“You Can Live with Roman Character in Pigneto” a Qualitative Analysis of Authenticity in the Gentrifying Space
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“You Can Live With Roman Character in Pigneto” A Qualitative Analysis of Authenticity in the Gentrifying Space Master's Thesis MSc Sociology – Urban Sociology Lou Therese Elisabeth Brandner 10009787 [email protected] Thesis supervisor: Dr. Olga Sezneva Second reader: Dr. Linda van de Kamp 07/07/2016 Word count: 24.791 Abstract This thesis explores notions of urban authenticity, atmosphere and cultural capital in connection to the Roman neighbourhood Pigneto. Pigneto emerged in the late 19th century as an informal and peripheral borgata. After World War II, it was utilised as a film scenery for neorealist cinema depicting the poor living conditions of subproletarian Romans. It kept its marginalised status until the millennium change, but has since then transformed into a popular neighbourhood with a vibrant nightlife and cultural scene. I argue that its history of a marginalised, peripheral area with a matching rustic aesthetic as well as cinematographic representations have resulted in it being perceived as an authentic place to live in, which increased its desirability. Sharon Zukin's concept of urban authenticity as a gentrification facilitator, embedded in notions of cultural capital and the distinction of taste by Pierre Bourdieu, is the main theoretical frame, extended by Japonica Brown-Saracino social preservationism hypothesis. The study has a qualitative, mixed-method approach. A short media analysis, in-depth interviews, walk-alongs and a short survey were conducted. The collected fieldwork data were analysed with Grounded Theory methodology. The objective was to examine if Pigneto is gentrifying, if and how old and new Pigneto residents and frequenters perceive the neighbourhood as authentic and how they assess its transformation and their role in it. Filmed interviews, walk-alongs and observations were also turned into a short film, illustrating the findings. The result of the thesis is that many of Pigneto's appealing elements fall into the category of Zukin's urban authenticity, such as a perceived traditionality and originality, combined with alternative consumption opportunities. However, it also adds the dimension of a rural authenticity with low-rise architecture, a folkloric atmosphere and family-like community. This notion seems to substitute parts of the urban authenticity present in post-industrial cities such as New York; this might be due to the fact that Rome stayed industrially underdeveloped. Additionally, the contrasts between urban and rural characteristics result in a fascinating aesthetic for new residents. These new residents tend to be young, highly educated and employed in creative industries. While some of them see themselves as a positive force towards a better future of Pigneto, others are acting more as social preservationists and are aware of gentrification and its potentially negative consequences. The preferences of new populations in Pigneto have evidently already led to an extensive economic change, displacing old businesses. Old residents lament this development and often feel defenceless against it; they perceive that their neighbourhood has been losing its village-like community and transformed into a chaotic, dangerous nightlife area. Lastly, the most central and popular part of Pigneto, its pedestrian zone, seems to be in the process of losing its authentic characteristics, resulting in some new residents and frequenters avoiding it. i Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 2. Theoretical Framework 3 2.1 Literature Overview 3 2.2 The Case of Pigneto 6 3. Methodology 8 3.1 Empirical Data Collection 8 3.1.1 Interviews 8 3.1.2 Walk-Alongs 9 3.1.3 Short Survey 10 3.2 Empirical Data Analysis 11 3.3 Media Analysis 12 3.4 Short Film 12 4. Pigneto 13 4.1 Historical and Cultural Background 13 4.2 Recent Development 18 4.3 Media Attention and Tourism 21 5. Empirical Results 24 5.1 Registers of Evaluation 24 5.1.1 New Residents 25 5.1.1.1 Originality 26 5.1.1.2 Young Lifestyle 31 5.1.1.3 Problems 36 5.1.2 Old Residents 37 5.1.2.1 Change 38 5.1.2.2 Originality 43 5.2 Socio-demographic Factors 44 6. Discussion 47 7. Limitations 50 8. Conclusion 52 Bibliography 54 Appendix iv ii 1. Introduction Unlike the centre or some uptown neighbourhoods, here you can live the real spirit of Romans, a vintage lifestyle and architecture. The real essence of people and their lives.1 This is the answer a young, fashionable man gave when asked about his impression of Pigneto, a former peripheral area in south-eastern Rome. On a warm spring evening, he and his equally stylish female companion were having a drink on a recently installed bench in Pigneto's pedestrian zone, surrounded by countless crowded bars and restaurants. Shortly after, the young woman said worryingly: I think Pigneto is losing its atmosphere now. I visited Pigneto for the first time in summer 2015, when an Italian friend decided that I had see Rome's coolest neighbourhood. As a tourist, I had until then only frequented the city's main attractions within the Aurelian walls. We left these ancient boundaries through the Porta Maggiore gate and walked down the main road Via Prenestina, passing a chaotic intersection of train tracks from the nearby Termini station and the massive city highway bridges. But as soon as we entered Pigneto's isola pedonale, the pedestrian zone, this world of traffic and concrete was behind us. At first glance, its architecture gave it the look of a residential area, but it was far from one: Framed by the small, often graffiti-covered one- to three-story buildings of Via del Pigneto, a young crowd was spending their evening in numerous little venues. Men with well-groomed beards were waiting in front of an artisanal burger joint, tattooed women in fashionable outfits were enjoying cocktails at a feminist library, craft beer bars with selected vintage interior could be seen next to simple, rustic restaurants. Establishments often carried names such as Da Vero al Pigneto ('Truly at Pigneto'), Primo al Pigneto ('First at Pigneto') or simply Trattoria Pigneto, apparently taking pride in the location and advertising with it. Within this nightlife atmosphere, some older people were slowly walking their dogs down the street, stopping at its spare trees and green areas. It seemed that not many tourists had found their way there – very few people besides me and my friend were conversing in English – and this was not surprising, considering how hard it was to reach via public transport. This place seemed to me detached from the Rome I had seen before. With its simple, low-rise buildings it rather resembled a small town than Rome's historical centre with churches, fountains and ancient landmarks or the high- rise condominiums of its immediate surroundings. At the same time, many of the local businesses reminded me of places like Berlin's Kreuzberg or Amsterdam's De Pijp with hip cocktail bars and organic restaurants. I kept on wondering why such an economic landscape had developed in this isolated, little neighbourhood and how it had become a hotspot for the stylish audience we could observe there. 1 Quote from interview 10 of the short survey, see appendix xvi. 1 In a case study about Pigneto, the Italian researcher Sandra Annunziata describes it as a trendy, vibrant and fashionable place for nightlife with an influx of young and intellectual workers as residents (Annunziata 2010: 26). While during the 20th century the conservation of Rome's city centre led to an increasing focus on tourism and the displacement of residents, Pigneto as an originally informal, peripheral neighbourhood was considered an urban village where real Romans live. This inspired neorealist filmmakers to choose it as a scenario, which then again reinforced its image as a diverse, open, alternative area. According to Annunziata, Pigneto is a desirable neighbourhood because of its physical features, socio-cultural imageries and ethnic diversity (ibid.: 28). I was intrigued by this contrasting notion of an urban village that at the same time is considered alternative and diverse. The new, young and intellectual population suggests that Pigneto is a gentrifying area; the argument that it is considered a place where real Romans live implies that it might be seen as an authentic neighbourhood, possibly reinforced by neorealist film imageries and narratives. I decided to lay the focus of my Master's thesis on Pigneto, exploring the perceptions of residents to find out why they live there and if notions of an authentic atmosphere were a part of its appeal. This results in the main research question: What makes Pigneto authentic in the eyes of its residents and how does this authenticity impact its desirability? In the next chapter, I will give an overview of relevant literature regarding gentrification, commodification and urban authenticity before I frame the case of Pigneto and introduce potential sub-questions. Afterwards, the methodological approach on data collection and analysis will be explained. In the subsequent chapter, the history of Pigneto as well as its recent transformation including attention by media and tourism are explored. Against this background, I will present the empirical results of the fieldwork based on exemplary interview and short survey quotes. After discussing the findings and limitations of the study, it is completed with a short conclusion. 2 2. Theoretical Background This study will explore cultural factors of gentrification that could broadly be called atmosphere with a focus on authenticity: How does the atmosphere of Pigneto contribute to its attractiveness for gentrifiers? I argue that a perceived authenticity plays an important role in motivating people to move to the neighbourhood. There are parts of cities that are commonly perceived as more authentic than others. This becomes for instance notable when locals recommend visitors certain neighbourhoods for a real experience, often far off the main tourist attractions.