scholars to deepen their knowledge on Bara ethnic group, up to now reputed only for their herds raising.

Thus, this study focuses on the current state of child marriage observed among the Bara community of the south of Madagascar as it is a form of gender-based violence. The focus of the study is centralized to the analysis of the existing facts of social norms and traditional practices to better understand gender-based violence in the region.

Bara teenage girls are among the world teenage girls who still endure the burden of child marriage in their community. This situation reflects their lives where a significant high rate of fertility is recorded associated to the impacts of child marriage in place. Studies conducted by FIFAHO, a civil society Association addressing GBV in the region in 2016 revealed that 67.9 % of girls got pregnant in the districts of Ihosy in 2016 (Table 7). Most of these girls are in child marriage according to the Association (Rasoloarison). As long as girls have fewer chances on whom they will marry with due to social norms and traditional practices they remain discriminated and gender-based violence occurs.

This study is relevant given that no previous academic surveys have been found conducted by both Malagasy and foreign researchers on child marriage in Bara community

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while reviewing secondary data. Apart from that, the value of this research relies on the recent sources it contains including quantitative and qualitative data collected during the field survey in September 2017 in the districts of Ihosy.

The case study of the Bara community requires a particular attention because of the high prevalence of teenage pregnancies4 as causes and impacts of child marriage in the region. Though a few parents feel it is their daughter‟s best interest to marry at a young age, child marriage violates girls‟ most basic rights (Girls Not Brides 9). Another reason for the choice of the subject is devastating impacts of child marriage on girls due to GBV. Like elsewhere, child marriage puts women and girls at a particular risk of sexual, physical, and psychological abuse throughout their lives for their rights are not valued due to community norms (Girls Not Brides 9).

Crucially, gender inequalities across the Bara community drive to child marriage. By setting norms, gender roles of boys and girls are unequal in the place and that affect the fate of Bara young girls. In a society where the authority of men is important and constitutes an infallible stereotype, the rights of women are often not fully respected. Bara society often associates women‟s roles and positions specifically in serving the men. This case is also observed in most African countries and in various developing countries.

One of the biggest causes of the practice of child marriage in the developing world is the disvaluation of the roles of girls and women by society. The disvaluation of girls is associated to gender inequality since those innocent girls are not considered equals. Parents think that marrying off a daughter will reduce family expenses, or even temporarily increase their income in case where a bride price is paid (Brooks 47).

According to Girls Not Brides, The Global Partnership to End Child Marriage, this social issue remains a great issue for its horrible manifestations given that „‟every two seconds, a girl is married before she is physically or emotionally mature enough to become a wife or a mother‟‟(5).Thus, girls are uprooted from their rights to be physically or emotionally mature to enter the conjugal life and most of the child brides are not yet well- prepared for household duties and child-care responsibilities. Indirect form of violence is

4See table 6,7 of this study about percentages of early pregnancies from 2016 to 2017 in the Districts of Ihosy 8

then observed in this case though parents might think they have right to force their daughters into early marriage for the future of their children. This seems to be unfair and that is probably the reason why Desmond Tutu5 and Graca Machel, who have done much to raise awareness to address child marriage through founding Girls Not Brides, declared during the International Day of Prayer and Action in 2012 that „‟Child marriage happens because adults believe they have the right to impose marriage upon a child ‟‟ (UNICEF 7, 2012). This denies children, particularly girls, their dignity, and the opportunity to make choices that are central to their lives, such as when and whom to marry or when to have children. Choices define us and allow us to realize our potential. Child marriage robs girls of this chance.‟‟ (7).

Regarding its end, the Archbishop Desmond Tutu also argues that: „‟the challenge could not be more urgent. If we do nothing, it is estimated that more than 140 million girls will marry as children by 2020‟‟ (7).Traditionally associated with unfair treatments towards girls, the figures of child marriage in the world are alarming, and it continues to increase annually unless appropriate measures are not taken because the world community seems to be involved in the fight.

Madagascar has one of the highest child marriage prevalence rates in the world according to a national survey conducted by UNFPA in the Island in 2012 (69).It is reported that one out of two girls will be married before their 18th birthday (69). As an example, in 2009, about half of the women aged 20-24 were married in union before age 18and the child marriage prevalence rate has increased about 10 percent from 39 percent in 2004 to 48 percent in 2009 (UNFPA 69). The prevalence of child marriage differs from one region to another as it is reported by UNFPA as follows: the percentage of women who got married under 18 years old is highest in region (69%), followed by Mahajanga Region (59%), Antsiranana Region (58%), Region (50%), Toamasina Region (41%), and Antananarivo Region (35%) (69)

Malagasy young people are the most concerned about gender inequality according to this worldwide organization. It has a great impact on a development of a country because men and women both contribute positively in performing their roles and duties in the society. Even though gender roles are based on norms, or standards, created by society,

5 To find out more about Archbishop Desmond Tutu‟s message, go to http://theelders.org/article/message-men- and-boys about child marriage 9

pushing girls into early marriage is ignoring their roles as bringing a sustainable development in the society.6

Real development in a country depends mainly on the gender equality of both men and women. USAID provides an interesting analysis of the situation of gender inequality in Madagascar by reporting that women‟s household decision making and access to resources is inequitable in the Island (5). It is proved that among married and employed women, 33 percent of women had primary control over their earnings. A third of women (32 percent) thought that a husband is justified in beating his wife for at least one of the following reasons: she burns the food; she argues with him, she goes out without telling him, she neglects the children, or she refuses to have sexual intercourse with him.

This study faced several challenges during the field surveys. In fact, exploring the real factors, nature, manifestations, and impacts of child marriage in the districts of Ihosy was not easy task. Consequently, a number of limitations were observed throughout this study. These limitations include firstly the difficulties for the researcher to conduct interviews of people in remote locations due to insecurity problems at the time of the investigations and the difficulties to reach most sites due to time constraints. It is one of the reasons why the investigations were made in two districts of Ihosy only namely: in the urban commune of Ihosy and the rural commune of Ankily.

Then, the second challenge is the limitation of the time for data collection due to unexpected challenges associated with travel to remote, hard to access locations. Then, interviewing girls in middle and high schools (CEG; Lycée) did not take place due to the school break in September 2017 during the time of the field surveys.

However, to overcome those challenges, the investigations were extended for one month in the research sites on workdays and carried out in several accessible places we have mentioned previously. The data of married mothers who are in child marriage getting pregnant under 18 years old was provided only by FIFAHO Association. The data collected for those who are over 24 years old was obtained through the FGDs in Ankily. The data

6Visit: www.linkedin.com „‟Women in modern society‟‟ 10

concerning the cases of GBV associated with child marriage was provided by The Trano Aro Zo, the legal clinics.

This study could have benefited of the data from the Regional Ministry of Population and the City Hall of Ihosy. However, due to limited background information they have, both of those institutions suggested the researcher to investigate directly at the head quarter of FIFAHO Association to get relevant data. In fact, the Regional Ministry of Population could have provided the current figures on the percentages of girls under18 years old involved in child marriage. Whereas, the City Hall of Ihosy could have given figures on the percentage of civil marriage under 18 with parental consent.

Getting access to respondent groups was a bit difficult due to unavailability of the sefom-pokotany, the local head of community of the rural commune of Ankily at the time of field survey. In fact, the sefom-pokotany, the elected head of the community was supposed to guide the interviewer to the targeted participants. As a result, reluctance among the participants were encountered by the interviewer especially among teenage girls aged 15-17 in the rural commune of Ankily at the before the interview for reasons related to fear of being documented for legal reasons. However, thanks to a few more or less educated Ray aman-dreny, the local elderly parents who explained the objectives of the study, that issue could be managed. In addition, no pictures were taken during the stay in the sites due to insecurity reason at the time of field surveys.

The last but not the least, since this study came across to a limitation concerning the sites of investigations, this research does not cover the cases of the practice of child marriage in all the districts of Ihosy (19 districts including Ihosy) which means a limitation on the study of child marriage among the subdivisions of all Bara clans. Consequently, this research does not address the manifestations of child marriage observed in all Bara clans. Each of these limitations was also managed in a way that impacts on the whole study.

This study is structured into three chapters. Chapter one focuses on the methodology and research materials. We will look in this part at some detailed data collection methods, techniques and types of interviews and the concepts and theory used for this study.

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Chapter two will be focusing on the analysis of the manifestations of child marriage in the districts of Ihosy. We will examine particularly the complexity of child marriage as it occurs in the region. In this study, we are going to focus on the issues of gender gender- based violence, the socio-cultural and economic factors and the traditional practices and norms denying young girls to fulfill their potential in life.

In chapter three, we will begin with a more detailed analysis of the policy recommendations addressing child marriage issue. We will go into details of some of the good aspects of the local cultural beliefs to reverse the trends of child marriage into positive long-term impacts for the community. Then, we are going to review some of the Malagasy policy frameworks to address the issue

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CHAPTER ONE: Methodology and Research Materials

CHAPTER ONE: Methodology and Research Materials

1.1 The Research sites: Geographical delimitation and Historical background of the Bara region

The Bara ethnic group was formed with several clans as it is observed among other ethnic groups across the Island according to the Historian Randriamamonjy Frédéric describing the origin of the Bara ethnic groups in his book entitled Tantaran’i Madagasikara Isam-paritra (History of each region of Madagascar) (274). Originally, the Bara ethnic group came from the southern eastern part of the Island alongside with their leaders. Randriamamonjy makes a clear description here emphasizing that this ethnic group left the river called Mandrare and its surroundings to the river Mananara (274).From there, they continued their journey and finally settled down in and Isalo regions for their final destination (274). The actual subdivisions of Bara clans include seven significant clans namely: the Bara Be from , the Bara Imamono from Ankazoabo, the Bara Iantsantsa from Ivohibe, the Bara Vinda from Benenitra, the Bara Tsienimbalala from Manera, the Bara Mananantanana from Volotaray and the Bara Mahovy from Bereta (274).

Picture 1 Map showing the delimitation of the Bara territory

Source: Randriamamonjy Frédéric

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Visiting a research site is crucial while collecting data of a research (Creswell 74). Thus, this study was conducted in the province of Fianarantsoa, one of the six provinces of Madagascar that records highest prevalence of child marriage in the great Island with 50% of 20-24 year old females married as children according to UNFPA‟s Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) in 2009 (UNFPA 69).

The main sites of investigations are located in the districts7 of Ihosy in the region of Horombe8, in the province of Fianarantsoa in the south of Madagascar among the Bara ethnic groups. The distance separating the capital Antananarivo and Ihosy is 597.23 kilometers taking the national road 7 heading to Tulear. Capital of the Horombe region, the urban commune of Ihosy with its 312.307 inhabitants in 2013 has 19districts or communes9 namely: Ihosy, Ankily, Ambia, Tolohomiady, Irina, , Analaliry, , Ambatolahy, Soamatasy, , , , , , , Ranohira, , and Menamaty Iloto (FIFAHO).

Only two main sites were selected to conduct the investigations in the districts of Ihosy including: the rural commune of Ankily10 and the urban commune of Ihosy due to challenges faced by the researcher at the time of field surveys which are mentioned in the limitations‟ section of this work. Firstly, the rural commune of Ankily was chosen to conduct the interview for the prevalence of child marriage locally resulted in high rate of fertility (see table 5).Secondly, the rural commune of Ankily is closer to Ihosy and easily reachable because of the good condition of the national road 7 heading to Tulear (08 kilometres from Ihosy). Another reason for the choice of the site is the inaccessibility of other districts due to problems of insecurity at the time of field surveys. Briefly speaking, the choice of investigating on child marriage in the Ihosy Region is based mainly on these three following points namely: the consciousness on the violation of girls‟ rights, the high prevalence of gender-based violence which gives rise to child marriage in the Bara community, and the promotion of gender equality between men and women to achieve a real development. Apart from a few residing migrants which are mainly composed of Betsileo ethnic groups, the

7The districts are the second-level administrative divisions of each region of Madagascar. Each district is divided into communes and each commune into Fokontany (clans) 8Madagascar is divided into 22 regions and those regions are the first-level administrative divisions. The Ihorombe region has three districts including: , Ihosy, and Ivohibe. 9The commune „‟Kaominina’‟ in Malagasy terminology is a based territorial collectivity set up in the beginning of the third republic. 10 The rural commune of Ankily is located 8 kilometers from the urban commune of Ihosy. 14

local dominant Bara ethnic groups include the Zafimanely11clans. Concerning the domestic activities of the community, the Ankily and Ihosy people‟s activities include mainly agriculture. However, the most dominant activity consists in raising of cattle, goats, chickens, and pigs (in-depth interview).

Table 1. Key informants at FIFAHO Association’s Headquarter in Ihosy

Key informants Main Information Received Rasoloarison Bruno David, Coordinator of  The description of the violence perpetrated against women in the the Project Ihorombe region  About Early Forced Marriage  FIFAHO‟s main mission and its contribution to eradicate GBV in the region  Information on school dropouts in the region Rabialahy Jaona, Person in charge of  Information on the reach out programs done by FIFAHO Communication and Pleading cases  Information on the procedures of pleading cases of the victims Rasolonasoloniaiko Mélidanie Jeannine,  Information on the procedures of counseling of teenage girls such as: Person in charge of taking care the the role of CEPAV12 vulnerable teenagers (victims)

Volahendry Larissa, Person in charge of the  Information on the collect of Data of teenage pregnancies in the Ihorombe follow-up work and Evaluation region Source: Author

11See chapter II of the book entitled “Croyance et Santé chez les Bara “written by Dominique Ramarlah to find out more about the origins of Bara ethnic groups. 12Set up in each commune, this Institution stands for „’Cellules de Prise en Charge des Adolescentes Victimes’’ and aims to take care of the victims of GBV in the districts of Ihosy. It does the same work as the „’Centre Vonjy‟‟ operating in public hospitals of main cities in Madagascar. 15

Table 2. Key informants for FGDs in the rural commune of Ankily

Participants Age Numbers of Participants Teenage mothers 15-17 5 Adult mothers (married as children) 25-30 5

Table 3. Key informants for in-depth Interviews in the rural commune of Ankily

Participants Age Numbers of Participants Teenage mothers 15-17 10 Adult mothers (married as children) 25-30 10

Table 4. Key informants in the Urban commune of Ihosy

Key informants Types of the key informants The Regional Ministry of Public Health Public Institution The Trano Aro Zo Legal Clinics/Centre d’écoute operating in partnership with the MINJUS. CISCO (The scholar district) Public Institution FIFAHO Association Association addressing GBV across the region Source: Author

1.2 Methodology

As a reminder, the field research was conducted in Ihosy in September 2017 and it is divided into two phases namely the investigations in Ihosy for the first phase and the surveys conducted in Ankily for the second phase. Thus, this study used both primary and secondary sources of data as a methodology. For the primary data, this research used in-depth face to face interviews of Bara brides as main techniques of data collection recommended by Ackroyed and Hughes (66). As a result, thanks to this strategy, an analysis on the current facts and trends of child marriage could be conducted in the Bara community. The study also analyzes the existing actions of the local community to end the issue alongside with this technique to find out more about the violation of the rights of Bara teenage girls. The focus of the analysis is also to portray them as human-beings equally to men according to human rights‟ legislation. This study also reviewed some existing publications for secondary sources of data such as books, journals, articles, magazines, individual writing works and 16

NGO‟s reports to supplement the data received from the field surveys needed for this research. Briefly speaking, the in-depth interviews, and FGDs are relevant tools to collect valuable information about the current manifestations of the practice of child marriage in place. Those materials13 all contain undeniable and evident records of the prevalence of teenage marriage (Creswell 32)

Both qualitative and quantitative research approaches were used throughout this study. The qualitative research approach was used to explore the nature, manifestations, motivations, and prevalence of child marriage in the districts of Ihosy. This approach was particularly chosen for it tends to explore and understand the meaning of social or human problem associated to individuals or groups which is the case of child marriage (Creswell 32). Another reason of the choice of the approach is linked to „‟emerging questions and procedures, the data collected, data analysis, and the researcher interpretations of the meaning of the data found in qualitative approach recommended by John W. Creswell (32).As a result, this study is qualitative in nature and took a phenomenological approach, seeking to learn from the experiences that young Bara girls, parents have had with marriage decisions. Indeed, this study examined the underlying social, cultural, and economic factors that give rise to the practice in order to better understand its origins, dynamics, and implications for girls, their families, and communities.

Since this study analyzes several measurable variables related to the percentages of pregnant teenage girls in each districts of Ihosy, this study also used quantitative approach recommended by John W. Creswell (32).In fact Professor Creswell highlights that: „‟Quantitative research is an approach for testing objective theories by examining relationship among variables. These variables, in turn can be measured, typically on instruments, so that numbered data can be analyzed using statistical procedures‟‟(32). For both approaches, the interviewer observed the facts of child marriage in the region, took notes of the perceptions of people of the issue, and more importantly talked to people since all of these methods are skills needed in a qualitative research (32).

13For further information, go to http://sites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/cb.topic1334586.files/20036-Creswell- A%20Framework%20for%20Design.pdf 17

1.2.1 Research methods and data analysis

Numbers of relevant documentary sources were reviewed throughout this study. Those sources include NGOs, civil societies, and associations‟ publications such as journals, articles, magazines and other academic research. Those documents were analyzed alongside with authors‟ books related to the issue of child marriage or GBV in the Great Island in Africa and globally. Some points recommended by Professor John W. Creswell were followed while analyzing data from the field surveys (Creswell138). The recommendations of Creswell include:

 Not to discuss the findings that places the participants during a favorable lightweight or taking facet or „‟going native‟‟ (138).

 To keep away from disclosing only high-quality results since it is academically disgraceful to withhold significant results or to forge the outcomes in the needs of to the participants or researchers‟ inclinations (138)

 To give respect to the privacy of contributors which protect the anonymity of people, roles inside the assignment (138)

Thus, thanks to these recommendations, the interviewer is trying to be neutral as possible and avoid judgmental thinking throughout this study while analyzing the collected data. The interviewer is also trying to report back all types of outcomes, including findings that may be contrary to the objectives of this study (138). To respect the anonymity of contributors, pseudonyms were only used to refer to participants during the FGDs in the rural commune of Ankily (138)

1.2.2 Data collection methods and selection of participants

Data collection is very crucial while conducting research (Creswell 5).Thus, the data used in this study was collected through various data collection types as recommended by Creswell such as: observations, interviews, review of documents, and some audio-visual materials (241).Those techniques of data collection are pertinent in both qualitative and 18

quantitative research studies since they bring several advantages (241). To illustrate this, as far as observations are concerned, Creswell lists number of advantages of this type of data collection including: the possibility for the researcher to record data according to its real aspects, the option of explorations of uncomfortable topics in the eyes of participants, and the privilege of the firsthand experience with participants (241). Regarding interviews, the study used face-to-face interview (in-depth interview) and FGD interviews for number of advantages they bring directly to the study including: the opportunity to collect historical data related to the issue, the control of the lists of useful questions, and the importance of this procedure when the participants are not able to be observed (241). In addition, review of documents such as: public documents, journals, and articles give opportunity to the researcher to get access to the statements or testimonies of participants (241).Yet, this type of data collection provides a flexible time for the interviewer to consult those documents (241).Last but not the least, some audio-visual materials were also used and consulted to collect significant data relevant to the study. Thus, some photos and video documentaries carrying relevant sources of information concerning the everyday reality of participants were consulted (241)

To put the techniques of data collection mentioned above into practice, the approach to reach all the participants is carefully arranged. First of all, in each interview within the institutions like FIFAHO, the Regional Ministry of Public Health, the Trano Aro Zo, an academic formal paper “Lettre d’introduction” alongside with a formal letter written in Malagasy designed for data collection was presented to all participants. Those papers were submitted to all participants to show the purpose of the research and so that they know they are actively involved in the research study (Creswell 137).Then, consent from participants was also taken into account to obtain the needed data. The purpose of the study was also explained beforehand so that all the informants would feel comfortable in giving valuable and required information about the study. Yet, due to low literacy concerns among the Bara women participants, oral consent was just required from them and this is also the case of other participants.

The data collected in the research sites includes basically: the percentages of PNCs of child mothers aged 10-14 and 15-17 years old in the districts of Ihosy in the main sites of investigations. Then, data concerning the percentages of school withdrawal among teenage girls was also obtained from the local CISCO, the scholar district. However, the data

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collection would not have been done without the assistance of recordings and note taking. Both instruments were useful to get field surveys information about the current states of the issue. All of the interviews were recorded and information is taken down in order to analyze them.

Testimonies of participants were taken into account in order to depict the actual manifestation of child marriage according to their own experiences. Those testimonies were collected during the in-depth interviews of women and girls in Ankily. Testimonies were required from a few participants to provide evidence on the actual state of the issue. Indeed, those testimonies are required for this study to show far this issue affects the well-being of girls in this part of the Island. Yet, testimonies of each participant constitute significant tools in order to reach the main objectives of this study. Thus, several participants were also selected and targeted (target groups) in order to the gather the data needed for this study. Particular choice of selection is also given to these participants given that they are more concerned about the issue as they settle in the research sites. As a result, among those participants, we selected seven target groups:

 The staff of the FIFAHO Association addressing the issue of GBV in the region. (see appendix 2)  The Regional Ministry of Public Health which is supposed to provide figures of PNCs (Prenatal Consultations) among pregnant girls under 18 who are in child marriage in the region.  Married women aged 25-30 years old getting married before their 18th birthday.  Married teenage girls aged 15-17 who are in child marriage.  Several ordinary people (unmarried teenage girls, adults) residing in several villages in Ihosy which are supposed to provide information on the issue.  Local CISCO (scholar district) which was selected to provide relevant information on the numbers of recent percentages of school withdrawal among primary and secondary school students in the districts of Ihosy.  The Trano Aro Zo (Center for the Defense of Rights), a legal clinic, or “Centre d’ecoute” assisting victims of GBV across the Ihorombe region.

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Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used for this study. Since a qualitative method is used for data collection, a combination of in-depth interviews and focus group discussions is needed. Basically, the interviews were conducted in standard Malagasy and then translated into English for the needs of this study (See appendix 4-5 for in-depth interviews and FGDs‟ guide questions).Then, data from UNICEF, Girls Not Brides, the global partnership to end child marriage and USAID are also used in this research to find out worldwide figures and aspects of child marriage in various parts of the world.

As far as the FGD (Focus Group Discussion) is concerned, the interviewees are categorized into two categories in order to reach the objectives of this study. This technique of categorization enables to collect different perspectives on the issue of child marriage. The first category includes 15 women married as children aged 25-30, and 10 teenage brides aged 15-17 old living in rural areas and the second category of interviewees includes individuals and Institutions in urban areas. The objective of this categorization is to find out different perspectives from various group of people on how they view and experience child marriage which should not be the same.

The purpose of the categorization of the participants is to find out common and different perspectives about child marriage among urban area and those who live in rural area. Concerning the in-depth interviews, a dialogue instrument was used to get information on the current practice of child marriage to ordinary people such as the grown-up people, and some unmarried teenagers (see appendix 4). This method is crucial for data collection people feel more relaxed exchanging information through this method. More importantly, local people are considered as suitable participants to provide interesting backgrounds on the issue.

1.2.3 Objectives and Research questions

The main objective of this study is to provide an analysis of the background of child marriage as it is considered as a form of gender-based violence. Those objectives can be summarized in these following points namely:

1. To find out the particularities of child marriage in the Bara context

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2. To know more about the drivers and impacts of child marriage on teenage girls and the Bara community 3. To try to get significant information about the ongoing contributions of the authorities and community to tackle the issue for the researcher to suggest some policy frameworks

Regarding research questions, numbers of crucial questions were developed to reach the objectives of this study. Thus, this study seeks to answer the following questions:

1. What factors (cultural, economic, and social) do give rise to child marriage in the Bara region?

2. What motivates community members to uphold or try to stop the marriage of children in the Bara community? How do social and cultural beliefs and traditions of Bara people promote child marriage in the Ihosy region?

3. What are the policy recommendations for combating child marriage? This question seeks to find out the strategies that could be adopted to reverse the trends of child marriage into positive actions in the community apart from some changes that are already in place.

1.2.4 Hypothesis

Hypotheses are “predictions the researcher makes about the expected relationships among variables” according to John Creswell (296). Thus, this study hypothesizes that:

1. Bara cultural norms and practices give rise to the practice of child marriage in the Districts of Ihosy. 2. The cultural of value given to herds raising considered as wealth for the vast majority of Bara communities might have impacted the prevalence of child marriage in the region

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3. The empowerment of girls through various actions such as: training, education, reach out programs for girls and their communities would bring changes and improve their life chances to denounce the issue, and enhance the welfare of their households

1.3 Conceptual and Theoretical framework

1.3.1 Concepts and definitions

This section provides clear definitions of some key concepts used throughout the study to better understand child marriage. Among those concepts, we have included: Gender-based violence, Child marriage, Forced marriage, and Dowry or bride price relevant to the understanding of this study. First of all, Gender-based violence (GBV) is defined as „‟ violence directed at an individual based on his or her biological sex, gender identity, or perceived adherence to socially defined norms of masculinity and femininity. It can include physical, sexual, or psychological abuse; threats; coercion; arbitrary; deprivation of liberty; and economic deprivation; whether in public or private life. Gender-based violence takes different forms and can occur throughout their life cycle‟‟ (Girls Not Brides 1).As regards to child marriage, Girls Not Brides states: „‟any marriage or union involving people or girls under the age of 18‟‟ (5).This British organization qualifies the practice as human rights violation though it is legal with parental consent14 in many countries. Yet, this institution links this definition with the definition of gender-based violence (5).In addition, according to the definition provided by the CEDAW (1979), the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), child marriage can be defined as: „‟any form of marriage that takes place before a child has reached 18 years‟‟ (CEDAW 15). Similarly, UNICEF tends to define child marriage as “a formal marriage or informal union before age 18” (UNICEF 22, 2017). Another definition provided by Joar Svanemyr and Elisa Scolaro in their research entitled “The contribution of laws to change the practice of child marriage in Africa‟‟ in 2013 is also helpful to better understand child marriage. Both researchers define child marriage as: “a legal or customary union between people of whom one or both spouses is below the age of 18” (6).

14According to studies conducted by Inter-Parliamentarian Union in Geneva in 2013 on the contribution of laws to change practice of child marriage in Africa, Madagascar is one of the 14 African countries that have set national legislation allowing minimum age for marriage of girls 18 or14 with parental consent and court order. 23

Another concept that is relevant for this study is “forced marriage”. Girls Not Brides considers forced marriage as: “any marriage that occurs without the full consent of one or both of the parties where one or both of the parties is/are unable to end or leave the marriage, including as a result of duress or intense social or family pressure”(5).At last, as far as a dowry or bride price is concerned, Seema Jayachandran tries to define the term as follows „‟Dowry is payment that a bride‟s parents make to the couple at the time of marriage‟‟ (76).Similarly, a Bride price is viewed as: “a form of marriage payment in which the bride‟s group receives a payment of goods, money, or livestock to compensate for the loss of woman‟s labor and the children‟s labor and the children she bears” (Encyclopedia.com)15.Talking about the importance of a bride price, Kate Brooks highlights that forcing one‟s daughter to child marriage can be a critical source of income for some parents (47). Yet, according to the researcher, imposing the dowry reflects the parental authority due to the attachment to traditions (47). In that case, child marriage is most of the time arranged by the family to be perceived as an exchange of bride price or wealth (47).

1.3.2 Theoretical Approaches

Regarding theory, feminist theories have been used to analyze the issue investigated in this study given that the issue affecting women have always attracted feminists throughout the years (Butler 2). As a result, women have become “subject of feminism” as described by Butler (2). In addition, referring to the three feminisms such as radical, liberal, and cultural feminisms, Mooney defines feminism as: “any form of opposition to any form of social, political, or economic discrimination which women suffer because of their sex” (75). Thus, as far as theory is concerned, this study used feminist theories approach to make analysis of the issue of child marriage. In this respect, Claire defines feminist theories in her personal website16as: “the group of related theories that share several principles in common‟‟ (Claire). Claire M. Renzetti points out four main principles that feminist theorists have in common such as: the analysis of the notion of „‟femininity and masculinity‟‟ referring to gender issue, then the “patriarchal sexism” as a root of marginalization or exclusion of women in society, the exploration of the notion of „‟victimization‟‟ or

15www.encyclopedia.com (01 April 2019/Bride-price) 16Go to www.oxfordbibiographies.comto find out more about Claire‟s statements

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„‟criminalization‟‟, and the development of fair strategies to tackle the issue by putting these theories in practice (Claire). Yet, she highlights that feminist theorists aim to explain how women and girls in society are set apart or discriminated due to „‟patriarchal sexism‟‟ valuing men over women and femininity (Claire).

As a result, this study tries to analyze GBV observed in child marriage through feminist theories to provide a broad understanding of gender inequality, the objectification of women, and the unequal roles between men and women observed in Bara society considered as factors of child marriage. Not only feminist theories provide basic understanding of GBV, but they also address the social issue affecting women and girls in society and promote gender equality. In this respect, numbers of feminists tend to promote „‟equal opportunities‟‟ for all citizens to tackle gender inequality observed in education of girls (Acker 5). However, this study does not focus on the explanation of the three distinctive core conceptualizations of feminism including: a radical, liberal, and socialist theory for each of these concepts already deals with gender inequalities broadly speaking. That is the main reason of the choice of the feminist theory in a broad sense to better understand the manifestations of child marriage in the Bara context.

Firstly, feminist theory approach is very crucial for this study to better understand the cultural, economic, and social factors that give rise to child marriage in the Bara region. The researcher is not able to explain the drivers of gender inequality in society as the example of child marriage observed among Bara ethnic groups without using feminist theory. To illustrate this, feminist theories enable us to better understand: „‟the male monopolization of culture and knowledge‟‟ observed in the field of education as described by Acker considered as factors of child marriage (Acker 5). According to feminist theories, male monopolization of culture and knowledge can be linked to men‟s abuse of power and authority in order to control women among those who receive insufficient education skills (Acker 5). As a result, it creates „‟subordination between men and women.‟‟ This case is observed in the Bara community because of norms that allow men to practice polygamy which is a way to control women whereas women do not have this right.

Another importance of feminist theory is the information it provides on the manifestation of the objectification of women. For example, feminist theories help us understand the attitude of Bara men treating girls as their own properties even though those

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girls are not yet conceived (valytroky phenomenon). Feminist theory also deals with the analysis of sexuality of girls often abused by men in society as the case of girls‟ dropout school, a driver of child marriage. Briefly speaking, feminist theory enables us to understand that child marriage oppresses teenage girls by denying them their rights to get education.

Another key point of this theory is its explanation of the unequal power of the roles of men and women in society as factors and impacts of child marriage observed among the Bara patriarchal society. The most important thing here is the crucial roles it suggests to eradicate gender inequalities in society because this theory is needed to analyze the concept of patriarchy and power in a society For instance, feminist approach provides interesting policy on how to obtain equal opportunities and equal rights in society among citizens by the means of education despite of the unequal power observed in society. Unequal opportunities and rights observed in a society are the fruit of gender stereotypes and discrimination that lead to any social issue like the unequal chance of women to get education and brings about the issue of child marriage.

Thanks to feminist approach, the researcher can suggest policies such as the powerful role of education to give chance to women to denounce gender-based violence effectively. It is said that this theory approach does not seek to change the society by suggesting education as a mean of overcoming child marriage but it aims at improving the existing system. For example, the existing system in the Bara region does not fully guarantee girls‟ freedom in decision-making, and pursue of their studies until higher level, so liberal feminists just seek to combat those issues by appealing to actions of the victims themselves to defend their rights. Despite being criticized as ignoring patriarchy, power and the systematic subordination of women, liberal feminism approach is also significant in this study because it provides the idea that schooling is beneficial to women‟s welfare (Walby 4).

On the whole, feminist perspective is also a crucial theory that draws the researcher‟s attention in order to explore GBV found in child marriage. It investigates for example the economic interests that keep women in a subordinate position (Walby 4). Basically, this approach assists the researcher to understand the economical factors that are related to child marriage including the burden of bride price. This theory is important to explain the economical motivation of parents to marry their teenage girls at young age.

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1.3.3 Literature review

This study has reviewed a great number of literatures in order to analyze the issue of child marriage. Child marriage is a serious harmful traditional practice affecting the well- being of teenage girls in poorer and developing countries which draws public opinion‟s attention. The existing literature depicts the factors, manifestations, impacts, and policy recommendations to eliminate this social issue. This study also reviewed secondary literatures on child marriage as a form of GBV. Traditionally, women and girls are the victims of GBV and men the perpetrators (6) and that is the case of child marriage in Bara region. However, another study of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) on GBV revealed that men and boys can be victims of GBV and women can be its perpetrators (6). Gender inequalities and gender norms related to being “female” and the term “femininity” alongside with “weakness”, “inferiority”, and “victimization‟‟ remains the drivers of GBV observed among women and girls (6).Similarly, the norms on „‟masculinity‟‟ and „‟femininity‟‟ play a major role depicting GBV affecting men and boys (6). Punishment of men and boys can be observed in certain society when men and boys fail to acknowledge their “manhood” or “masculinity” according to social norms‟ expectations as for example being “gay”, “Trans”, “bisexual” or belonging a “low-status masculinity identity” (6).

Regarding the causes of child marriage, UNFPA through its 2012‟s report associates child marriage with several factors. These factors include a high rate of school withdrawal, the norms established by the tradition and the prevalence of poverty (4). Indeed, the organization highlights that this issue is the results of fewer choices of a group of people (4). Apart from that, surveys conducted by CARE17, the humanitarian organization involved in the elimination of poverty around the world revealed that child marriage is associated with gender discrimination (5). The same studies associate child marriage with a cause and a consequence of gender discrimination resulted in the restrictions of the contributions of women and girls only in a household sphere due to gender discrimination (5).Likewise, investigations of cases of GBV at the headquarter of Trano Aro Zo, the legal clinics in Ihosy showed that discrimination of women reflect their everyday reality where women endure

17 For further information about this humanitarian organization which fights global poverty and providing lifesaving assistance in emergencies, go to www.care.org

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domestic violence; marital rape; polygamy of their male partners; and unequal roles (Trano Aro Zo).

Regarding gender and youth context, USAID emphasizes that gender inequality is very common in Madagascar (5). According to this Organization, gender inequality impacts women‟s decision making and access to resources in an unfair manner (5).This study can be observed in Bara community where girls have fewer chances to object to their fathers‟ decision on whom to marry (FGDs). However, the World Day of Prayer and Action for Children emphasizes more on the promise of social approval or increased social standing as drivers of child marriage (5). This statement is supported by a qualitative study of child marriage in Zambia in 2015 where the findings of this study revealed that child marriage is associated to some benefits received by parents like the enhancement of parental social status (Gillian, Padraig, and Rosal 31).The same study focuses on the importance of bride payment as a symbolic function which is perceived to legitimate marriages celebrated in the community (31). Similarly, the study conducted in Bara community found out that social status of parents is at stake while marrying their teenage daughters to wealthier herds‟ breeders (patron’aomby).

Furthermore, another study qualifies child marriage as being commonly linked to the term patriarchy since it involves domination, oppression, and exploitation of girls (Laura 18).Thus, Laura Stark uses the definition provided by British sociologist Sylvia Walby to highlight that patriarchy is a structured institution in which women are dominated, oppressed, and exploited by men regarding their social relations (18). As a result, women and girls might become victims of unfair treatment because of patriarchy and their roles might be limited only to household chores due (18). Laura Stark also depicts the term patriarchy as „the control of the male head of the household’ referring to the authority of male head of a family in agrarian societies in Finland in 19th century (18). She emphasizes that patriarchy controls resources of the household which makes women dependent upon their male partners, fathers, or brothers (18). The researcher’s findings seem to be in accordance to the case of child marriage in Bara community where FIFAHO highlighted that the authority of a male head of household is highly respected which delays the elimination of child marriage in the region (FIFAHO).

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Even though child marriage is qualified by UNICEF as harmful to girls (UNFPA; UNICEF 9, 2017), Bara fathers remain strict about their paternity to their male and female children which is a paradox (Ramarlah 67).Thus, studies conducted by Ramarlah Dominique revealed that one example of the privileges granted to a Bara patriarch (lonaky) is the request of the “patrilineal filiation” to every born child to show they are part of his possession (67). However, the claim of paternity to every born child seems to be contrary to the harmful effects of child marriage imposed to Bara teenage girls. Child marriage in Bara community is also linked to gender stereotype according to field surveys. According to research on gender stereotype, the construction of gender identity is an ongoing process, which begins in early childhood. Interviews in Bara community revealed the difference between the view of birth of girls and boys (in-depth interviews). Thus, the influence of family members, peers, and the media all build to impact young people‟s self-concept (Ursula Oberst, et al. 83). However, the different views of both boys and girls may reach in adolescence, when „‟gender role identification‟‟ is more emphasized (83)

Child marriage brings various negative impacts on teenage brides and their communities. Thus, Marry Ellsberg and Lori Heise both highlight that men and women can be the victims and perpetrators of violence (10). However, they emphasize that violence directed at women differs from violence committed against men (10). They state that women might endure various types of violence by people they interact with at different stages of their lives whereas men can perpetrate the violence itself (10). However, the United Nations does not list child marriage as violence perpetrated against women (Marry, and Lori 11). In fact, while analyzing the definition provided by the United Nations, child marriage can be considered as a form of gender-based violence as it involves a “deprivation of liberty, sexual or psychological harm to women” as impacts of child marriage (11)

Concerning the high elevated fertility rates among Bara girls, studies conducted by Save the Children in 2018 found out that this can be perceived as factors and impacts of child marriage (Julie and Audrey 8). Girls are removed from schools when they get pregnant to enter marriage. Consequently, high rate of pregnancy among girls can be justified with the prevalence of child marriage in Bara region. With regard to education, it is acknowledged that convincing parents to send their teenage daughters to schools until they reach higher level of education is important to tackle child marriage according to the International Center for Research on Women (13). 29

To eliminate child marriage, numbers of actions are needed. Thus, both UNICEF and UNFPA (UNFPA ;UNICEF 7, 2017) suggest five strategies helping to accelerate interventions to eliminate child marriage including: the necessity of the empowerment of adolescent girls, the promotion of positive attitudes and behaviors towards girls, the cooperation with families and communities, the improvement of health or education programs for girls, and improved law enforcement. Likewise, research conducted by the World Health Organization focuses on the promotion of gender equality or women‟s rights and the contributions of community to empower women to combat GBV such child marriage (4). The World Health Organization emphasizes more on the promotion of gender equality to end child marriage simply because gender equality provides adequate treatment of women and men in-laws and policies, and fair access to resources and services within members of communities including families, communities at a large scale (3).Referring to laws and policies, the World health Organization emphasizes on the major roles of international and national legal frameworks to eliminate gender-based violence in order to promote gender equality (4)

Through various actions on the fight of this form of gender-based violence in their communities, FIFAHO encounters norms, stereotypes, and gender inequality deeply rooted in traditional practices which delay child marriage in the region. Thus, the Association emphasizes on the crucial roles of law enforcement and sensitizing the community to address child marriage. However, the campaign intended to eradicate this issue remains ineffective in the region without the consciousness of parents, teenage brides and the whole community to denounce the issue. This requires attacking the roots of the motivation of people to uphold the practice which consists in changing their minds to value their teenage girls more than cattle or bride price.

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CHAPTER II: Results and Analysis

CHAPTER II: Results and Analysis

2.1 Factual and Statistical data

This section seeks to answer the research questions of this study. The first and second research questions are studied in this section. Thus, this study found out that child marriage is very common in the districts of Ihosy where data were collected. Thus, this study has identified many types of child marriage in the region. Those common types include: the unions between peers (girls from age 14 or 16) and boys (from age 16) that is commonly called as a valy longo or valyfofo an arranged marriage between cousins. Then, the second common type is the so-called valy tandra involving an older wealthy man entering into a relationship with a girl. This last type of child marriage is found in most African countries such as in Zambia (Mann, Quigley, et al. 20-21).Those forms of marriage emerged through the research.

It is worth noting that Bara marriage is rooted from norms and stereotypes as it is commonly the case elsewhere (UNFPA 23). Stereotype is defined by Harrap‟s dictionary as „‟an over-generalized and preconceived idea or impression of what characterizes someone or something, especially one that does not allow for any individuality or variation‟‟ (771). Talking about the case of the Bara ethnic group, the common image viewing a girl as a commodity without regard to their personality or dignity is a serious stereotype that pushes an old man entering a relationship with a girl. This attitude is linked to sexual objectification of women which involves woman and a girl being viewed primarily as an object of male sexual desire as the example of the famous Tsenan’ampela where young girls are exposed to prostitution in weekly public market (Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday). Regarding the objectification of women, psychologist feminist Jean Baker Miller says: „‟ There was nothing wrong with women, but rather with the way modern culture viewed them‟‟ ( Baker)18

A series of financial or material benefits are granted to a girl or her family. In such situations, girls may be open to the advances of older, the famous wealthier cattle owner

18 See the statement of Baker at https://doi.org/10.1080/02703149.2017.1241568

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known as Patron’aomby. Bara parents are attracted to those people for their reputation, authority, and wealth they possess in the community. That is the main reason why Bara parents often push their teenage daughters early to dwell in another house out of their parents‟ home so that they can interact to the Patron’aomby. The idea behind this practice is for the parents to marry them tandrahana with wealth people because puberty is commonly perceived as readiness to get married. However, this practice as it is the case elsewhere can be considered as the sale, trafficking, and exploitation of girls (UNFPA/UNICEF 10-11, 2017; United States Department of State 22).

Apart from the factual data, this study also collected some statistical data thanks to local field surveys in order to show the veracity of the issue. Firstly, investigations conducted by the FIFAHO Association revealed that 25.04% of teenage girls got pregnant during the school year 2016-2017among 8 rural communes in the Districts of Ihosy due to child marriage (see table 1 below). In fact, teenage pregnancies are associated to child marriage in the districts of Ihosy according to data collected in place (see chapter II of this work). The districts of Ihosy record high prevalence of teenage pregnancies in 2016 across 19 communes (see table 5 below). Those figures revealed the significance of the issue in the region.

Table 5. Percentage of early pregnancy among teenage girls under 18 years old in 8 communes in the Districts of Ihosy during the school year 2016 – 2017 according to PNCs (Prenatal Consultations)

Districts Rural Communes PNCs under 18 years old Total PNCs Irina 30 (23.8%) 126 Zazafotsy 43 (22.27%) 193 Sahambano 84 (26.75%) 314 Ihosy Ambatolahy 92 (55.42%) 166 Analaliry 114 (26.88%) 424 Tolohomiady 59 (23.79%) 248 Ambia 165 (22.47%) 734 Ankily 75 (17.12%) 438 Total 8 rural communes 662 PNCs (25.04%) 2643

Source: FIFAHO

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Table 6. Percentage of first PNCs among girls under 18 years old in the Ihorombe region in 2016 (January-December)

First Prenatal Care in 2016 (January- Numbers of pregnant girls under 18 December) years old District of Ihosy (19communes) 1850 (67.9 %) District of Iakora (3 communes) 412 (15.1%) District of Ivohibe (3 communes) 462 (16.9%) Horombe Region (26 communes) 2724 (16.3 percent) Source: Dr Ranaivomiarintsoa Faralalaina/Horombe Regional Ministry of Public Health

Apart from the high fertility rate observed in the region, this study also found several types of child marriage practiced in Bara community including: the unions between men and girls, between peers (from age 13 or 14), but the most common unions are those that involve older wealthy men and young girls.

This research has also revealed that gender inequality still prevails in the Bara community due to excessive attachment to traditions which remains a big obstacle to development of the region. Despite the efforts of the Malagasy government to guarantee education for all children regardless of their sex, social backgrounds and the efforts of FIFAHO association addressing the issue of GBV in the region, teenage girls are still discriminated which particularly affect their schooling and expose them to various exploitations (UNICEF 22, 2012; FIFAHO).

Our results have also shown that the policies suggested to eradicate child marriage can be effective if the strategies used are more realistic. For example, this requires reaching out most remote rural communities by giving solutions to their daily problems in exchange of allowing girls to attend schools. This requires for example building wells, combating insecurity by setting up gendarmes‟ precincts in most unsecured areas, building schools in most remote villages, setting up, and increasing the numbers of Health Centers (CSB II)in each village. These findings emerged through the analysis of this issue in Bara community.

The findings presented in this work also confirmed the hypotheses of this study about the variables on the prevalence of child marriage in Bara community. For example, the 33

FGDs conducted in Ankily revealed interesting testimonies of women enduring child marriage (FGDs).In fact, all of 15 girls interviewed in Ankily aged 15-17 said getting married before their 18th birthday which makes 100% of the case (FGDs).However, 13 out of 15married women interviewed aged 25-30 residing in Ankily acknowledge to have entered marriage before they turn 18which make 86.66% of victims of this harmful practice in the community (FGDs).The researcher did not interview women involved in child marriage in Ihosy.

Our results also revealed a few benefits associated to child marriage in place which have something in common with cases observed in Zambia in Africa (Gillian Mann, Quigley et al 31). Those common points include for example: the possibility of improving the economic gain for families and children in order to have a better living condition, and the enhancement of social status (31). However, child marriage in Bara community presents some distinctive characteristics. According to interview of the staff of FIFAHO, child marriage in Bara community is unique for it is caused by patriarchy resulted in breaking the girl‟s right to choose her life partner through practicing the valy troky system. This practice consists in negotiating the female fetus with her parents to be engaged a male partner.

2.2 Features of child marriage in Bara region

2.2.1 The traditional or customary marriage known as valy tandra

The valy tandra in the Bara community involves in general the payment of bride price known as tandra by the parents of the groom according to social practices of the Fanandraha. Basically, the ritual of Fanandraha takes place at the dwelling place of the bride‟s family in the presence of her parents and her brothers where the bride price, the takim-bavy mostly herds like zebu or oxen are offered as a sign of respect and honor given especially to the male individuals in the household. The number of the zebu (aomby) or takim-bavy offered during the ritual depends on the negotiation made by both parties and is often based on the social backgrounds of the mpangatabaly, those who ask the hands of the bride (FGDs interview).According to Dr Ramarlah Dominique in his book entitled „‟Beliefs and Health among the Bara ethnic groups‟‟, another significance of the bride price or takim- bavy offered to the havam-baly, the bride‟s parents and siblings is the payment of the entire

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time they have wasted to bring up their daughters (67).Other Bara clans interpret it as the parents‟ reward or means to supply the basic needs of the future brides in their household (67).

The bride and the groom involved in this type of marriage can be the same peers (boys and girls aged between 14-17 years old) or a man entering into a relationship to a girl. Basically, both of them are not necessarily close relatives or cousins like the other types of marriage found in the region but must be originated from the same Raza, the same ancestors which are an undeniable condition for the ritual of Fanandraha. Thus, both parties should keep this condition before performing the ritual of the Fanandraha as the Bara ethnic groups do not accept other ethnic groups asking marriage to their daughters due to the caste system practiced by the community „‟to protect land property‟‟ according to studies conducted by Andrianasolo on the issue in 2013 (5).Yet, Dr Ramarlah Dominique in his research on the Bara beliefs depicts the attachment to the custom of the Bara ethnic groups as follows:‟‟ Violating the custom might put an end to a life of the Bara but whoever shows respect to its value can be spared of death‟‟ (138).

Considered as a „‟transactional marriage‟‟, the valy tandra is often arranged by both parties where the decision to marry is not sometimes consented by one of the couples especially the brides according to data collected in place (FGDs interview).This type of marriage is different from the one observed in Zambia where the decision to marry is made freely and not as a result of coercion such as pregnancy or extreme poverty (Gillian Mann, et al. 20). However, the valy tandra is associated to stereotypical view of child marriage like the case observed in Zambia where an old man enters into a relationship with a teenage girl according to a research conducted in place in 2015 (20). The same study highlights that:‟ such marriages are viewed as a generally frowned upon from a moral or social point of view yet tolerated from economic perspective due to a series of financial or material benefits it brings to a girl and her family‟‟ (20).

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2.2.2 The valy longo or valy troky marriage between cousins: A pre-determined or promised marriage

The process of the valy longo or valy troky can take different forms. Firstly, the bride is chosen by the groom when she is still at her mother‟s womb and a bride price is early paid before the official customary marriage takes place someday. This practice is considered as a pre-arranged or promised marriage due to the establishment of early agreements before the birth of the girl and can be interpreted as an early stage of the objectification of women by the Bara men resulted in gender inequality. Despite feminists believe that a girl has the right to control their body and determine their future, female objectification involves a woman being viewed primarily as an object of male sexual desire, rather than a whole person ( Belinda 72). This theory is proved while observing the facts of valy longo in place.

Otherwise, the second process consists in paying the bride price when the girl turns 12 to17 years old. The idea behind this custom is not only to keep the caste system but especially in order to control girls even though they are still at a young age which involves patriarchy and gender inequality. The feminist Walby defines patriarchy in a society as „‟ a system of social structures and practices in which man dominate, oppress and exploit women through societal structures‟‟ (Walby 96). Thus, we can say that controlling a human- being is the fruit of common social beliefs or norms embraced by an individual or group of people claiming to have power to dominate others (Gerry Mackie, et al. 7).Yet, this attitude of discrimination is the non-acceptance of the liberation of women and that is the case of the valy longo in the Bara community.

Local people describe this practice as a normal process among the Bara community since it is considered as a simple custom. However, rich men can demonstrate their power and superiority over the bride‟s family thanks of his wealth. In his studies on the analysis of child marriage in the great Island in 2013, Andrianasolo Nadèche highlights that „‟some relatives mostly rich and elderly men or cattle owners betroth at once an infant girl or a new born baby in exchange of some oxen to her parents‟‟ (15).The fate of an unborn baby girl is at stake here and they are negotiated like goods by where some cattle‟s heads are already offered as a guarantee. Unfairness towards an infant girl is observed here because of the gender norms set up by society. This seems to be unjust given that it does not respect the human rights this attitude discriminates against girls. The law on the rights and protection of

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children adopted in 2007 protects children this discrimination perpetrated towards girls in its article three19. The article three focuses on non-discrimination on the ground of sex. Thus the phenomenon of valy troky discriminates girls because they are seen as inferior to men.

This type of marriage undermines the freedom of choice of girls to choose their suitable partners and it is condemned by human rights‟ laws (UNICEF 7-12, 2015). Moreover, the fact that the valy troky marriage is organized later on when the girl reaches ten or twelve years old is a violation of their rights to pursue their studies for they are usually „‟removed from school to enter such marriages “against their will (Andrianasolo 4). Briefly speaking, child marriage as it is practiced among the Bara community differs from those practiced in the other regions of the Island for its form and rituals. The valy longo occurs when the family of the bride and groom agree to marry their children. Though, marriage between sons and daughters of both sisters is prohibited, the Bara community acknowledges marriage between the sons and daughters of the same brother (Faublée 20)

2.2.3 The phenomenon of valy valizy or a temporary relationship

The Bara ethnic group has been reputed for their semi-nomadic lifestyle for years given that they are among the island‟s zebu-herding people even if some of the population still farm lands (Faublée 22). The terminology valy valizy is widely used to refer to a spouse that can be carried everywhere especially for those who travel from one place to another for business at the cattle market. Literally, the term is composed of two words namely vady spouse and valizy a suitcase. Using this expression here in the context of relationship between men and women is metaphorically referred to something like goods that can be carried away after the owner just got it. However, local young teenagers just view it as a normal practice which they are proud of since reputation of being with a patron’aomby is at stake. Most importantly, People who were interviewed about their perspectives on the practice even declared that the valy valizy takes a form of a competition among teenage girls most of the time (FIFAHO).However, this type of relationship is considered as a form of objectification of women that involves prostitution and physical attraction. In this respect, feminist theorist Belinda Balraj states that: „‟looking at a person as an object merely for

19Law 2007-023 of 20 August 2007. 37

sexual pleasure or as an object for use is considered objectification involving beauty and appearance‟‟ (70).At first sight, the valy valizy has a bad connotation which involves something that has been possessed and as so it is to be entirely reserved or kept for their owners‟ use only. For the defender of gender equality, the vady valizy is transgression of girls‟ rights‟ even though the victims ignore it or give consent to it.

Briefly speaking, the valy valizy is in majority practiced among minors and wealthier old men despite a few cases observed among peers or among adults and girls. Compared to the case of traditional marriage, the valy valizy is not contracted at the parents‟ home of the bride. Instead, the agreement of their relationship is basically negotiated at the common weekly cattle‟s market called Tsenan’ampela which literally means women‟s market (Ramarlah 67).In a nutshell, the term refers to a temporary relationship contracted between some rich cattle nomadic owners and teenage girls or women. The relationship might last for several weeks or months according to the needs of the patron’aomby or depends on the contract especially the amount of money paid to girls. Key informants interviewed in Ihosy said that some of those teenagers just look for partners to have sex with them for reputation but others are involved in this relationship for financial difficulties (In-depth interviews).At last, the phenomenon of valy valizy is qualified by local people as Fanambalia a normal marriage but it implies temporary companionships. In a word, a king of prostitution is also observed in this type of marriage since it involves a negotiation of money.

2.2.4 The Fanambalia Atokatrano: An early cohabitation and interaction with male partners

One type of marriage observed in the region is the Fanambalia Atokatrano. The Fanambalia Atokatrano occurs when a girl is given another shelter or room for her to interact with a man. According to local interviews, encouraging girls to find partners comes very early in Bara society especially when those girls turn 13 or 14 years old and this practice is considered as part of the traditional practice and a norm of the community (Rasoloarison). However, the manifestation of this type of marriage has changed over the years due to acculturation compared to the original facts described by Ramarlah in his research (68). In fact, the researcher depicts the practice of Atokantrano as a period when the

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young bride is put in pension in the groom‟s family where sexual intercourse is prohibited while waiting for the celebration of the official marriage, fanandraha (68).

However, local field work revealed another aspect of the manifestation of this type of marriage. In fact, the local surveys found out that Bara parents expect their teenage daughters to be pregnant mostly to wealthy herds‟ breeders during the Atokantrano ritual so that they can be bound to early marriage. Yet, local norm expects Bara teenage girls to be married to anyone possessing a great number of cattle to offer to his father through this type of marriage. As a result, the young girl is perceived to be ready for marriage and bearing a child when she reaches puberty (UNICEF 05, 2012).Though, this ritual remains a norm of Bara society (68), it can be interpreted as a deprivation of girls their liberty, a violation of their freedom of choice (Gender Tool Box 14), then the influence of patriarchy over female children which wants to control their sexuality (Stark 25).

2.3 Analysis of factors of child marriage in Bara community

2.3.1 The lack or disvaluation of education

Basically, education is disvalued among the Bara ethnic group according to local surveys (Andriamaro).In fact, studies conducted by Ramarlah Dominique in 2016 revealed that the rate of school enrollment remains very poor in Bara region since parents often keep their children home until age five (134). Yet, he found out that girls are mostly registered at primary school than boys (134). Despite the rare parents who find the value of education and prefer sending their children to school, most parents prefer keeping their children at home for field chores (135).Those research findings can be proved during in-depth interviews in Ihosy where parents do not give much importance to their daughters‟ schooling and force them to enter marriage when they reach secondary school due to gender inequality (Andriamaro). The link between gender inequality and school withdrawal is the limitation of girls‟ opportunities outside home sphere basically due to gender discrimination according to investigations conducted by CARE, the Humanitarian organization in 2015 (9). As an example, 3582 enrolled teenage girls (15.97%) aged 13 to 15 are removed by their parents from primary school in the CISCO (Scholar districts) of Ihosy in 2017 across 16 communes (Andriamaro).

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The relationship between education and the prevalence of child marriage is not only found in Bara region but also observed in countries where child marriage is prevalent (CARE 9).It reported for example that girls who get married, pregnant or have given birth are significantly disadvantaged in terms of obtaining an education (9).In a nutshell, education is just viewed as an additional basic helping tool in lives of Bara people. For example, it is considered positively as just a helping tool for counting money or the number of herds, and writing a name of a person and it remains there. For Bara ethnic groups, the common perspective of education remains only to the advantages it brings for male individuals, considered as the future leaders of the household and the heads of community. In fact, only a male leader like the head of the family locally called Iaba, the chief elder of the community named Ampanjaka should know the basic skills offered by education to household and rule over his community.

Early pregnancy is also a serious issue impacting girls‟ schooling in the region (The impacts of early childbearing). Studies revealed that most public schools namely both middle and high schools in the region experience teenage pregnancy occurring in the middle of school year according to local sources (CISCO; FIFAHO). In fact, the districts of Ihosy recorded a higher elevated fertility rates20 (1850 PNCs or 67.9 %) among teenage girls in 2016 (see table 6).Likewise, it is worth noting that surveys on child marriage in Africa demonstrate that teenage pregnancies can be both a factor and impact of child marriage (Neal, Matthews, et al 9). According to the same surveys, most girls are early engaged to their male partners and fail keeping the restriction to have sex while waiting for the official marriage ceremony which causes early pregnancy (9).Similar studies conducted by Human Rights Watch also revealed that child marriage is often associated with the exclusion from school of girls (10-11). The same surveys showed that most of the time teachers encourage teenage pregnant students to see doctors for a medical care or to pass through a pregnancy test (10-11).

Another factor that pushes parents to keep their daughters home or to remove them from school is also the cost of school expense. In fact, according to Salady Barthélemy, an administrative assistant at the scholar district of Ihosy (CISCO), the school expenses are not as pricey as parents might think because most teenage girls residing in the districts of Ihosy

20 See table 7 to find out more 40

are mostly enrolled in public schools such as Primary (EPP) and Middle (CEG) schools managed and supplied by the government (Barthélemy). However, according to his perspectives, this attitude of parents considering schools as a waste of money emerge from the disvalue of education itself and it has nothing to do with the school expenses since most households possess herds as wealth (Barthélemy). He continues stating:

“Students do not pay school fees in these schools but the only expenses parents have to pay are the school materials such as: pens, copybooks, and I keep wondering why they remove their daughters out of school” (Barthélemy)

Briefly speaking, despite the objectives of the achievement of global primary education for all children by 2015 promoted by the goal 2 of The Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations, education of adolescent girls is still undermined in the region of Ihosy (Andriamaro). As a reminder, the goal 2 of the Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations basically focuses on the opportunities girls may get if they attend school (UNFPA 13). It is not for this region only that this practice prevails but the whole country seems to be involved in this unfair consideration of girls according to various surveys. (15)

2.3.2 Pregnancy of girls as factors of child marriage

Pregnancy of girls and school dropouts are interconnected. When girls get pregnant during school, they leave school or removed out of school to enter marriage. As mentioned in the types of marriage‟s section about Atokatrano, parents give permission to girls as young to have romantic relationship with a boy or a man staying overnight in a separate house so that they can get pregnant and are obliged to marry someone as part of initiation rites. This is very significant fact because most parents do not want to be dishonored having unmarried pregnant daughters. Traditionally, pregnancy out of wedlock is viewed as immoral and not accepted by the Bara society according to the perspectives of interviewees (in-depth interview). However, the Bara society accepts pregnancy of girls with a certain condition only if both bride and groom submit themselves to the fomba, the traditional practice involving the bride price payment of the ritual of fanandraha. As a result, the girl herself is obliged to enter child marriage to show respect to the tradition (UNFPA 3).

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Because of the practice Atokan-trano, pregnancies increase in numbers especially among schoolgirls in the region.

Apart from the initiation rites mentioned above, the poor access to the use of contraceptive methods among rural child brides constitutes a relevant factor that gives rise to the high rates of fertility among teenage brides. According to Dr Ranaivomiarintsoa Faralalaina working in the Regional Ministry of Public Health in Ihosy, many child brides (95%) in the Ihorombe region do not have any skills about the use of contraceptive methods or are reluctant to follow family planning due to illiteracy and tradition linked to needs of procreation (Ranaivomiarintsoa). The health worker also said that the rumors on the bad effects of the use of contraceptive methods continue to affect the decision of those girls to follow family planning (Faralalaina).This statement is supported by a 15 year-old teenage bride during the FGD21among teenage mothers in the rural commune of Ankily where she said: „‟My husband never accepts to follow family planning or any other methods of contraception because he wants to have many descendants that is why he asked my hand to my father‟‟ (a 15 year-old teenage bride).

Regarding the weak use of birth control or family planning, local source also revealed that Bara society stereotypically views this method of family planning as a limitation of descendants of a couple. This statement is supported by a recent research on the common perception of the value of procreation among Bara community (Ramarlah 69). Yet, according to data collected in place, there is a link between the use of birth control and teenage pregnancy since not only girls who attend school ignore those methods of family planning but they are also victims of sexual abuse by their future grooms or male partners (Ministry of Public Health). As a result, the phenomenon of teenage pregnancy can be interpreted as caused by the burden of the Bara patriarchal system22 since it tends to control the sexuality of teenage girls itself (Andriamaro).Yet, according to Rasolonasoloniaiko Mélidanie Jeannine, a responsible of the care of the victims of GBV within the FIFAHO Association 90 percent of girls under 18 years old they interact across the districts of Ihosy during one of their outreach programs are not be able to know the use of birth control

21Two categories of FGDs were conducted in Ankily in September 2017 namely: women and teenage girls‟ FGDs 22See Ramarlah 65, chapter 4 for the Bara parenthood system and familial life to find out more 42

because of the high rate of illiteracy and the rumors on the bad effect of its use (Rasolonasoloniaiko).

2.3.3 The different values of boys and girls due to social norms

The roles of teenage girls are disvalued in Bara community because of unequal gender roles between men and women according to data collected during the field surveys (Rasoloarison). Despite the fact that female fertility is viewed positively by the Bara society as a blessing from the Zanahary, the Almighty Creator, female roles are still undermined in the region which is a paradox. In the „‟ Social Psychology of Gender‟‟, Laurie Rudman and Peter Glick acknowledge that the unequal female role of women in society is a result of segregation occurring at early stage of childhood (59).Their research revealed that two separates cultures of childhood give rise to segregation in a society (59). Thus, they highlight that segregation both gives rise to separate social worlds or „‟cultures‟‟ of boys and girls (59). As a result, segregation brings about different activities, interactions styles, and social rules (59). This study outcome can be observed in Bara community where boys‟ roles are much more valued than girls‟ roles because boys will be the leader of the household one day as one of the Bara proverbs says: “Gn’ampela magnarabaly” which means women have to submit to men.

One of the factors of the disvalue of girls‟ roles in Bara community is also the burden of gender inequality in society due to the dominance of Bara men. Thus, the socio-cultural superiority of man over the woman still remains a stumbling block to eradicate child marriage. Interviewees revealed that within the family, boys are well received at birth with more enthusiasm than girls. It is acknowledged by the Bara community that boys will become an integral part of the family, will rule over the family, and take responsibilities when their parents pass away someday. For example, the responsibilities related to the management of properties like the lands and herds remain mostly to men. Talking about patriarchy reflecting male dominance in society, Rudman and Glick acknowledge that: „a man who controls ample lands and wealth can attract many women, giving him the potential to sire hundreds offspring‟‟ (Rudman and Glick 33). In addition to the total submission to the father, which is also due to him by his parental role, the girls must obey and respect their

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brothers from an early age. Concerning the importance of tradition among the Bara ethnic, Faublée states that „‟the strength of traditions maintains customs and uses „‟ (Faublée 5).

According to evidence from the field research, child brides have little to say in whether, when or whom they will marry and that is the case of Bara child brides. For fear of being excluded out of the household family, children tend to be obedient to their parents and their parents‟ authority is viewed as infallible. Since nobody dares to object to parents‟ decision, a Bara male parentis highly respected. Consequently, Bara child brides remain silent and do not dare to denounce gender-based violence perpetrated against them. Regarding the decision making power within the marriage Seema Jayachandran states in her article entitled “The roots of gender inequality‟‟ that it is considered as part of gender inequality which attracts scholars and policy makers‟ attention (69). Yet, the researcher emphasizes that „‟woman‟s say in household decisions is one component of her well-being and thus an end in itself” (69)

Unequal roles of boys and girls are observed in Bara community. In fact, unequal roles often impact the disvalue of the roles of girls which is observed through their occupations. In everyday life, Bara teenage boys are expected to keep and take their herds in search of new pastures. According to local source, the herds can reach a hundred heads and because water is a rare element in the South, they can walk for kilometers before finding it. If daughters are allowed to attend primary school by some parents, boys are initiated to the breeding of zebu at a very young age. In addition, studies on the education of boys in Bara region conducted by Ramarlah Dominique revealed that a Bara male child is initiated to battle among their peers at an early age to show their braveness and power in society (70). Consequently, this ritual creates unequal power between men and women and reinforces the domination of men. As a result,² the male child is detached from his mother and brought up by his father at the age of two where he is expected to be strong and brave by showing his aggressiveness, strength towards his opponents in a battle called ringa (71). Consequently, this ritual is surely the result of male dominance towards his peers and brings about unequal roles between boys and girls within the household. It is not surprising if the roles of men and women are not equal and child marriage is very common in the Bara community.

The roles of girls are restricted only to household chores. In fact, girls are expected to care only for the household chores in order to satisfy the daily needs of the whole members

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of the family which is mostly an extended family. Their occupation consists in working on rice field, preparing meals. However, feminists interpret unequal roles of boys and girls as a result of social norms that tend to control women‟s productivity and their liberty (Gender Box 6).Consequently, girls are victims of GBV because of their sex and GBV is often connected to the term masculinity and femininity (6).

Recent studies of UNICEF found out that stereotypes impact the unequal values of boys and girls in Madagascar (UNICEF 52, 2015).Laurie A. Rudman and Glick depict gender stereotype as follows: “Gender stereotypes include a variety of attributes commonly associated with versus women. These include physical characteristics, preferences, interests, social roles, and occupations‟‟ (Rudman and Glick 86).In its investigations, UNICEF reports that people‟s attitudes naturally stem from stereotypes that lead to differences in the treatment of children towards boys (UNICEF 52, 2015). UNICEF is quite right here in their investigations because those stereotypes are deeply rooted from the Bara traditions and take many forms. For example, those stereotypes can take form in the inequalities in the use of time, in the distribution of domestic chores, and the freedom of choices. Evidently, we can say that those stereotypes are the main factors that caused to early marriage in the region because those gender inequalities will affect later the condition of girls in their education, health, and in their emancipation unless concrete actions are not taken (52).Another stereotype that has been set up by Bara society is the view that women are inferior, weak. Proverbs like „’Fanaky malemy gn’ ampela’’ which means „‟The woman is a fragile piece of furniture‟‟ or „‟ Kofehy manara-panjaitsy gn’ampela,‟‟ meaning to say the woman is like the thread that follows the needle‟‟ all show the belief in the inferiority of women. The rural area in Bara community still remains conservative and maintains this view. The consequences of these stereotypes and norms are observed in the community. The legal clinics called Trano Aro Zo in Ihosy records various cases of abuse perpetrated against women including: marital rape or violence due to gender inequality (Trano Aro Zo)

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2.3.4 The influence and power of parents’ authority

Parents‟ authority has impacted the girls‟ decision making process according to data collected in the region (Bara School girls‟ perspectives)23. Due to patriarchy, a father‟s authority as the “breadwinner” is respected by his household. As a result, parents impose early marriage to their daughters without their own consent. However, it is illegal to contract marriage without the full consent of both parties according to Provisions of the Convention on the Consent to Marriage (UNICEF 12, 2012).Yet, the article one of the convention states„‟ No marriage shall be legally entered into without the full and free consent of both parties, such as consent to be expressed by them in person as prescribed by law‟‟ (12).Furthermore, a national law on marriage in Madagascar states that a legal marriage should be the free consent of both bride and groom and without any pressures. The ordinance 62-089 of October 1962 on the conditions required for marriage states „‟ the consent is valid point if it was not extorted by violence‟‟. As a result, marriage is legal if it is contracted with a free consent that is not a result of any pressure which is not the case of child marriage. In a word, parents‟authority discriminates against girls „‟on the basis of age and gender‟‟ (UNICEF 17, 2012) and breaks the article 2.2 of the CRC and article 2 of CEDAW (17).

To show the influence of parents‟authority towards children, the investigator conducted interviews of teenage Bara girls in the districts of Ihosy. In fact, 13 out of 15 girls interviewed (80 percent) in the village of Ankily said that education is important for them but they still remain about the strong decision of their parents. In addition, some of them want to serve in high administrative positions in the civil service jobs but they cannot do anything about the decision of their parents. However, 2 of the girls interviewed (20 percent) said they prefer accepting arranged marriage for fear of their parents.

Like in most cases observed in various parts of the world, teenage girls are removed out from schools against their will to be married to individuals mostly older and wealthier than them (UNFPA 08, 2012). According to information provided by FIFAHO concerning

23Listen to the audio recording of FIFAHO with AVEC Radio entitled “Bara School girls‟ perspectives on early pregnancy” on March, 22, 2017 to find out more about the link between Parents‟ authority and the girls‟ decision making process

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the issue, parents do not seem to find any other options for the future of their children except taking these girls away from school because they are considered as just destined to men. Besides, getting education is supposed to be for all people and women do not take advantages of it for their places are mainly at home, dealing with household chores. Mr. David, the coordinator of the project states ‟‟This is a crime because these girls are still under-aged and therefore still endowed with some basic rights which protect them‟‟. As a reminder, it is acknowledged that these teenagers have the right to get education, to choose their own partner instead of being pressured. For example, violence can take the form of marriage with wealthy cattle owners locally called Patron’Aomby who are very well-known for their possession of a great number of zebus. Basically, people from this region of the Island especially parents are attracted to the fact of pushing their teenage girls to get married to wealthy people who can provide them their daily needs and also it is considered as a great honor.

2.3.5 The burden of the fomba, the traditional practice

The field surveys revealed that local people associates child marriage with the traditional practice (FGDs).This statement is supported by a recent research which qualifies it as a practice (Ramarlah 69).Ten local parents, the Ray aman-dreny were interviewed about their perspectives of child marriage and eight of them (80%) said that child marriage is part of their traditional practice Yet, they said that they practice it for the future of their teenage girls (in-depth interviews).However, the practice is often rooted in poverty where the marriage of daughters is viewed a way of escaping poverty. As the cases elsewhere in places where child marriage remains pervasive, researches demonstrate that the prevalence of poverty is linked to child marriage since parents seek to benefit from economic aspects of child marriage (UNICEF 6, 2017).The practice is also rooted in the beliefs that seek to protect girls from marrying to other ethnic groups. Andrianasolo qualifies this attitude as a way to enhance „‟parental ties‟‟ or to keep family properties or wealth controlled by a clan locally described as the lova tsy mifindra practice (5).Bara parents make their best so that their teenage daughters might not be engaged to any relationship with other ethnic groups which can be perceived as a treat for their culture maintaining the caste system.

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The practice of polygymy, fampirafesa is widely practiced in Bara community which gives rise to child marriage. Bara men practice polygymy if the fist wife, valy be gives her consent to the patriarch or if the man is wealthy and can take other wives, valy ivo or valy masay (Ramarlah 67). Those wives are accepted by the community as legal wives where they are all have rights to ask zebu the takim-bavy from their husband before engaging themselves to reside with him (67). However, this practice of fampirafesa is observed also in child marriage where girls have to face it. Consequently, feeling powerless, girls have to accept their fate for fear of being excluded out of the household (FIFAHO).In fact most wealthy cattle breeders want to impress most parents by their wealth and notoriety to ask hands of girls according to data collected in place. Consequently Bara parents remain weak about the power of the bride price offered to them. Considered as a main wealth attraction, the bride price which is mostly oxen is highly coveted.

Local surveys show that a Bara cattle wealthy breeder can possess over hundreds of herds, which attract parents. Though having girls as descendants divide parents sometimes because some view them as helpers for the household chores; others view them as just commodities, the majority of parents consider them as a source of income. Parents want them to marry wealthy cattle breeders for the reputation of the family and the social status given to those individuals (patron’aomby).As a result; this is great obstacle for strategies to tackle child marriage. According to local source, if a child girl does not marry anyone before 18 years old for example, this is viewed as abnormal, and there remains the community stereotype. However, a teenage girl should not be forced to conjugal life early because numbers of surveys demonstrate that those girls are not yet ready to hold household responsibilities (UNICEF 20, 2015).

2.3.6 The non consideration of the community law

Furthermore, research states that the recognition of the rights of children still remains weakened in Madagascar due to the entrenchment of gender inequality (USAID 5).For the case of Bara community, a law that is supposed to protect teenage girls from GBV is sometimes neglected or despised by perpetrators of GBV in place. The DINA in each rural commune in the districts of Ihosy is often despised for example by wealthier cattle breeders who covet teenage brides according to FIFAHO through their representatives in most remote

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rural areas. It is also reported that some of them do not have difficulties to pay for example 100 000 Ariary fine to have transgressed one of the DINA’s articles prohibiting child marriage. Yet, they are to corrupt local authorities by giving them numbers of cattle according to sources in Ihosy. This phenomenon creates a poor recognition of rights of children. UNICEF highlights that if authorities do not act effectively, the number of girls married as children will increase by 2050, and Africa will become the region with the highest number of child brides in the world (UNICEF 15, 2015). Due to poverty, it is recognized that large numbers of African girls and women suffer the consequences of child marriage (15)

2.3.7 Early interaction of girls with men and child marriage

Encouraging girls to relate to men in the Bara region is similar to cases observed in Zambia, one of African countries having highest child marriage rates (Gillian Mann, Quigley, et al 20). Like the case found in Zambia which is similar to the case found in the Bara region, Bara parents see child marriage beneficial to their daughters for several reasons. This early interaction comes with the desire to respect parents‟ decision. Firstly, the honor of parents is at stake because family having girls married by a prestigious person like the patron’aomby24 feels honored. Secondly, local parents try to get their daughters to interact to men early so that their daughters enter marriage early. Parents perceive this early interaction of girls to men as an opportunity to escape bad living conditions as girls might enter child marriage. Consequently, as soon as girls are able to relate to men, or when they reach puberty their family separates them from the family home to give them independence.

Basically, the Bara ethnic groups are not really severe about the future of children as far as intimate relationships are concerned. They do encourage their teenage girls to be on their own when the latter begin to have their menstruation. Most girls get their first period when they are around 12 even though every girl‟s body has its own schedule according to research.25It is too early to get pregnant or have sexual intercourse for those girls according to Doctor Ranaivomiarintsoa Faralalaina, gynecologist at the Regional Ministry of Public

24Local terminology used to refer to a wealthy herds owner. 25For more information, go to kidshealth.org „‟All about Periods-Kids Health‟‟. 49

Health in Ihosy.26 As a result of this separation, young men frequently interact with men early and this early interaction gets them exposed to different kinds of dangers such as: early pregnancy and marriage, rape, and sexual harassment.

2.4 Analysis of the impacts of marriage in the Bara community

2.4.1 Low rate of girl schooling in the districts of Ihosy child

This study found out that education and the prevalence of child marriage in the Bara region are highly associated according to field investigations. For example, the CISCO27 of Ihosy records serious school dropouts in the districts of Ihosy in 2017among teenage girls enrolled in primary schools due to child marriage. In fact, during the school year 2016- 2017in 16 communes in the districts of Ihosy, 3582 teenage girls aged 13 to 15 (15.97%) are removed from schools by their parents in total numbers of 22423 enrolled students to enter child marriage according to data provided by Andriamaro Miandrisoa, head of programming at the scholar district of Ihosy (CISCO, Andriamaro). At first sight, the percentage of this school withdrawal seems to be not much compared to total numbers of enrolled students. However, this percentage is significant because it reveals not only the will of parents to marry their daughters in the region but also the attitude of parents ignoring the age of their daughters entering marriage. Local field research also permitted to know that Bara parents lately send their children to school and that is the main reason why for example a 13 to15 year-old girl is still at a primary school.

School removal for under aged people is banned by the Malagasy law (Constitution 8). However, Bara parents, in majority ignore that removing a teenage girl from school is qualified as illegal because this act violates the article 23 of the Constitution of the Fourth Republic of Madagascar which guarantees the right to get instruction and education for every Malagasy child. Indeed, every Malagasy child is entitled with this right within the responsibility of their parents with the respect of children‟s own choice according to this supreme law.

26 Interview conducted on September, 9th 2017 at The Regional Ministry of Public Health in Ihosy 27In Madagascar‟s primary and secondary educational system, the „‟CISCO‟‟ is referred to the school district. 50

As education prepares people for a better career in the future, Bara society deprives them from their rights. The article 23 of the Constitution is firm: „‟every child is entitled with rights to get instructions and education which remain in the responsibility of their parents in the respect of their freedom of choice‟‟. Consequently, while remaining illiterate and uneducated, a better professional career remains uncertain for women and that is why Paula Nicolson says “ A professional career is still seen by many as unsuitable and unnatural for a woman, although women are now accepted in professional roles” (Nicolson 1996). Few Bara parents know that if girls are dropped out school early against their will, it denies them of school age, and their right to get education they need for their personal development, their preparation for adulthood, and their ability to contribute to the productivity of their family and community (Girls Not Brides 7)

The lack of access to education means the lack of access of the basic rights of children. The more, people do not get enough education, the more their chances to get instructions are reduced, and the more they are exposed to various exploitations. Considered as the most vulnerable group of people in developing country, women and children are most of the time victims of unfairness perpetrated by men because they have poorer knowledge of their basic rights. Whereas, when women know they rights, they can resist to all forms of exploitations. This used to be the case of the Suffragettes movement in the UK in 1930s who were initially marginalized and endured unfairness but they stood firm for their rights at last (BBC)

2.4.2 Bara teenage girls: victims of GBV

Child marriage remains harmful to women and girls by threatening particularly their sexual, physical and psychological states and this can last during their whole lives according to a report of Girls Not Brides in 2015 (8). This study found out various forms of violence faced by Bara teenage brides during their conjugal lives. Those types of violence include: sexual domestic abuse, maltreatment, marital rape, and the effects of polygamy according to cases recorded by the legal clinics, Trano Aro Zo in their archives in Ihosy. To find out the veracity of that evidence, the researcher interviewed some local mothers aged 25-30 entering marriage as children residing in Ankily (FGDs).Surprisingly, all testified to have endured violence from their male partners (FGDs).Violence can take various forms and might occur

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unexpectedly at home according to one of the mothers as for example his husband might get angry against her when she fails serving the meal on time for example. This happened one day to one of the mothers when her husband got back exhausted from field chores. Some said to have been forced by their husbands to have sex at any time they want when they get drunk or when they are not satisfied sexually with other female partners. All of those facts justify the danger of the practice. Yet, as far as the perception of GBV on Bara teenage girls is concerned, investigations of FIFAHO in 2017 at the middle school (CEG) of the rural commune of Ankily during one of its outreach programs revealed that the majority of female students attending the programs said to be scared of being beaten by their elder partners when they enter marriage (FIFAHO).

2.4.3 Pregnancies as impacts of child marriage

Child marriage is a consequence of high rates of fertility among girls aged 10-14 years old (61.3%) and teenage girls aged 15-17 years old (64.7%) in 2016 in the districts of Ihosy (See table 7 below). Studies conducted by Human Rights Watch revealed that teenage girls might suffer from harmful consequences of child marriage which is for example the premature birth due to the lack of education of girls (10-11). A similar study also revealed that not only childbearing remains pervasive in poorer countries, but it a threat to girls due to maternal mortality such as deaths that might occur shortly after pregnancy (Jayachandran 74). As we have mentioned in the previous section, because of rumors on the bad effects of the use of contraceptive methods, the lack of adequate skills about its use, the interdiction of husbands of its use to their wives for the needs of procreation, pregnancies rates of girls increase in numbers and are alarming in the region(See table 3).In fact, all of the 10 girls interviewed during the FGDs aged 15-17 living in the rural commune of Ankily in the districts of Ihosy said that procreation is the main purpose of marriage according to their customs „’Ty hanambalia hiteraha‟‟, which means „‟Procreation is the purpose of marriage‟‟(FGDs).

Yet, a recent survey conducted by Dr Ramarlah Dominique about the importance of procreation among the Bara ethnic groups revealed that sterility (kanda) is perceived as a great curse (69).He depicts the situation as follows: „women‟ sterility is perceived as a real misfortune and not having an offspring is the worst of situations‟‟ (69). Apart from the

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negative side view of sterility, the Bara also associates women‟s fertility to the needs of future because without children as descendants; most basic chores remain unperformed according to them (69). They often ask questions like:‟ who will take care of the burials? To whom shall all the wealth and fruits of hard labor be returned?‟‟(69). As a result, it is not surprising that the community faces high rates of fertility among teenage girls.

According to FIFAHO‟s Associations surveys conducted in 2011at Ihosy Public Middle School (CEG), 96 girls out of 200 enrolled students (48%) under 18 years old quit schools mostly due to pregnancy. These girls are mostly becoming child brides. Once girls get pregnant, they are forced by their parents to enter marriage because Bara society disapproves also pregnancy outside marriage, and as a result parents are obliged to marry off their pregnant daughters (FGDs).According to interview at FIFAHO, 80 percent of those girls do not want to get pregnant which means pregnancy is against their will because they still want to attend school (Bara School girls‟ perspectives)

This study did not investigate on the negative impacts of teenage childbirth in the region despite numbers of bad consequences it brings to the lives of teenage girls. However, numbers of reports are provided annually about its impacts by several worldwide institutions. For example, UNICEF reports in 2012 in one of its annual reports about children and women in Madagascar that: „‟One out of 201 women die during pregnancy or childbirth and 1 out of every 42 newborns die in their first month of life‟‟ (UNICEF 6, 2012). Studies also revealed that girls endure the harmful consequences of early pregnancy across their lives (Girls Not Brides 8). One of these harmful consequences affects their well- being because psychological violence still remains when those girls are left unmarried (8).The field surveys revealed also that Bara men especially those who do not want to be engaged in a serious conjugal life do not prefer to marry pregnant girls that is unjust. This table below shows the prevalence of early pregnancy in the region of Horombe.

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Table 7. High prevalence of pregnancies and childbirths among Bara teenage girls Percentages of First Prenatal Consultations and childbirths of teenage girls under 18 in the Region of Ihorombe in 2017 (January to June) First Prenatal Consultations ( -18 years old) 2017 (January-June) District of Ihosy 802 PNCs (69.2%) District of Iakora 183 PNCs (15.8%) District of Ivohibe 173 PNCs (14.9%) Region of Horombe 1158 PNCs (6.7%)

Percentages of First Prenatal consultations of teenage girls in the Region of Horombe in 2016 (January to December) First Prenatal consultations ( -18 years old) 2016 (January-December) District of Ihosy 1850 PNCs (67.9 %) District of Iakora 412 PNCs (15.12%) District of Ivohibe 462 PNCs (16.9%) Region of Horombe 2724 PNCs (16.3%)

Percentages of childbirths of girls in Ihorombe Region in 2016 (January-December) Childbirths (10-14 years old) Childbirths (15-17 years old) (January-December) (January-December) District of Ihosy 27 (61.3%) 283 Childbirths (64.7%) District of Iakora 14 (31.8%) 115 Childbirths (26.31%) District of Ivohibe 3 (6.8%) 39 Childbirths (8.9%) Region of Horombe 44(1.8%) 437 Childbirths (17.5%)

Percentages of childbirths of girls in Ihorombe Region in 2015 (January-December) Childbirths (10-14 years old) Childbirths (15-17 years old) (January-December) (January-December) District of Ihosy 16 (47%) 139 Childbirths (62.61%) District of Iakora 15 (44.1%) 52Childbirths (23.42%) District of Ivohibe 3 (8.8%) 31 Childbirths (13.9%) Region of Horombe 34 (2.4 percent) 222 (16%) Source: Regional Direction of Public Health: Ministry of Public Health of Ihosy28

28Data provided by Dr. Ranaivomiarintsoa Faralalaina September 09th 2017 54

We can see from this table above that the first prenatal consultations of girls in the districts of Ihosy are increasing compared to other districts which can be interpreted in various aspects. First, it shows the burden of the objectification of women in the region which is associated to the excessive men‟s desire to have many children without regard to their health condition as children to bear many children at their age. Then, the districts of Ihosy have recorded a high percentage rate of teenage pregnancies in a couple of years compared to other districts (67.9 % to 69.2%).

2.4.4 Child marriage: an opportunity to exploit girls

Child marriage is a form of exploitation and sale of children according to Malagasy Law on Trafficking. In fact, the Law on Trafficking of 200829 modifying the Penal Code in its article 333 criminalizes any forms of exploitations perpetrated toward children including child marriage according to research of Andrianasolo (33). Yet, the Convention on the Rights of the Child30 (CRC) acknowledges child marriage as exploitation and a sale of teenage girls (Joar Svanemyr, Elisa, et al 35). Ratified by Madagascar in March, 19th 1991, the convention recognizes that children are entitled to human rights in their own right (35).

However, girls who do not attend schools are at a high risk of being exploited according to surveys despite of the goal two of achieving universal primary education for all children of the Millennium Development Goals (UNFPA 13). An annual report of UNICEF in 2012 revealed that over 2 million children do not have opportunity to be registered at pre- school and it is also reported that approximately 1.5 million school age children face school withdrawal in the great Island (6). Thus, those unfortunate children are vulnerable to any forms of exploitations that might perpetrated by their own parents. Though education plays a major role by informing people about their potentialities and their rights (22), Bara teenage girls are sold and exploited by exchanging them to money or cattle. Rasoloarison Bruno David, Coordinator of the FIFAHO Project said that:‟‟ those girls totally ignore the exploitation behind the practice of child marriage‟‟ (Rasoloarison).

29Law 2007-038 of 14 January 2008 modifying and completing some provisions of the Penal Code on sexual exploitation and sexual tourism 30The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) was held in New York on November,20th 1989 regrouping 52 African countries including Madagascar which signed it in April19th 1990. 55

Bara parents exploit their teenage girls in order to reach their objectives of receiving dowry or bride prices. However, exploitation perpetrated towards children occurs when the victims are innocent or underage. As a result, this attitude is qualified as selfish from the parts of parents. Parents also exploit their teenage girls by practicing the valy tandra early which denies girls to choose their own life partners someday. However, UNICEF in one of its Annual Report finds the importance of education as an important tool to reduce exploitations of those girls by reinserting them to school to promote gender equality. That is one of the reasons why UNICEF for example does their best to reinsert girls to school to promote gender equality in Madagascar the following year in order to eradicate child marriage practice. According to the same national survey in 2017 in the country, more than 21,000 out-of-school girls in the 6 regions benefited from catch up classes and reinsertion in formal public schools, 4,449 of them in lower secondary schools (UNICEF 12, 2017). The report of UNICEF shows also that girls in Madagascar are vulnerable and the Bara girls are included in this situation (12)

2.4.5 Child marriage and its social impacts on girls

This study did not investigate the health impacts of child marriage on girls during the field surveys. However, through reviewing secondary data, the researcher has identified health, economic, social, educational, and psychological consequences of child marriage to teenage girls. Thus, child marriage might bring serious economical impacts on teenage girls. One of the consequences is school withdrawal is that girls have fewer chances to contribute positively to the development of their community because they might rely on men during their lifetime (Girls Not Brides 8). For example, they might always depend on men to raise them in order to satisfy their personal needs. That is the case of the interviewed mothers who said that they have to depend on men to live and raise their children (FGDs).Regarding the dependence of women on men in a patriarchal society, Laura Stark says that women are expected to watch over their husbands (26).

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2.4.6 The violation of women’s decision-making process

Men‟s excessive authority denies women‟s decision-making. In most case observed worldwide, the opinion of girls are not consulted and they are partially have access to „‟the decision-making process‟‟ while entering marriage (Brooks 47). Consequently, the domination of men affects women and girls‟ decision making. The rights of Bara women are still undermined even though the Malagasy constitution of the fourth Republic31 in its article 21 guarantees the protection of everyone including women and children for their own well- being. As a result, many of the victims of GBV do not know anything about their rights and therefore remain silent against different abuses they endure such as rape, the excessive abuse of authority by men. Most women do not sue their assailants to court for fear of reprisal and this is due to the excessive authority of men. In addition, those who were interviewed said that their opinion is ignored and they are against the sale of their daughters. They even stated that they are more sensitive to the harmful treatments of their female children than their male children (Personal interview). Consequently, unequal power is observed here between men and women due to stereotypes set up by society which gives much power to men. According to Collins Dictionary, stereotypes are “a fixed general image or set of characteristics that a lot of people believe represent a particular type of person or thing”32. For example, Bara people believe that women are men‟s possession and women are men‟s commodity. Men are holding certain superior powers due to stereotypes and then can use them to dominate their partners. About diverse patterns of gender stereotyping effects, Biernat states „‟ gender stereotypes affect judgments of individuals and men and women are judged consistently with broad gender stereotypes”.33One form of the domination of men over women in the Bara society is for example the abuse of authority in not giving them inheritance.

Bara women are not able to express themselves freely and this seems to be unfair despite of protection of the law against men‟s abuse. To illustrate this, a lot of complaints are received annually by the Trano Aro Zo, a national institution that aims at settling gender issues and the protection of women in Ihosy. These complaints mostly include: abuses perpetrated against women and girls such as rape, adultery, force early marriage, domestic

31Decree 2010-994 promulgating the Constitution of the IV Republic 32www.collingsdictionary.com 33 Monica Biernat, PhD, is a lecturer at University of Kansas, Lawrence, at the Department of Family Studies. 57

violence such as beating up. But what interests us here is a case of child bride victims of abuses by her partner that might link to child marriage. The case of a 37 year-old single woman, resident of Ihosy is worth studying. She states that she has been victim of various abuses since her marriage. She depicts her horrible experience as follows:

„‟ I was 15 years old when my parents decided that I would get married to a wealthy herd‟s owner. At that time I was in my 8th grade at a middle school (CEG) here in Ihosy and I would not even dare to object to their decision for fear of being rejected. Even though, I was not enough prepared for household chores, I finally submitted to my parents‟ will. Years went by and I suffered from different abuses from my partner because he had several wives and I felt like I was just his game. Consequently, he beat me up when I refused to have sex with him. Sometimes, he got furious when I failed serving his meal on right time. There are plenty of things that I was enduring but I was always scared to sue him in court because men‟s authority is much respected here in our community. The only option I chose was to run away from him with my kids‟‟ (a 37 year-old single woman)

We have an interesting testimony here about how much gender-based violence can affect teenage brides‟ well-being in Ihosy. Gender-based violence is due to gender inequality because of traditions and gender norms set up by the society. According to studies conducted in some African and Asian countries in 2016, traditions and gender norms are rooted in patriarchal values and ideologies (Jain & Kurz 15; UNFPA 20). When we observe the case of the child marriage practice in the Bara community, their society remains patriarchal. Bara patriarchy system puts parents in higher position and women serving them. The girl is victim of gender inequality since male‟s superiority still persists and has control on women‟s decision-making. Moreover, gender norms which grant men infallible authority still exist so that women are dominated unfairly. Another lesson drawn is also the collective practice of a group of people such the example of child marriage is rooted in a tradition.

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CHAPTER THREE: Policy recommendations to combat child marriage

CHAPTER THREE: Policy recommendations to combat child marriage

3.1 Changing the behaviors of people to eliminate societal norms

Field surveys revealed that the behavior of Bara people contributes to the establishment of social norms harmful to teenage girls. Thus, it is acknowledged that numbers of reasons push a particular group of people in behavior that seeks to treat harmfully or beneficially children (Mackie, Moneti, et al 4). Research on social norms argue that the majority of these factors are connected to the „nonsocial environment‟‟ in which people live or with their „‟economic resources‟‟ (4) As a result, some beliefs of the Bara which leads to their harmful behaviors towards women and girls should be changed. For example, the belief that child marriage is beneficial for the future of teenage girls, or the belief that it is late for girls to enter marriage after 18 years old. These people‟s beliefs which bring about the establishment of social norms should be eliminated to eradicate child marriage in Bara region.

As a result, the understanding of these social norms is a key point when we want to address child marriage. To tackle these norms, FIFAHO Association has put into reality its mission on the promotion of the sustainable development of the region through mobilizing active forces and promotes citizen empowerment. It basically involves sensitization and involvement of target groups such as the community elders or patriarchs, and parents of teenage girls to stop the practice through communication sessions that are meant to behavior changes. However, what lacks to the interventions of the Association is the consideration of the level of education of these target groups which seems to be a challenge to be taken seriously into account to stop the practice and change the social approval of these norms. Reaching out people seems to be effective as supported by numbers of policy frameworks against GBV (USAID 6) but FIFAHO needs to figure out the best way of transmitting their messages efficiently to Bara community where illiteracy rate remains higher.

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3.2 Eliminating the roots of GBV resulting in early fertility among teenage girls

As we have already analyzed in chapter II, high fertility of girls is linked to gender inequality. Thus, FIFAHO has launched numbers of actions to address the issue of high fertility among teenage girls to tackle gender inequality in the Horombe region. To do this, the association benefited from the financial supports of the PISSCA project of the French Embassy to enable them to reduce in half the marriage rate of teenage girls aged under 18 years old in 24 months and to reduce in half of early pregnancy of girls under 18 years old in 24 months (PISSCA 12). As a result, 59 985 of girls aged 10 to 17 years old could benefit from the project in 20 rural communes in the Horombe region (12).However, research on fertility revealed that the lower fertility observed in rich countries is the result of smaller gender gaps in education, health, and labor market outcomes (Jayachandran 74). Whereas, the higher fertility observed in developing countries is caused by the high desired fertility itself and also from the poor access to contraceptive methods to control fertility (74). In this respect, to eliminate child marriage, the roots of high desired of fertility in Bara region which has control on the sexuality of girls should be uprooted. According to our analysis on gender inequality as a factor of child marriage in the previous chapter, we can admit that the system of patriarchy in Bara community gives rise to the control of sexuality of girls entering child marriage in Bara region. To put it into action, the community should establish equal opportunity that enables girls to fair equal treatment and roles in society to oppose the system of patriarchy.

3.3 Taking into account the cultural factors to tackle gender inequality

3.3.1 The bride price known as fanandraha and the dowry system

It is acknowledged that in other today‟s societies “the groom typically controls the money or dowry which is thus a financial cost to parents of having daughters (Jayachandran 76). However, field work on child marriage in Bara region did not reveal that the groom has control on the dowry paid by the bride‟s parents to the couple at the time of marriage. Indeed, parents of the bride do not pay the dowry to the couple which puts the case of child marriage in Bara region unique. However, the groom‟s parents or his closer elder members of family have to pay the bride price to the bride‟s parents. As a result, the idea that parents view this ritual should be taken into account to eradicate child marriage. For example, the 60

tradition of giving away the bride price or dowry should be eliminated in the tradition of the community in order to stop this harmful practice. As for the case of Bara society, the local authorities should sensitize parents to view the dignity of their daughters as much more important and valuable than money or cattle to eliminate dowry.

3.3.2 Understanding the system of patrilineality

We have explored that the Bara community has adopted the patrilineal system which controls the properties of couple in favor to the patriarch of the household as no women inherit land in Bara community according to local source. Referring to the roots of gender inequality, Jayachandran depicts patrilineality as a system in which “names and property pass to the next generation through male descendants” (77). This definition can be observed in Bara community and tends to discriminate against girls entering child marriage when they are given their fathers‟ name but do not inherit their father‟s land. To address this issue, legal marriage over 18 years old should be encouraged by authorities so that both couple can have access to fair share of properties in case of divorce (Law n° 61-025) and parents should be sensitized to register the names of their children in the city hall so that they can have official documents like a birth registration paper or kopia nahaterahana (Law n° 61-025) to prove their majority in the eyes of the law to defend their rights. By convincing parents to delay child marriage and enter legal marriage celebrated in a city hall, teenage girls might inherit his husband‟s properties in case of death or divorce related to fair share of properties (zara mira) according to Malagasy law (Law n°68-012). This strategy surely will have an impact on reducing the power of patrilineality, a factor of child marriage.

3.4 Valuing women and girls by appealing to cultural community legacy

The Bara as the other ethnic groups of Madagascar is still attached to their cultural beliefs (Ramarlah 81). One of these cultural beliefs that the Bara shows respect to educate his community is the ohabola, the proverb which is an intangible cultural legacy inherited from the ancestors (81). Thus, the wisdom of the ancestors can be observed through different aspects such as the use of proverbs to educate the generation (81).Dr Dominique Ramarlah highlights the importance of the proverbs which express beliefs, set a moral ethic, guarantee

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the effectiveness of the rites, and contain rules for the conduct of community (85). Most Malagasy people are convinced on the educative power of those proverbs which reflect the wisdoms of the ancestors and therefore consider them as effective tools to transmit messages from one generation to another. For example, proverbs like “Sarobidy gne zanaky” or “Tsy misy malala noho ny vady na tombo noho ny zanaka’’ meaning to say „‟Children are precious gift‟‟ and „‟There is none like one‟s husband/wife‟‟ all justify the preciousness of a child. Thus, people should be reminded to keep the messages transmitted by those proverbs and stop child marriage, a harmful practice to girls.

In fact, forcing children to marriage is like objecting to the ancestors‟ messages to preserve children from any harmful actions. As a result, the community should stop the practice of child marriage simply by obeying to their ancestors‟ messages. To put it in a more practical way, an approach that leaves a reverence for fomba gasy, the traditional practice is more practical to combat child marriage. For example, some more regular outreach programs from the part of FIFAHO Association are encouraged to reach maximum communities at least once a week. This strategy involves several actions that aim to behavior changes including: sensitizing programs of community leaders such the patriarchs like the lonaky ampanjaka the actual Bara custom (fomba Bara), since child marriage is not a fomba inherited from the ancestors, but a social practice according to FIFAHO. This can be done through a documentary movie projection on the value of children, the preciousness of the ancestors‟ messages against harmful actions to children. This strategy should be encouraged because rural people are generally attracted by watching movies displaying their culture or appealing to their interests. FIFAHO already performs this but it does not cover most communities due to limited means which is a challenge.

3.5 Eliminating the objectification of women

The objectification of women through exchange of zebu should be banned to eliminate child marriage. As a reminder, zebu (aomby) plays a major role in the Bara culture (Ramarlah 85).In fact, zebu holds a symbolic position associated with strength, power, and significantly prosperity (Madamagazine).Apart from agriculture farmers, the Bara folks are traditionally zebu breeders and keepers and they spend most of their time, for weeks or months keeping their animals. That is the reason why a large numbers of herds of cattle can

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be observed in the hot south of Madagascar (Madamagazine).Yet Bara dialect uses the ohabola related to zebu or aomby or proverbs in a daily life (Ramarlah 85).’’Fotoan-draolo amin-draomby’’ which means the time of death is that of the immolation of the zebus.“Tsy misy tsy efetsin’aomby amy e Bara” which means everything is possible when possessing zebus in Bara community (85). However, the perception on the value of these animals should be changed to value more women and girls. While observing the Bara traditional marriage, women and girls are exchanged for cattle. However, if the Bara can even give their lives to protect their herds from cattle rustling (halatsy aomby) why can they give their lives to protect girls from child marriage? Thus, the Bara should do the same with their female children because it seems to be contradictory to give much importance to animals than a life of a human being.

Another aspect of the objectification that should be eliminated is the rejection of sterile women to stop GBV. Sterile women are objectified as soon as they found incapable of bearing a child. However, to show the importance of descendants, sterile women should be considered as human beings. They should not be traditionally considered as being cursed by the Zanahary and not be excluded or set apart and feel discriminated as being different in the society as it is the case described by Ramarlah (69). People should believe in the equal treatment of human beings as the zagnahary and ancestor provide equal treatment for all human beings by giving them prosperity and health. Bara people are convinced that the Zanahary and ancestors can bless them; that is the reason why they ask for their benediction. However, any Zagnahary and ancestors do not request to their descendants to do harm between them by practicing child marriage.

The FIFAHO Association could benefit from the funds of the PISSCA project funded by the French Embassy in the context of its struggle against the objectification of women and for access to fundamental rights of vulnerable populations. As one of the 24 Associations winners funded by the PISSCA project in Madagascar, the FIFAHO Association could be able to concretize its actions which aim to reduce by half marriage or union rate of teenage girls under the age of18 in 24 months and to reduce by half the birth rate of girls under the age of 18 in 24 months. For instance, the money from French Embassy was used to reach out various remote rural communities where the practice is prevalent and where most roads are inaccessible. As a result of this funding, 59 985 girls between the ages of 10 and 17 were able to benefit from the project though the FIFAHO

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intervention zones in the Horombe region (PISSCA 12). However the question that needs answers is whether FIFAHO will still be effective in its fight against early pregnancy without funding from PISSCA. There is no doubt that funding is needed to launch actions to end early pregnancy among youths. However, that does not fully guarantee the successful eradication of the scourge unless the attitude that leads to the objectification of women is addressed. Regarding the objectification of women, a journal article entitled „‟Women as Animals, Women as Objects‟‟ says: „‟Women are objectified through overt sexualization and through a focus on physical appearance‟‟ (Kasey Lynn, Jamie, et al 23)

3.6 Empower women and girls through education

It is worth noting that education for girls is an important tool to stop the practice of child marriage and numbers of studies support this statement. Thus, to better guarantee a better future for a child, education is the best option. As mentioned in the previous chapter, one reason that gives rise to child marriage in the Bara region is the vulnerability of girls‟ education. However, if child marriage needs to be eradicated in the region, the entire community should get education and be convinced of its benefits. The question that needs answers is: how can we convince Bara parents to stop this practice by the means of education? This question seems to be complex because this needs more realistic solutions to convince Bara parents to stop this harmful practice.

To value girls and eliminate gender inequality, it is crucial to promote education of women and girls (UNFPA, IPPF 23). Research on girls‟ schooling and gender equality in education revealed that education for girls is not only a human right, but also a „‟powerful tool for women‟s empowerment and a strategic development investment‟‟(Jennifer Mc Cearly, Lucia, et al 23). A number of advantages are found to bring benefits for educated girls such as the possibility to take part in formal labor market (Jennifer Mc Cearly, Lucia, et al 23).In this respect, to stop child marriage, both parents and teenage girls in Bara region should see the value of education that might enable them to integrate the labor market after studies. As a result, they do not have to depend on men any longer when they can take part to labor market like men. Despite the patriarchs‟ control on women‟s productive or labor power (Bhasin11), competent authorities in Ihosy should be mobilized to launch regional actions that are meant to promote or increase the access of girls to education to eradicate

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unequal gender labor roles. In addition, girls‟ schooling can assist them to defend their basic rights. Thus, when the rate of literacy in Bara community increases, the rate of school withdrawal will be reduced and the future generations will surely rise up to object to social norms and patriarchy in their communities. This statement is supported by studies on achieving gender equality through education (Jennifer Mc Cearly, Lucia, et al 10). In fact, literate parents can transmit the benefits of education throughout their descendants and communities (Jennifer Mc Cearly, Lucia, et al 10).

The ongoing actions of FIFAHO intended to empower girls and end child marriage in the Bara community are based on a training community based approach which is aimed to informing the rights and importance of the roles of women and girls in society. To do this, the Association adopts several strategies such as the projection of documentary movies related to women‟s rights, and gender equality in most middle schools in the rural communes of Ihosy. However, the weaknesses of those actions include: the difficulties for people living in most remote villages to reach each CEPAV‟s sites to report cases of GBV due to the bad condition of roads or insecurity in the roads, and the reluctance of girls to report case of abuse due to illiteracy and fear of their assailants. People should be approached door-to-door as necessary as possible to reach them out to persuade them to leave the practice. However, the approach is more effective in Ihosy because the majority of people living in urban area like Ihosy is aware of the benefits of education and can stop the practice thanks to acculturazation of society and outreach programs by FIFAHO. Briefly speaking, FIFAHO should consider these missing points on their process of valuing girls‟ roles in Bara communities.

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Picture 2. Sensitizing campaign of teenage middle school students in Ihosy by FIFAHO

Source FIFAHO

3.7 Raising public awareness on the issue to address GBV

Raising awareness to address GBV needs to be reinforced to protect Bara teenage girls. Thus, the Ministry of justice in partnership with UNFPA established the Trano Aro Zo, the legal clinics addressing GBV across the Horombe region. However, girls and women are reluctant to report cases of violence due to fear of men according to Rasoloarison Bruno David, Coordinator of the FIFAHO Association (Rasoloarison). Given that the Bara community still remains a male dominated society, the majority of women and girls from rural areas where GBV remains pervasive do not dare to report cases of abuse. Similarly, consulting verbal archives in the document books of the Trano Aro Zo in Ihosy revealed that only some women living in Ihosy and its suburbs dare to report cases. Yet, studies conducted by Andrianasolo on child marriage in the Island justifies the reluctance of women as due to „‟ the prevailing culture of impunity and silence‟‟ (37).The person in charge of the archives explained in majority that those women do not receive secondary education at least. Likewise, a study on the evaluation of these centers in 2012 by UNFPA in the great Island seems to support that statement reporting that few teenage girls dare to report cases of violence due to fear of male power or for illiteracy issue (15).

Despite those challenges, the staff of the clinic ought to reinforce their actions by reaching out several communities as it operates only in Ihosy. To do this, they should co-

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operate with the chief leaders or heads of communities of each village to convince the Fokonolona, the entire community or the „‟democratic assembles‟‟ (FAO 6) to put their trust on the legal clinic. Similarly, the FIFAHO Association has raised public awareness to address GBV across the region of Horombe by several means. One of their interventions includes the establishment of the DINA with the community members in the Horombe region by persuading traditional leaders and the chiefs of village to stop harmful practices on girls. The Dina is a “traditional justice forums in charge of dispute resolution‟‟ according to FAO, the Food, and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations (6).

The main goal of the DINA consists in preventing people from transgressing the law of the community. Yet, the main objectives of the DINA is also to make sure that the rights of teenage girls are respected and so that they can be safe from any types of gender-based violence. For example the DINA encourages parents to send their children to school unless parents who do not do that are fined with the amount of 100 000 ariary (DINA of Soamatasy). Yet, the DINA forbids parents marrying their teenage girls and those who are caught insisting to practice child marriage are severely sanctioned (see appendix 6 related to the DINA). To guarantee its enforcement, the government which is represented by the community representatives (the Sefom-pokontany), the heads of community and the chef de region, the head of the region), the villagers‟ representatives (the ray aman-dreny, the elderly people, and the lonaky, the heads of clans), and the whole community members are all involved in its enforcement.

As a result, the DINA is designed to protect girls against child marriage or any problems related to early pregnancy and parents are obliged to keep it to avoid being sanctioned. However, according to key informants at FIFAHO Association, those who live in most rural remote areas tend to neglect the DINA because they think they are not among the people who are concerned by the DINA due to remoteness of their areas (FIFAHO). To solve this problem, most remote areas should be reached by FIFAHO Association through the Prezidan-pokontany, the head of the community or the Ampanjaka, the head of clans given that the authority of these people is respected. The Ampanjaka’s authority and power might reduce the motivations of parents to practice child marriage.

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Apart from that, to solve the problem related to remoteness of some villages in the districts of Ihosy, FIFAHO uses the local radio named “AVEC Radio”34in Ihosy to promote the rights of girls. According to Rabialahy John, the person in charge of the weekly radio program, the program is designed so that the entire community will be aware of the devastating effects of child marriage and gender norms and on their teenage daughters and change their behavior towards their children (Women‟s day celebration).

3.8 Reinforcement of the roles of the government 3.8.1 The protection of the rights of children

It is acknowledged that a human right framework is required to reach positive results that are meant to protect vulnerable people such as girls from child marriage. Thus, the governments which ratify international human rights conventions are bound by minimum global standards and have a legal responsibility for preventing violations of rights (UNFPA, IPPF 21). As a result, eliminating child marriage in the Bara Region should be the first priority of the Malagasy government. The intervention of the leaders is needed to enforce the law. The majority of people interviewed said that the Bara rural inhabitants who practice child marriage are afraid of the government„s sanctions despite of a few group of people (FIFAHO). That is why for example; most of the victims of GBV do not dare to report cases of abuse to Trano Aro Zo, the legal clinic apart from the state of being illiterate according to data collected in place.

The rights of girls are outlined by international conventions. The rights of a child are for example stated in the articles of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF5). This convention was signed by Madagascar in 1990 and ratified in 1991 (see apppendix 8). As a result, Madagascar has the obligation to enforce it across the national territory. In its article one, the convention defines a child as „‟every human being below the age of eighteen years old‟‟ (5). The Convention on the Rights of Child (CRC) should be enforced in the whole national territory. If this convention is really enforced, why does child

34Listen to the AVEC Radio audio recording show entitled “The DINA in the districts of Ihosy” broadcasted by FIFAHO‟s staff on March, 1st 2017 to find out more about the DINA.

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marriage still persist? Thus, to combat child marriage, the enforcement of Legislative framework is very crucial. The lack of an adequate legislative framework that can be enforced to address cases of child marriage gives rise to this social issue according to Child Not Brides, the global partnership to end child marriage (14).This organization states that while most countries legislate for a minimum legal age for marriage, this is often effectively not enforced and there remains the gap.

3.8.2 The emphasis on law enforcement

The enforcement of the law should be taken into account for two main aspects namely: the weak birth registration systems and the lack of harmonization with customary laws. We can include the weakness of a birth registration among the drivers of child marriage in most rural communities in Bara region. Once birth registration systems become weak, girls might find trouble accessing to their official document proving young age for marriage (Girls Not Brides 25). For example, it is reported that only51 percent of children in the developing world (excluding China) were registered at birth for the period 2000-2009 (25). The lack of harmonization with customary laws that may condone the practice of child marriage is observed in most communities (25). Child marriage is generally more prevalent in jurisdictions that offer fewer protections for women and girls (25).

Consequently, the rights of girls in Madagascar are still undermined despite the adoption of the law on the rights and protection of children in 2007.35The article 3 of this law emphasizes on the non-discrimination on the ground of sex. As a reminder, the current laws36 in Madagascar prohibit early marriage which takes form in rape, but these laws remain unenforced according to FIFAHO association again. Normally pregnant girls following medical treatments at hospitals should be investigated to find out who have sexually abused them so that their assailants should be imprisoned as well. Despite of the adoption of the Malagasy government of a law37 against the exploitation of children, early marriage is not only banned but all forms of unfair treatments perpetrated towards innocent beings.

35 To find out more see the Law 2007-023 of 20 August 2007. 36 Law 2007/022 37Constitution of the IV Republic of Madagascar, article 8 69

Table 8. Public Institutions involved in the elimination of child marriage

Public Institutions Main interventions -Increase the numbers of Youth Resources Centers Ministry of National -Reinforcement of sexual education among teenage students Education -Insertion of sexual health and marriage education as part of subjects in the primary, secondary education -Awareness raising impacts of child marriage on health on women and girls (fistula) Ministry of Public -Family planning awareness (Use of contraception and child Health spacing) -Outreach on sexual reproductive health -Outreach programs on the delaying teenage pregnancies -Selecting potential teenage children good at sports to be Ministry of Youth and professional Sport -Outreach programs convincing parents‟ campaign on the potentialities of their children that held to delay child marriage -Social protection (public welfare assistance) Ministry of Population -Outreach programs in most remote communities (mass sensitizations: chiefs of village, the Lonaky….) -Outreach programs informing the community about the existence of „’Centre d’ecoute’’, legal clinics -National child policy covering all programs for children Ministry of Justice -Harmonization of statutory and costmary laws regarding child marriage -Enforcement of the law on the minimum age for marriage Source: Author

3.8.3 Reaching out most remote communities

The Bara villages remain landlocked in rural communes and the information remains difficult to be received by the Bara except those who live nearby (Ramarlah 138). Yet, it is reported that some Bara who live in most remote areas ignore the existence of internet (138). All of these problems remain a great obstacle to reach out people in areas where child marriage is prevalent. Thus, the government must take responsibility for ensuring that the information reaches the landlocked areas. This involves building or rehabilitating roads. In this respect, Ramarlah said that as long as the information did not reach the Bara communities, there would be little hope of a change of mentality or of respect for national laws (138). It is even argued that there will be no interest for Bara parents to send their children to school if some villages still remain located far away from them (138). As a

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result, the state has a greatest responsibility to reach out most remote communities to overcome child marriage.

3.9 Overcoming child marriage through the actions of Bara scholars

Both Bara men and women scholars have the responsibilities to give assistance to the victims of GBV in their region by advocating to them. They ought to make sure that the voices of the innocent girls enduring unfairness and abuse should be heard and their rights respected because as being illiterate and feeling powerless, they have nobody to rely on except them as Ambassadors of these vulnerable people. Efforts to reduce violence against women in Madagascar are coming up against the economic realities and social norms lived by the majority of women in the region. Those efforts seem to be hard to be applied on one hand since the majority of the Bara populations still consider child marriage as not a form of gender-based violence. According to local FGDs interview, only 1 out of 10 girls know that child marriage is a type of GBV particularly those who live in rural areas. Nobody would even qualify for example: rape, domestic violence, and sexual abuse as linked to GBV.

After being informed of their rights, women should rise up and take responsibilities to speak out against all forms of injustice perpetrated against them. However, this remains hard in a patriarchal society like the Bara community. Yet, it is hard to convince Bara women and girls to rise up and defend their rights unless they can be fully convinced about their strength or potentialities to defend themselves against injustice. This remains difficult within a poor community where 90 percent of people are illiterate. It is also difficult for women to denounce their male partners for the Bara society still respect men‟s authority as it is for the rest of the Malagasy people.

Thus, the problem of patriarchy needs to be tackled first to overcome gender inequality in Bara society as suggested by feminists (Walby 173). Once, the problem related to patriarchy is attacked, we have more or less opportunity to address the issue of child marriage effectively in the region and that is the main challenges of FIFAHO addressing the issue in the region. Regarding patriarchy, Sylvia Walby states: ‟‟patriarchy is a system of society in which men hold the power and the women excluded from it‟‟ (19). By solving these problems, Bara women will surely break „‟the culture of silence‟ and dare to report

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cases of the abuse of their rights. Yet, they will no longer think that their voices will not be heard or their contributions and roles in society are not longer acknowledged by society. The fruit of the efforts of these women will not surely be reaped at once since patriarchy in the Bara society has been rooted in traditions for years, but they will probably care for the situations of the next generations.

3.10 Understanding normative beliefs to stop child marriage

One of the effective tools to change people‟s minds to stop child marriage is to understand people‟s normative beliefs. People„s beliefs can reflect their practice and their practice are observed in their behavior (Haaland 5).The collective practice of child marriage is caused by individual behavior according to Bicchieri. She claims that the collective practice of child marriage is caused by individual behavior (Bicchieri 6). If the aim is to understand child marriage, we have to understand why individuals behave like they do (Bicchieri, Jiang, and Lindemans 6). She furthers states that people‟s behavior is often influenced by what other people think you should do, and how other people behave. When behavior is influenced by these two factors, it is defined as a social norm by Bicchieri. Bicchieri states, „‟ In order to change the social norm of child marriage , one has to change people‟s personal normative beliefs that child marriage is something good and the normative expectations that others also think that child marriage is good‟‟ (Biccheri 6). If the collective practice still persists, the rights of girls continue to be undermined. Despite of some protestations of these practices by human right activists in the country, it remains a collective practice unless interventions combating the issue are launched.

3.11 Eliminating Stereotypes

One of the effective policies that should be used to eradicate child marriage is changing the mind of the community to get rid of stereotypes attributed to girls. People should be sensitized to find other best options to gain livestock, cash, and other material items instead of forcing their daughters to enter child marriage. Then, in order to improve the living situation, some more opportunities can be seized without necessarily pushing teenage girls entering child marriage. Social status can be gained without necessarily pushing teenage girls entering child marriage. For instance, educated children can be the

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honor of their parents when they can bring development to their community. Besides, no parents will stand to disapprove the attitude of their children who can bring sustainable development to their community. Otherwise, parents will surely be proud of their children for they can enhance their social status.

Briefly speaking, to convince parents to better treat their teenage girls or make them stop practicing child marriage, the entire community should be sensitized to honor their ancestors by putting their words into actions. What they have reminded to their descendants is very crucial and beneficial to the well being of the whole generation because proverbs are the fruit of lifetime experience and therefore should not be despised. People‟s beliefs can reflect their customs and traditions. Since Bara people are still attached to their customs and traditions, encouraging parents to stop treating girls badly seems the best option to eradicate child marriage. Stereotypically, local people believe women or girls entering marriage who cannot bear a child are cursed by the Raza, the ancestors and the God Zagnahary. As a result, those girls are left unmarried by their husband and most of the time they endure discrimination from their peers. According to local source, the majorities of them feel guilt, worthless, hopeless, frustrated, anxious, and depressed (FGDs). That is the case of 25 year- old mother resident of the rural commune of Ankily, in the districts of Ihosy who once endured discriminations from her peers after several years of not being able to bear a child (FGD Ankily). Now, a mother of 5 children, after a second marriage, she described those moments as the worst of her life. She describes her experience as follows:

„‟ I got married only for 2 years when my husband left me when I could not bear a child. I was 15 when I was forced to my first marriage. I was very sad at that time and had to consult my bush doctor (ombiasa) to treat me. Years went by when a sincere man took me as a wife and we have been married for 6 years now and have 5 children‟‟ (A 25 year-old mother)

This testimony shows how much women are objected and how much sterility can affect Bara women. This statement is supported by a recent research of Dr Ramarlah Dominique on the beliefs of the Bara ethnic groups about the sterility of a woman (Ramarlah 69). In fact, the researcher states that „‟sometimes a couple can‟t have children. The sterile woman is called kanda (123). In this case, she has to consult the ombiasa pamaratsy, the specialist of the assisted procreation‟‟ (123). He adds “In case of failure, and to overcome this calamity, the father will make a unilateral decision: adoption”. He will choose one

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distant relative. This public ceremony will be sealed by the immolation of a zebu and the sharing meat to the entire community‟‟ (123)

As long as a woman can bear a child they are considered as being blessed by the Zagnahary and Raza as the community perceives it as a gift from them. However, forcing a young girl to child marriage can be interpreted as breaking that gift which is viewed as from the Zagnahary and Raza. Yet, if children are precious why do some people still practice child marriage which is considered as a harmful practice to girls? There arises the contradiction and paradox of the interpretation of the wisdom of the ancestors and the practice of child marriage. If Bara people are really obedient to their ancestors‟ words they will stop practicing child marriage immediately and treating girls fairly well as boys. So, education campaign should show that the wisdom of the ancestors “fahendrena nentin- drazana” is actually against child marriage. The entire community should be reminded about the good aspects of the words of the forefathers.

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CONCLUSION

CONCLUSION

This thesis is meant to bring a clear understanding on the manifestation of child marriage in Bara community in the south of Madagascar. It analyzed all types of violation of the rights of teenage girls in the Bara community. However, to better understand those facts, the norms and cultural beliefs of the entire community were deeply studied. This study revealed in details how teenage girls experienced their limited childhood into conjugal life leaving all the benefits of education behind them. The research was also appealing the readers‟ attention on the complexity of the interventions intended to eliminate child marriage due to numbers of factors linked to it.

Another objective of this study was to explore the impacts of gender-based violence on girls living in this patriarchal society. The results revealed that child marriage undermined the value and roles of girls and parents are attracted by wealthier herds‟ breeders and keepers known as patron’aomby enhance their social status and their dignity. Yet, Bara rural parents do not know the benefits associated with education and do not consider it as a better inheritance for their daughters.

Our results provided evidence that the practice of child marriage is harmful to Bara teenage girls according to local investigations given that not only it is proved as a form of gender-based violence, but it is a violation of their basic rights to get education, to have a better future and to marry anyone to whom they want with their own consent. Our findings also revealed that women and girls in Bara community are victims of objectification due to unequal roles between men and women.

Different factors can contribute to early marriage in the Ihosy region including: the strong attachment to traditions, the lack of education among the vast majority of people who are still poor, the low school attendance and gender inequality resulting in mistreatment of teenage girls. This study revealed firstly the background and manifestations of child marriage along with its harmful consequences. Secondly, it provided detailed analysis of the peculiarities of child marriage as the cases observed in Ihosy, in the Bara region of southern part of Madagascar where gender stereotypes, social norms still affect teenage girls „well-

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being. Thirdly, it showed general policy recommendations to eliminate child marriage within the Bara community. Our study revealed that those teenage girls are aged between 15 to 17 years old become victims of gender-based violence, encounter early pregnancy, and face low school attendance.

The local manifestation of gender-based violence which drives to child marriage has some similarities for the cases observed in some countries in Africa. Those common points include marrying off girls against their will, the infallible authority of parents which affect girls‟ decision-making process, and the early school dropouts. However, child marriage as it occurs in the Ihosy districts has some distinctive characteristics namely: the strong attachment of the community to social norms and traditions as the example of the caste system, the disvaluation of education as a best wealth inheritance for children, and poverty which pushed parents to marry of their teenage girls.

On the whole, parents from this region, especially those who value traditions greatly force their teenage daughters to get married to wealthy people who can provide them their daily needs and also it is considered as a great honor. Thus, poverty and the burden of tradition still persist in order to give rise to early pregnancy, and gender inequality between the roles of men and women.

The policy recommendations intended to eliminate child marriage in this study analyzes norms, stereotypes, and cultural beliefs of the community. Those policies are trying to address various strategies to tackle the issue. Among those strategies include: education as a best tool to eradicate child marriage practice, some cultural beliefs to reverse the trends, the actions of the victims of GBV to defeat child marriage and the roles of the authority in the process of eradicating the issue.

The approaches used in this study consist in conducting interviews of several married girls and women in villages of the districts of Ihosy in order to find out the features of the first-hand reality of child marriage in Bara community. Then, we have reviewed worldwide primary and secondary sources to enable us to have some ideas on how child marriage occurs in the world.

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Eliminating child marriage is a matter of national priorities and requires more practical strategies that are beneficial to both girl brides, parents and the entire community without necessarily uprooted the cultural beliefs of the community. It is also important to understand the Bara community and its patriarchal system to better understand gender inequality and the objectification affecting young girls and women in the region. Apart from the efforts of civil societies to eliminate the practice, an effective legal frameworks are required protecting the rights of the children.

Lastly, a great number of recommendations on the best way to address child marriage issue in the future have been collected from the participants of this study. Those recommendations are mainly based on the hopes of some participants to wish child marriage totally eradicated in the next decades in the Bara territories. Great efforts have already been done to address this issue locally as we have explored throughout this study. However, as a Malagasy proverb says “Taon-trano tsy efan’irery”, simply meaning to say building a house is not an individual task only, a global appeal to those who are in power or those who will govern the country for the next few decades is still appreciated. Thus, participants in the study expect more practical ways to address the issue. In this respect, a strong need for building more schools and health centers particularly in most remote areas where the practice remain intensive is observed to effectively address child marriage.

Public institutions such as Ministries as we have listed in Table 8 of this study are encouraged to develop some National Plans of Actions outlining strategic ways to tackle the issue according to Malagasy or Bara context. This basically requires designing programs involving all civil societies or all public opinion representatives to launch a global campaign in the national territory to sensitize people to stop the practice. If those actions are reinforced in the next few years, feminists along with defenders of children‟s rights and associations involved in the fight against the unfair treatment of vulnerable people will hope a better future for women and children in most patriarchal societies in Madagascar.

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Audio Visual materials

“Rape affecting girls in Ihosy districts.” FIFAHO Prod. Rabialahy Jaona. European Union, Fifteen minutes. Ihosy, 29 March 2017.AVEC Radio show.

“Bara School girls‟ perspectives on early pregnancy.” FIFAHO Prod. Rabialahy Jaona. European Union, Sixteen minutes. Ihosy,22 March 2017.AVEC Radio show.

“Women‟s day celebration and Bara girls‟ speeches against GBV.” FIFAHO Prod. Rabialahy Jaona. European Union, Fourteen minutes. Ihosy, 15 March 2017.AVECRadio show.

“The impacts of early childbearing to girls under 18 years old.”FIFAHO Prod. Rabialahy Jaona. European Union, fourteen minutes. Ihosy, 8 March 2017.AVECRadio show.

“The DINA in the districts of Ihosy.” FIFAHO Prod. Rabialahy Jaona. European Union, fourteen minutes. Ihosy,1 March 2017. AVEC Radio show.

Reports/Papers

Girls Not Brides, the Global Partnership to End Child Mariage.„‟The Role of Parliamentarians in Ending Child Marriage‟‟. Girls Not Brides.2012.

Girls Not Brides, the Global Partnership to End Child Marriage. “A Note on Child Marriage.” 2012.

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Girls Not Brides, the Global Partnership to End Child Mariage. “Annual Report”. Girls Not Brides. 2015

Girls Not Brides, the Global Partnership to End Child Marriage. “Lessons learned from national initiatives to end child marriage” 2016.

USAID. “The USAID vision for action‟‟ Ending child marriage and meeting the needs of married children. October 2012 Washington. DC 20523. www.usaid.gov

United States, Department of State Bureau of Democracy. ‘’Madagascar 2017 Human Rights Report: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2017‟‟: Human Rights and Labor. ’’.United States, 2017

UNFPA. “Progress and Challenges on the Every Woman Every Child (EWEC) Commitments on Adolescents: Accountability to Adolescents‟ Health and Human Rights.” UNFPA Technical Division Sexual and Reproductive Health Branch. pp. 3. June 2017.

UNICEF. “Gender and Education in Madagascar: a case study of 6 scholar districts‟‟ UNICEF. 2011 UNFPA. “Marrying Too Young.” United Nations Population Fund. 2012.

Joar Svanemyr, Elisa, et al.” The contribution of laws to change the practice of child marriage in Africa” Inter-Parliamentarian Union, Geneva, October 2013.

Jain S, and Kurz K. „‟New Insights on Preventing Child Marriage: A Global Analysis of Factors and Programs‟‟. International Center for research on women. pp.4. 2016.

UNICEF. “A Profile of Child Marriage in Africa (Statistical profile)‟‟. New York: UNICEF. pp.8.2015

UNICEF. “Analysis of the situation of women and children in Madagascar.‟‟ 1994, p. 182

UNICEF. “Challenges and Opportunities for children in Madagascar.” Annual Report, 2018.

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UNICEF Madagascar. “Global databases.” 2015

PISSCA. “Lutte contre la grossesse précoce afin d‟interrompre le cercle vicieux de la pauvreté vécue de génération en génération dans la région d‟Ihorombe.” Les 24 projets lauréats à Madagascar, Ambassade de France. pp 12

UNICEF. “Gender and Education in Madagascar: Gender Stereotypes of being men and women‟‟, pp. 52.2011.

UNICEF global databases, 2015, bases on Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), A Profile of Child Marriage in Africa

UNICEF. “Annual Report of Madagascar.” 2017.

UNICEF. “Annual Report of Madagascar.‟‟2016.

UNICEF. “Analysis of the situation of women and children in Madagascar‟‟1994, p. 182 United Nations Children‟s Fund, 2012, Progress for Children: A report card on adolescents, UNICEF, New York, p.8.

United Nations Population Fund, and United Nations Children‟s Fund, 2010, Women‟s and Children‟s Rights: Making the connection, UNFPA, New York, p.42.

USAID. „‟Office of food for peace food security country framework for Madagascar fy 2014-fy 2019.‟‟September 2013.

FAO. “Madagascar and Legal Pluralism: Can Customary and Statutory Law Be Reconciled to Promote Women‟s Land Rights?” Gender and Land Rights Database and Land Portal,3- 23 June 2013.

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Personal interview

At FIFAHO Association Rasoloarison, Bruno David. Personal Interview. 9th September 2017 Rabialahy, Jaona. Personal Interview. 9th September 2017 Rasolonasoloniaiko, Mélidanie. Personal Interview.9thSeptember2017 Rasolo, Jeannine. Personal Interview. 9th September 2017 Volahendry, Larissa. Personal Interview. 9th September 2017 Rasolonasoloniaiko, Mélidanie. 9th September 2017

At the Horombe Regional Ministry of Public Health Dr. Ranaivomiarintsoa, Faralalaina. PersonalInterview.10thSeptember 2017 At Ihosy School district (CISCO) Miandrisoa, Andriamaro. Personal Interview.08thSeptember 2017

Dictionary

Harrap‟s Chambers. Compact dictionary of contemporary English: A reliable companion wherever everyday English is written and spoken. London, Chambers Harrap Ltd, 2006.

Newspaper articles

Dray, Isabelle, and Jean Luc. „‟Gender inequality in rural Madagascar: A constraint to development of Woman‟s capabilities.” pp.20, University of Versailles, 2002.

Websites

Claire, M. Renzetti. “Feminist theories.” Criminology-Oxford, 24 July 2018. www.oxfordbibiographies.com

Madamagazine. “Madagascar‟s secret emblem: The zebu.” www.magazine.com Accessed 20 March 2019.

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http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Lessons-learned-from-national- strategies-Girls-Not-Brides-July-2015.pdf.Web.July 16,2017 http://www.unicef.org/ps://data.unicef.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/UNICEF 14 July 2017- https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/New-Insights-on-Preventing-Child- Marriage.14 July 2018 pdf http://www.unfpa.org/weddatav/site/global/shared/documents/publications/2012/MarryngTo o Young.25 September 2017 pdf www.collingsdictionary.com

Dissertation/Thesis

Andrianasolo, Nadèche. The girl child marriage practice in Madagascar: A critical analysis. Kampala: Makerere UP. 2013.

Inga, Haaland.Child marriage, well-being and health seeking behavior: A study among married adolescent girls from the Pokot tribe.Institute of Health and Society, Olso UP, 2017.

Journal articles

Acker, Sandra. ‘’Feminist theory and the study of gender and education. “International Review of Education, vol. 33, Issue 4, December 1987, pp.419-435. Link.springer.com

Belinda, Balraj. ”Understanding Objectification Theory.” International Journal on Studies in English Language and Literature, vol.3, Issue.11, November 2015, pp.70-74. Online library, ISSN 2347-3134 www.arcjournals.org.Accessed 23 March.2019.

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Jayachandran, Seema. ‟‟The Roots of Gender Inequality in Developing Countries‟‟ The Annual Review of Economics, vol.3-7, no.7, February 20th, 2015, pp.74- 77.Economics.annualreviews.org, doi: 10.1146/annuv-economics-080614-115404

Judith V. Jordan.”Women and Therapy” Jean Baker Miller, Radical Visionaries, vol. 40, Issue 3-4: pp. 260-274, 23 Jan 2017.doi.org/10.1080/02703149.2017.1241568

Jennifer Mc Cearly, Lucia, et al. “Child Marriage: A Critical Barrier to Girls‟ Schooling and Gender Equality in Education. “The Review of Faith and International Affairs, vol.13, Issue 3, 2015, pp.69-80, doi: org/10.1080/15570274.2015.1075755

Kasey Lynn, Jamie G, et al. “Women as Animals, women as objects: Evidence for Two Forms of Objectification” Personality and social Psychology Bulletin, April 19th 2018,doi.org/10.1177/0146167218765739

Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency.“Gender Tool Box, Thematic Overview‟‟ Preventing and Responding to Gender-based Violence: Expressions and Strategies.‟‟, art.no.SIDA61848en, 2015, pp.14-15. Printed by: Edita, 2015, Published by Sida, 2015, ISBN: 978-91-586-4251-5.urn: nbn:se:sida-6184en.www.sida.se/publications

Ursula Oberst, Andrés, et al. „‟Gender Stereotypes 2.0: Self-representations of Adolescents on Facebook‟‟, Media Education Research Journal, vol.24, n. 48, 2016. www.comunicarjournal.com

World Day of Prayer and Action for Children. “Ideas for Action on Child Marriage.‟‟ Interview with Girls Not Brides, article. no. 3, 20 November 2013.

Malagasy national legislation

-Decree2010-994 promulgating the Constitution of the IV Republic. -Law 2000_021 of November 22nd,2000 modifying and complementing certain arrangements on penal code related to violence; Article 332 of the Penal Code.

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-Law n° 68-012 of 4th July 1968 regarding successions, the legal document related to will and donations -Law n°61-025 of 9th of October 1961 related to State Civil Acts

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APPENDICES

Appendix1 Countries with the highest child marriage rates in Africa Countries Percentage of marriage Percentage of marriage before before 18 15 Niger 76 percent 28 percent Chad 68 percent 29 percent Central African Republic 68 percent 29 percent Mali 55 percent 15 percent Burkina Faso 52 percent 10 percent Guinea 52 percent 21 percent South Sudan 52 percent 9 percent Mozambique 48 percent 14 percent Sierra Leone 44 percent 18 percent Nigeria 43 percent 17 percent Source: UNICEF, 2014.State of the World‟s Children 2015: Reimagine the future. Statistical table 9: Child Protection/Ending child Marriage in Africa A brief by Girls Not Brides

Appendix 2 General information about FIFAHO Association in Ihosy FIFAHO (Fikambanana Fampandrosoana an’i Horombe) „‟Association For The Development of Horombe‟‟ Created on 19 October 2001, FIFAHO is an Association for Denomination the development of the Horombe Region. Thus, FIFAHO

stands for „‟ Fikambanana Fampandrosoana an’i Horombe’’ and it promotes the development of the Region of Ihorombe, operating in 26 Municipalities of the Horombe region. Legal status Association

Area of Intervention Health, Education and environmental

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As its name, the Association seeks to fully develop the The objectives of the Horombe region in a sustainable manner in the areas of Association institutional, social (health and education) and environmental.

The Association contributes to: Build community capacity to promote sustainable development in the Horombe Region. Provide technical support to all Community initiatives for the Mission of the development of the Horombe Region. Association Organize information, education, and communication sessions for behavior change Mobilize active forces and promote citizen empowerment (sensitization and involvement of target groups in the various processes of their own) for the development of the Horombe Region -2003: Maintenance of the safe drinking water sources of the urban Commune of Ihosy (FID/IV project) -2004: Construction of a raft in the rural community of Soanatao-Urban Commune of Ihosy (FID IV project) -2004: Rehabilitation of the alleys in the rural community of Manjaka Urban Commune Ihosy. (FID IV project) -October 2012-December 2014: Promoting the use of Project already completed alternative rice husks to firewood (Global Environment

Facility) GEF SGP UNDP -April 2013: Promoting of hygiene and sanitation in the market of the urban commune of Ihosy. (SEDERA-Embassy of Switzerland) -Safe Drinking Water Supply Construction of latrines

Main partners of the -World Bank, USAID, DREF, Ministry of Health, FID, Association Fondation Tany Meva, Global Fund Sanitation, GEF/SGP/PNUD

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-Protection of vulnerable young people against sexual violence in Ihosy Urban Community ( World Bank/CSF July 2011/July 2012) -Involvement of Students in the Lutheran College Urban Community of Ihosy School environmental activities (Fondation Tany Meva August 2011/March 2012) Projects in progress -Promoting of hygiene and sanitation in the marginalized

population in the Ivohibe District (Global Sanitation Funds, Nov. 2011-Oct.2013) -Promoting the use of rice bark as an alternative to firewood in Ihosy Urban Community (Global Environment Facility and UNDP Oct.2012-Dec.2013) Updated –October 2013

FIFAHO will become the region‟s leading social mobilization Vision by 2015 association, a pillar of development in the region. It must be essential to any process of progress in the region.

FIFAHO Association Headquarters „Office, Lot IP 82 Fanjakamandroso Ihosy Address Tel: (+261)034 09 509 94 E-mail: [email protected]

-Rasoloarison Bruno David, Coordinator of the Project -Rabialahy Jaona, Responsible of Communication and Pleading cases Interviewees -Rasolonasoloniaiko Mélidanie Jeannine, Responsible of taking care the vulnerable teenagers (victims) -Volahendry Larissa, Responsible of the follow-up work and Evaluation Source: FIFAHO‟s Brochure and Interview on September 04th to 11th 2017

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Appendix 3 Contents of the DINA of the Rural Commune of Soamatasy (60 km from Ihosy) in the District of Ihosy

The DINA is acknowledged by the communal committees‟ reunion and includes several articles. As it is a communal decree, it can include these following points:  Article one: the DINA is enforced in the territory of Soamatasy according to workshop resulted in the law agreements of July 29th, 2016.  Article two: child marriage is strictly prohibited in the territory of Soamatasy except the case of those who are legally under the law 2007/022 in September 20th, 2007. The constitution says  Article three: severely sanctioned with an ox those who harass minors  Article four: severely sanctioned those who get teenage girls under the age of 18 pregnant  Article five: severely punished with an amount of money of 100 000 ar parents who encourage their teenage girls under the age of 18 to go out with men.  Article six: parents who do not send their children to school are fined with an amount of money of 50000ar. Once they pay it, they have to send their children immediately to school.  Article seven: The money and oxen received from the fines are under supervision of the committee of the enforcement of the DINA  Article eight: the present decree is recorded in the commune‟s book for public. The present decree is approved and acknowledged on September 16th, 2016 by representatives. Source: FIFAHO

Appendix 4 List of basic questions used to interview married teenage girls in the rural commune of Ankily, in the districts of Ihosy (FGDs)

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Education

1. When did you stop going to school? 2. How old were you when you decided to quit school? Whose decision is that? 3. Are some of you still in school? 4. If not: Why are you not going to school? Tell me about what happened when you stopped going to school? 5. If you are given an opportunity to choose between going to school or staying home taking care of your household and your husband? Which one do you prefer? 6. Do you think men and women should have equal rights in terms of their education, profession?

General questions

1. Do you have any children? How many children do you have? 2. How old were you when you first got pregnant? 3. How old is your husband? Is he your close relative? Is he older than you or have you got the same age? 4. Do you know the use of contraception? 5. What would be your professional career if you were not married? Why? 6. Is there anyone you know in your areas who is forced to child marriage? If yes, tell me about them? 7. Did you know that child marriage is a violation of human rights?

Marriage

1. Could you tell me about everything you know about marriage among the Bara ethnic groups?

2. What happens if you refuse to marry someone your parents suggest you? 3. Could you tell me about your marriage? How did that happen? Whose decision is that?

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4. Did you live with your Husband before you got married? Did you choose your husband or did your parents choose him for you? How long have you known him before you got married to him? 5. Tell me about your life before you got married? 6. Could you tell me a little bit about your current life? How was it before you got married? 7. Have ever been treated poorly? 8. Have you ever been forced into having sex? 9. What do you think about having babies? 10. Have you used contraception or family planning?

Appendix 5 In-depth interview basic questions used at the Ihorombe Regional Ministry of Public Health for health workers

1. What is the current state of early pregnancy among teenage girls in the districts of Ihosy? 2. Do teenage girls who got pregnant in Bara community know the use of contraceptive methods? If yes or no, could you give the percentage? 3. Is child marriage linked to early pregnancy in the region? If yes can you tell me more about the relationship? 4. Do you have any data concerning the percentage of teenage girls getting prenatal care in the Ihorombe region and in the districts of Ihosy? 5. What are the challenges you face while interacting with teenage girls taking prenatal health care here? 6. How does child marriage affect the well-being of teenage girls in the region?

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Appendix 6 In-depth interview basic questions used to all key informants at FIFAHO headquarter in Tanamandry, in Ihosy 1. Could you tell me about the Association and its mission in the Ihorombe region? 2. What are the factors, manifestations of child marriage in Bara community? 3. Could you tell me about the traditional practice, norms that delay the end of child marriage in the region? 4. Is your intervention to eliminate early pregnancy and child marriage effective in the region? 5. What are the most challenging tasks FIFAHO faced about the elimination of child and GBV in the region? 6. How does the community perceive child marriage?

Appendix 7 In-depth interview basic questions used to all key informants in Ihosy 1. What is the process of girl child marriage in this area? 2. Is child marriage beneficial or harmful to girls in this area? 3. What are the benefits associated to child marriage in this area? 4. What are the factors that give rise to child marriage in Bara community?

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Appendix 8 Main International and regional human rights instruments relating to child marriage signed and ratified by Madagascar Main International legal Frameworks Signature Ratification

CEDAW: Convention on the Elimination of 17 July 1980 17 Mars 1989 All Forms of Discrimination against Women (New York, 18 December 1979) CRC: Convention on the Rights of the child 19 April1990 19 Mars 1991 (New York, 20 November 1989) Main regional legal Frameworks Signature Ratification

ACHPR: The African Charter on Human and No signature 09 Mars 1992 People‟s Rights (Nairobi, June 1981) Protocol to the African Charter on Human 28 February 2004 No ratification and People‟s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo, 11 July 2003) Source: Department of Reproductive Health and Research, World Health Organization/Inter- Parliamentarian Union and Pan African Parliament, Geneva, October 2013.

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Main International legal Frameworks Signature Ratification

-The United Nations Supplementary No signature 1972 Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery (1957) -The Convention on the Consent to Marriage, No signature 1964 Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriage (1962) -The United Nations Bill of Rights (1948) -The Optional Protocol on the sale of No signature 2004 children, child prostitution and pornography (2000) -The UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and No signature 2005 Punish Trafficking in Persons including Women and children (The Palermo Protocol) Source: Andrianasolo Nadèche „‟ The girl child marriage practice in Madagascar: A critical analysis‟‟ (2013)

Main Regional legal Frameworks Signature Ratification

-The African Charter on the Rights and No signature 2005 Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) -The Southern African Development No signature No ratification Community Protocol on Gender and Adhered in 2008 Adhered in 2008 Development (The SADC Protocol) Source: Andrianasolo Nadèche “The girl child marriage practice in Madagascar: A critical analysis” (2013)

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