Chapter 14 Imagining Clovis As a Cultural Revitalization Movement Bruce A

Chapter 14 Imagining Clovis as a Cultural Revitalization Movement Bruce A. Bradley1 and Michael B. Collins2

ABSTRACT Clovis technology, as known in the durable record, consists of several distinctive flaked-stone reduction strategies as well as the manufacture of a range of bone, ivory, and antler tools. Stone was flaked to produce large flakes from bifacial cores: blades from two core-reduction technologies, and bifaces for varying purposes including the distinctive points known as Clovis. All these were complex technologies, which demanded expert knowledge and significant skill to achieve, even at a basic level. Special characteristics such as the extraordinary selection of exotic raw materials, production of oversized bifaces for caching, controlled full-face and overshot biface flaking, and flat-backed blade core maintenance are some of the features that indicate "deep" technologies that must have had significant and distinguishable antecedents in the archaeological record. These specific technologies span multiple ecological zones from the sub-arctic to the tropics, indicating an astonishing consistency and a system imposed on environmental factors rather than controlled by them. These features and behaviors are used to propose that Clovis was the product of culture change known as a revitalization movement. This anthropological concept is introduced in detail and then used to suggest that Clovis may not have been a single culture but a disparate set of cultures uni- fied by a technologically coded belief system.

KEY WORDS: Clovis, Revitalization movement, Prophet, Technology

Introduction learning (see Lohse 2010 for example) we see massive flaking When we were invited to make a presentation at the Paleo- deposits associated with large raw-material sources, such as american Odyssey Conference, our book Clovis Technology the Gault Site in Central Texas (Collins 2002). Wherever Clovis (Bradley et al. 2010) had recently been published, which said technology originated and from whatever cultural origin, it is just about everything we knew about Clovis technology at clear that it was outstanding in its evidence of expertise and that point. So, what to do that wasn't simply a summary of the an unwavering consistency, whether it was being practiced in book? Over the years we have been struck by the amazing uni- boreal, littoral, desert, or tropical environments. formity in the way Clovis artifacts were produced as well as the Along with the basic production technologies, Clovis complexity of the various technologies. For most Clovis sites, flaking also exhibits other behavioral traits that indicate specifically kill locations, there is little evidence of anything a strong sense of aesthetics, such as flaking patterns, raw but skilled knappers represented. Where there is evidence of material selection and "caching." Altogether, Clovis technology stands out from what came before and what followed. It seems to us there is more of a human story to be told than is 1 University of Exeter, Archaeology, Laver Building, Exeter, EX4 usually envisioned when Clovis is seen simply as adaptation, 4QE UK 2 Department of Anthropology, Texas State University, 266 Evans cultural drift, or a random occurrence. This begs the ques- Liberal Arts, 601 University Drive, San Marcos, TX 78666-4684 tion: How might we explain Clovis? What might its beautiful Corresponding author e-mail: [email protected] complexity express as a distinctive cultural development? Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

As anthropology students we were introduced to a con- cultural system, specifying new relationships as well as, in cept known as Cultural Revitalization. Much of what is in- some cases; new traits. (Wallace 1956:265). cluded in this work has been inspired by the works of the renowned anthropologist Anthony F. C. Wallace (1956), who Such instances are far from rare in the historic and ethno- documented and interpreted a range of North America Na- graphic records with “several hundred religious revitalization tive societies in relation to their reactions to the encroach- movements, among both western and non-western people” ing dominant Euro-American society as colonization spread (ibid:264) known on at least five continents. Wallace goes across the continent. From these studies he formulated the on to estimate that if all anthropological and historical re- concept of Revitalization Movement as a powerful and per- cords were evaluated, there would be thousands of cases. haps at times a dominant mechanism of culture change. This It is inconceivable that this phenomenon would only occur approach has since been applied worldwide in historical and in the ethnographic present. The concept of revitalization ethnographical studies and stands as a venerable theoretical movements is complex and relates not only to major soci- method. etal changes but also to its effects on individuals and their While Cultural Revitalization has been widely used in role within society. To describe and discuss these complexi- social anthropology, it has seldom been applied to archaeo- ties is beyond the scope of this work, but suffice it to say logical research with a few notable exceptions (e.g., Bradley that there is an extensive literature (for recent examples see 1996; Liebmann 2008). In both case studies the approach Harkin 2004). What is relevant is the structure devised by seemed to work as an explanation for major culture changes Wallace (1956:268–75). Revitalization movements, wherever in the Pueblo realm. If it seems like a useful approach in these and whenever they occurred, could be visualized as follow- prehistoric cases, why not apply it to Clovis studies? ing a set sequence of developments that may be used to cat- Another article that has inspired this avenue of investi- egorize and interpret. One important aspect of revitalization gation was published by another Anthony, this time Sinclair movements is that they can cause major culture change very (1995). In this article he argues that the process of flaking quickly, in as little as a few years. They are not evolution- stone as well as the finished forms can reflect strongsymbolic ary, and their inception (and perhaps demise) would be dif- meanings and constitute a fundamental aspect of cultural ficult to identify in the archaeological record. Exceptions may identity. Interestingly, he used Upper Paleolithic complex be where detailed and extensive dating can relate remains Solutrean technology for his case study. As flintknappers, to small increments of time; such as some of the Ancestral we strongly relate to the "specialness" that can be exhibited Pueblo sites in the American Southwest. Unfortunately, this through the successful performance of complex and risky is not the case for Clovis. With dating as it now stands, a technological procedures. It would be difficult for us to ac- revitalization movement as the origin of Clovis would be ar- cept that this would not have been the case in the past. chaeologically instantaneous. This treatise is presented in the spirit of the 1999 Clo- Wallace (1956:268) identifies a consistent set of sequen- vis and Beyond Conference, in which new evidence, ideas, tial “behavioral units” that will occur in spite of local con- methods, theoretical approaches, and even speculation were ditions (Figure 14.1). The following are brief descriptions of presented; some of which have since been very beneficial, Wallace's stages considered by us to be relevant to our as- if not to finally answer questions but certainly to stimulate sessment of Clovis. For example, we omit discussion of the discussion, debate, and a renewed enthusiasm for a subject historic movements related to the interface between a domi- that had become intellectually stale. While stagnation is not nant, aggressive, technological colonial society and tribal the case today it may be time for an additional and new theo- societies. We have not included the characteristics of these retical approach to be suggested. The following should be contexts as we do not see them as applying to the develop- viewed as a concept piece, and we understand that we will ment of Clovis as an “archaeological culture.” be making unsupported assertions and interpretations, but trust that these will generate testable hypotheses that may Steady state Very simply stated, this is where a culture is op- not have been made without a new theoretical approach. erating in which most people are satisfied that their cultural organization is sustaining their physical, cognitive, and affec- Cultural Revitalization tive needs (Geertz 1973). There is no "need" for radical change. Cultural Revitalization is expressed through a social movement that is Period of individual stress Over a number of years, individual members of a popula- a deliberate, organized, conscious effort by members of a tion . . . experience increasingly severe stress as a result of society to construct a more satisfying culture. Revitalization the decreasing efficiency of certain stress-reduction tech- is thus, from a cultural standpoint, a special kind of culture niques. The culture may remain essentially unchanged or change phenomenon: The persons involved in the process it may undergo considerable changes, but in either case of revitalization must perceive their culture, or some major there is continuous diminution in its efficiency in satisfying areas of it, as a system (whether accurately or not); they needs. The agencies responsible for interference with the must feel that this cultural system is unsatisfactory; and efficiency of a cultural system are various: climatic, floral they must innovate not merely discrete items, but a new and faunal change; . . . and so on” (Wallace 1956:269). Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

olf Hitler. The concept of "charismatic leadership" (Weber 1947) is identified by Wallace as well describing “the type of leader-follower relationship characteristic of revitalization movement organizations” (1956:273). Whether the movement was religious or secular, the ref- ormation of the culture generally seemed to depend on a re- structuring of elements and subsystems that had attained cur- rency in the society and may even have been in use, and that were known to the person who was to become the prophet or leader (ibid:270). This is achieved through a moment of inspiration or revelation by the individual. Frequently, these came in the form of dreams or visions that lend a supernatural authority.

Culture reformulation From these revelations come a set of specific behaviors, symbols and identities put forth by the "prophet." It is the adoption of these "codes" that assure the adherents of the benefits of the changes and thereby validate the prophet/prophesy. These codes and symbols may be ar- chaeologically visible, allowing us a window into past culture change. The type(s) of stress heavily influence the form that these codes take, and these have been classified into three specific categories: revivalistic; importation/vitalistic; and utopian (Ibid:275–76). Revivalistic movements look to the past, whether real or imagined, for inspiration and guidance; for example, the Ghost Dance (Mooney 1991). Importation Figure 14.1. Revitalization movement progression chart (based on Wallace 1956). movements focus on adoption of foreign cultural traits and behaviors, for example, "cargo cults" (Inglis 1957), but do not necessarily include importation of goods (vitalistic). Utopian Cultural distortion This is where behavior, in reaction to movements (Price et al. 2008:127–59) are those that invent excessive cultural stress, is negative/non-adaptive on a scale a new structure that eschews the past or outside influences that represents a threat to the continuation of the society. and promotes a future of harmony and balance. These categories are not necessarily exclusive, and individual move- Revitalization Wallace (ibid:266) introduces a concept he ments may share characteristics of more than one. calls a “mazeway” that encompasses all aspects of human Revivalistic movements may also take different forms. existence from the individual's cellular level to society as a Nativistic movements are “characterized by strong empha- whole. This again is an extremely complex concept that in- sis on the elimination of alien persons, customs, values and/ cludes a wide range of issues from biological through physi- or material” (Wallace 1956:267). Many of the revitalization ological. Rather than use this term we substitute the term movements documented in North America fall into this cat- culture as a general all-encompassing concept. If successfully egory; for example, Tecumseh's Confederacy (Eckert 1992). completed, the process of revitalization occurs in six steps “Millenarian movements” (Ibid:267) focus on perceived su- (ibid:270–75): culture reformulation; organization; commu- pernaturally induced apocalyptic circumstances, not neces- nication; adaptation; cultural transformation; routinization; sarily related to contact with another culture. and the new steady state. Revitalization, whether secular or religious in form, is Communication The prophet/leader preaches the revela- most often initiated by an individual who has a "grand vi- tions that “carry two fundamental motifs: the convert will sion" for rectifying the imbalance in society and its place come under the protection of certain supernatural beings; in the "natural" world, both physical and supernatural. The and that both he and his society will benefit materially from processes of revelation vary, but three basic forms are seen identification with some definable new cultural system” world-wide: personal conversion, shamanism, and guardian- (ibid:273). Communication is either direct from the leader/ spirit quest (ibid:272). This individual is seen as having spe- prophet or through his/her disciples. Once the "home group" cial insight or divine inspiration and is often considered a is organized, proselytizing may be extended to other societ- prophet. It is the right person at the right time in the right ies, even those in traditional opposition to the revitalizing place. There have been many such people in our own recent society. This is most common in nativistic movements where history, for example, Mahatma Gandhi, John Wesley, and Ad- a common "enemy" is readily identified. A well-documented Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

example of this was the Tecumseh Confederation (Eckert tion model? We think there is. This evidence has been and is 1992), which recruited disparate groups from the eastern being used to investigate different hypotheses of the nature provinces of Canada to Florida. of Clovis settlement (e.g., Smallwood 2012), and what we present here is yet another hypothesis for testing. While it is Organization “Converts are made by the profit” from which tempting at this point to evaluate the evidence within vari- “a small clique of special disciples . . . clusters about the ous alternative hypotheses, we have chosen to take our "best prophet and an embryonic campaign organization develops shot" at constructing a single scenario for a cross-cultural re- with three orders of personnel: the prophet; the disciples; vitalization movement to "explain" Clovis. and the followers” (Wallace 1956:273–74). Clovis as a Revitalization Movement Adaptation Based on individual group circumstances, op- Assessing any archaeological assemblage (typologically and/ position to the details of the "new way" will occur, which will or technologically) in relation to cultural practices and their result in moderation of the original doctrine, by the prophet potential to exhibit intangibles such as beliefs, art, etc. is al- and/or his representatives. These adjustments will ameliorate ways perilous. This is especially true when we are dealing opposition resulting in stability (ibid:274–75). with what must be the extremely small proportion of the material culture. Nevertheless, there are certainly hints in the Cultural transformation The changes become generally ac- record that go beyond the normal issues of subsistence, ef- cepted and routine. This may result in success, maladapta- ficiency, and physical adaptation. There is social meaning; it tion, or failure (ibid:275). is just very difficult to assess. We are focusing specifically on technology as we con- Routinization Wallace (1956:275) argues that “once the tend that it is the most distinctive expression of the record desired transformation has occurred, the "organization" con- and less prone to local and individual influences. We are not tracts and maintains responsibility only for the preservation convinced that people's manufacturing technology was easily of doctrine and the performance of ritual.” abandoned and replaced through the influence of changing environment or subsistence. While the need for new and dif- The new steady state If successful, a new stable culture will ferent tool types and uses would certainly arise, we see that exist, albeit different in pattern and in many traits from the in most cases these could be satisfied within existing techno- original version (ibid:275). logical practices. We contend that we know quite a bit about While it is perhaps easiest to see these movements oc- Clovis flaked-stone technology (e.g., Bradley et al. 2010) and curring within a single, self-defined culture or society, eth- what makes it distinctive. The major traits of Clovis flaked- nographic accounts demonstrate that revivalistic movements stone technology we consider here include: often cross-cut cultural identities (e.g., Ghost Dance) and ■ Preference for, and selection of, high-quality stone in- were even intended to bring together disparate groups, fre- cluding "exotics"; quently in open conflict, specifically to bring order and estab- ■ Flake blanks from bifacial cores (large); lish a common peace, for example, the Iroquois Confederacy (Chávez 2009). ■ Biface thinning (flat and egular);r At any stage the process may collapse for any number ■ Controlled full-face and overshot flaking (applied in all of reasons. There is no guarantee that, once started, revi- manufacturing phases); talization will take place. It is likely that many attempts at ■ Flake and blade platform preparation; revitalization by individuals who tried to set themselves up in leadership roles or as prophets were unable to convince ■ "Oversized" bifaces (which require especially high knap- people that their vision for change was correct or achievable. ping skill); It is very unlikely that these would be seen in an archaeo- ■ "Technological" and "morphological" fluting (Bradley logical record. It is only at the stage of cultural reformulation 1997:54–55); that physical expressions of the new culture would be pres- ■ Large blades (two technologies); ent. Few attempts have been made to identify prehistoric revitalization movements through archaeological evidence ❏ Conical core reduction; (artifacts, settlement patterns, special features, architecture, ❏ Wedge-shaped core reduction (flat-backed mainte- etc.); however, two are notable (Bradley 1996; Liebmann nance); 2008). While even these examples are a difficult "sell," they had multiple varieties of evidence available, including tight These traits represent the "character" of Clovis flaked-stone dating, and in the second case direct historical accounts. technologies, which were: For Clovis we ask whether or not it was a socio-cultural ■ High skill; entity in its own right, or a cross-cultural phenomenon. With the relative paucity of information about Clovis, is there evi- ■ High risk; dence that might be accounted for in a cultural revitaliza- ■ Profligate (not conservative of material); Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

■ Consistency and constancy (across a wide range of ecolo- rather than an archaeological culture. We accept that there gies); were established populations along the Eastern seaboard of ■ Functional (in the sense of being useful for subsistence); North America as early as 22,000 years ago (all general dates refer to calendar years). Through time these persisted and ■ Bold, confident, "in your face"; spread down the Atlantic coast to the southern tip of South ■ Highly esthetic; America. There were also explorations inland, primarily fol- ■ Selective (especially raw materials); lowing river systems, all along the populated coasts, until people were established at least as far west as the High Plains ■ Expendable products (as in caches); by 14,000 years ago (Collins et al. this volume). Numerous ■ Mobile; localized "adaptations" took place as new ecological zones ■ Symbolic. were colonized, but all shared a common ancestral origin and likely shared aspects of perceived history and "deep time" my- From this base we assess how this complex of specific thology. When they encountered one another they probably traits and, more importantly, how their behavioral character- had much in common. By the time of the inception of Clovis ization may reflect symbolic value as part of a Clovis revital- there were other people on the western side of the conti- ization movement. We assume that while a cultural behavior, nent, who had different origins and contrasting technologies, such as stone flaking, can be effective for satisfying the need but may still have had some beliefs familiar to the Easterners for tools for daily living, a technological process can also be from shared "deeper time" Paleolithic traditions. imbued with symbolic meaning(s) (see Sinclair 1995). We contend that the eastern peoples originated from Up- We briefly discuss how other issues such as rapid and ex- per Paleolithic manifestations in the southwestern European treme climate change, megafaunal extinctions, technological refugia of the Last Glacial Maximum (Stanford and Bradley transmission, and innovation may have been part of the revi- 2012). They brought a technological tradition of large thin bi- talization process. The following is our idea of how and why faces (bipointed), large flake blanks from bifacial cores, large Clovis came into being, spread, faded away, and may have blades (produced by at least two technologies), bladelets and been itself referenced in later times for revitalization move- small bifacial indented-base projectile points. These are the ments. general categories of technologies, but each was expressed by other more detailed features such as biface thinning meth- Steady state To say there was a steady state from which Clo- ods, e.g., full-face and controlled overshot (Figure 14.2), bi- vis came is to say there were archaeological cultures before facial finishing (including pressure techniques), flat-backed Clovis. While these could be in other parts of the world and blade core maintenance, specific flake and blade platform Clovis could have developed there and moved into the Ameri- preparation methods, and basal thinning of indented-base cas, this is no longer supported by multiple lines of evidence. projectile point; to name a few (Bradley et al. 2010). There are strengthening indications not only of a single ar- We also contend that with these physical technological chaeological manifestation before Clovis in the Americas, but traditions came deep Upper Paleolithic, Ice Age world views, several (see Collins et al. this volume). It is from one or more histories, and mythologies. It is likely that through the sev- of these that we derive Clovis as a culture (sensu mazeway) eral millennia when people were arriving in North America

Figure 14.2. Controlled overshot and full- face flaking: A, middle phase Solutrean biface; B, middle phase bipointed biface from A B C D Virginia; C, Clovis point from Blackwater Draw, New Mexico; D, oversized Clovis biface 0 5 0 5 from the East Wenatchee Cache, Washington; cm cm os, controlled overshot removal; ff, full-face Scale (A–C) Scale (D) removal. Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

a diversity of cultures was represented. We do not envision time" when life was good and balanced with the supernatu- the immigrants originating from a monolithic, homogenized ral. As with most nostalgia, the reality of the past was not the society. issue, but the perception of what made it so good would be We see the people who were living in the LGM and post- the focus. The "truth" would be revealed through mythology LGM littoral environments along the North American Eastern and the "validity" through persuasion. seaboard, especially in the southern areas, as the origin of The new formulation would have depended on a restruc- what became known to us as Clovis. It was from this area that turing of elements and subsystems known in the society, per- revitalization originated and spread. haps even still in use. There would be no need to completely invent a totally new (utopian) way and incorporating known, Period of individual stress We envision at least two major but perhaps rejigged, elements that would be more likely to environmental stresses that, by the middle of the twelfth mil- be adopted. lennium BC (13,500 BP), produced excessive stress on these purported littoral-based societies: sea-level rise, and dra- Culture reformulation The distinct characteristics of Clovis matic decline of large herbivores (megafaunal extinctions). flaked-stone technology are what we see as the best evidence These were possibly related processes based partly on Late that what we know as Clovis may have been the result of a Pleistocene warming, but their congruence had a significant revitalization movement. These are the surviving "codes" of and dramatic effect. In the eastern Gulf of Mexico, the new order. We see these particular traits not as inven- tions or even reinventions, but as resurrections of "begin- because the landscape is now much flatter, the average Clo- vis period sea level rise covers 330 m per year or roughly 1 ning time" (Solutrean) symbols of strength and supernatural km every three years! Unlike the period of the inundation power (Sinclair 1995). They were the symbols that restored of the LGM and the late pre-Clovis (ca. 18,000–12,000 14C yr balance within the society through a new order. BP, respectively), when attendant changes to sea level rise Since our knowledge of what preceded Clovis is still are minimal, the consequences of sea level rise in Clovis based on very small assemblages, it is difficult to determine times are profound (Hemmings and Adovasio 2012:10-11). which technological traits were already in common use and which were standardized and/or resurrected in the new orga- We see acute sea-level rise and the loss of highly productive nization. Nevertheless we consider most of the traits identi- littoral habitats as the main stress that was the catalyst for a fied above as distinctive of Clovis as possibilities. We will not revitalization movement. attempt to identify what possible meanings these traits may have had, but we contend that each held symbolic value in- Cultural distortion We see no evidence of this "phase" of dividually or in combination. These are also traits we see as revitalization. This would be manifest primarily in social frag- having "beginning time" (Upper Paleolithic) origins. mentation and conflict. In the best archaeological evidence The preference for high-quality and "exotic" raw materi- this would be difficult to perceive. An example may be the als, especially quartz crystal, was unnecessary for basic tool disintegration of late Ancestral Pueblo societies concur- production to make a living. This seems to have been differ- rent with the depopulation of an entire region of traditional ent from the preceding technologies, which for the most part Pueblo territory in the Four Corners area of the North Ameri- used almost exclusively local stone. An exception to this is can Southwest (Bradley 1996). Meadowcroft Rockshelter (Adovasio and Page 1997), where stone from Flint Ridge, Ohio, was used. However, the prefer- Revitalization When the societal stress became too much ence for exotic raw materials, especially quartz crystal, is a and there was cultural distortion, either a new system would trait identified in Solutrean assemblages (Stanford and Brad- be needed or the society would fail and disperse or become ley 2012). extinct. This did not happen, but instead we envision a per- Many of the flakes employed to produce tools, especially son (prophet/visionary) coming forward with a "new" order those used in butchering, were the product of large bifacial- expressed through the adoption of adjusted behaviors and core reductions. While this is not particularly unusual in symbolized in a "codified" system, at least partly expressed other assemblages in the Americas (Nami 2006), Clovis took in material culture, specifically flaked-stone technologies. We this to the extreme in terms of large cores and their prepara- also see other, formulized/ritualized behaviors arising "de- tion (e.g., Wilke et al. 1991). The key to this technology being signed" to bring order, purpose, and meaning to life in the special is that it takes great skill to produce these oversized new environment. cores and flakes. Bifacial flake-core technology is present in Many recorded revitalization movements were reactions Solutrean, but not expressed in such large sizes. Perhaps this to stress caused by contact with outside dominant colonial was an innovation of the "prophet." It would be something societies. This was unlikely the case 13,500+ years ago. Since that would move the performance of the technology out of we contend that the stress was primarily related to acutely the ability of the average knapper. changing environment, the form of the Clovis revitalization The extreme control in the production of Clovis bifaces movement was likely revivalist and more specificallymillennial . is also extraordinary, although in some assemblages (e.g., The "prophesy" would harken back to a perceived "beginning Gault) a wide range of abilities is expressed. However, when Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

found in caches, large bifaces generally exhibit great con- on Cola de Pescado points (Figure 14.3D) in South America trol and flaking regularity. The regular use of full-face and (Bird 2005), which were Clovis contemporaries. What makes controlled overshot flaking (Figure 14.2A–B) are hallmarks Clovis-point flutes stand out is that usually they were care- of this technology (Bradley et al. 2010). Controlled overshot fully visually preserved on the finished piece. While it is pos- flaking is a very effective way to thin, flatten, and regular- sible to become proficient at fluting, it is a risky process, as ize a biface, but takes great skill to accomplish consistently, attested by the large numbers of failures found at manufac- especially during the finishing phase of large bifaces (Figure turing sites. We see Clovis-point fluting as having symbolic 14.2C). As part of the control of biface thinning, a complex meaning, possibly related to hunting ritual (see Bradley process was used for platform preparation that is distinctive 1991:377–79). of Clovis (ibid). Again, careful and complex platform prepara- There are two large-blade technologies in Clovis, neither tion is not unique to Clovis, but the details of how it was ac- of which can be seen as a highly efficient way to produce complished make it diagnostic in the Americas. An identical maximum cutting edges from the raw material. They did al- approach was used in the manufacture of large laurel leaves low the manufacture of large regular blades, but few were in the Solutrean (Aubry et al. 2008). obtained from each core. We think it significant that both Large oversized "points" are also seen in Clovis assem- blade technologies are found in Solutrean assemblages, again blages, especially in caches (Kilby 2008). These also exhibit possibly a resurrection of "beginning time" technologies. extraordinary skill and are frequently of exotic colorful ma- Another aspect of Clovis that has captured the imagina- terials. This indicates to us two things: When Clovis arrived tion of the public and academics is the dominance of mam- in an area there was already local knowledge of where these moth-kill sites in western North America. It is now consid- raw materials were; and whoever was producing the pieces ered unlikely that this was the main means of subsistence of that went into caches not only carried the concepts of Clovis, Clovis people, yet it must have represented a major effort. but also had the high skill needed to perform the technologi- By the time Clovis hunters were tracking down and killing cal processes. mammoths in the High Plains and Southwest, people had evi- A trait specifically identified as distinctive of Clovis is dently already been utilizing them for millennia (Collins et al. fluting. There is a massive amount of discussion of thisin this volume). We see it as possible that the act of hunting the literature (see Bradley et al. 2010), but there is still no and taking mammoths, and perhaps other large now extinct consensus as to even what the definition of fluting should be. animals, could have been a ritualized process that was part We concur with Bradley (1997:54–55) in drawing a distinction and parcel of the "new order." The same may be the case for between basal flaking for the sake of thinning (technological) at least some of the Clovis caches. and basal thinning with the intent to retain the distinctive scar(s) on the finished piece (morphological). There are ex- Organization and communication Once a "code" was es- amples of technological fluting before the advent of Clovis; tablished it was communicated through the culture by the for example, in the Spanish Solutrean (Figure 14.3A). There is prophet and/or his/her disciples. For Clovis this communica- a fluted preform from the Miles Point site in Maryland (Figure tion would have required direct technological teaching in 14.3B), and it is a common feature on Simpson points (Figure order to transfer the specific and detailed physical expres- 14.3C), which may predate Clovis (Hemmings and Adovasio sions of the new order in each converted group. This would 2012). Technological and morphological fluting are exhibited not have been a fast or easy process. It takes a long time to

0 3 cm

Figure 14.3. Fluted-biface forms: A, Solutrean indented-base points from Los Caldos, Spain; B, late-phase biface from Miles Point, Maryland; C, Simpson point from Florida; D, Cola de A B C D Pescado point, Dos Amigos, Argentina. Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

master the skill to reproduce Clovis flaked-stone technology. times and, although lacking the Clovis revitalization, along While the process would certainly have been easier among the coast to the southern tip of South America. people who already shared the basic ideas and skills derived We envision a cultural revitalization movement ex- from common ancestry, nevertheless there would have been pressed through the establishment of a new social order a significant learning curve to become proficient in thehighly partly exhibited through flaked-stone technology and the structured technologies that were Clovis (see Knutsson 2006). ritualized hunting of megafauna, especially mammoth. The While certain aspects of the taught code would be consistent, revitalization movement can be classified as revivalist and specifically production technologies, other aspects, such as millennial (Wallace 1956). The physical reformulation was tool refurbishment, seem to have been quite flexible. An ex- based on perceptions of "beginning times" and focused on ample of this is the multiple ways in which Clovis points were the ritualized reduction of risk as expressed in risky techno- reworked (Bradley et al. 2012). Nevertheless we contend that logical and other behaviors in knapping, megafaunal hunting, teaching and learning knapping constituted a primary nexus and "caching." We are suggesting that we should be thinking of Clovis enculturation. The particulars of this knowledge of Clovis not as a culture but rather as a cult that expressed transmission were the means of revitalization. itself, in part, in technologies and behavior of beautiful com- The process(es) of communication are unclear. One pos- plexity. sibility is that as word spread from group to group, people This "think piece" is not intended so much as an explica- would be sent to the prophet to see what it was about. tion or even an interpretation, but as a means of the formula- Another possibility is that emissaries/disciples would ac- tion of new testable hypotheses that incorporate a well-doc- tively seek to spread the word and seek out individuals and umented and humanistic process of culture change, where groups to convert. Based on the confidence and boldness people were active agents in their own futures. represented in the technologies, we consider the latter to be likely, but it may have been a combination of both. References Cited A curious aspect of this idea is, Who communicated the Adovasio, J., and J. Page 1997 The First Americans: The Pursuit of new codes, and how were they innovated in disparate groups? Archaeology"s Greatest Mystery. Random House, New York. The "missionaries" would have had to be able to perform at Aubry, T., B. Bradley, M. Almeida, B. Walter, M. J. Neves, J. Pelegrin, least the basic aspects of the "message" and therefore would M. Lenoir, and M.Tiffagom 2008 Solutrean laurel leaf production have had to be expert knappers. With low populations of for- at Maîtreaux: an experimental approach guided by techno-economic agers spread across the eastern half of the continent, we see analysis. World Archaeology 40(1):48–66. centers of learning developing where "acolytes" would go for Bird, J. 2005 Travels and Archaeology in South Chile. University of training. One such location may have been the Gault site (see Iowa Press, Iowa City. Lohse 2010 for a discussion of the evidence of beginners). Bradley, B. 1991 Flaked stone technology in the Northern High Plains. In Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains, edited by G. C. Frison, Adaptation The archaeological record of Clovis does not pp. 369–95. Academic Press, New York. reveal anything about this process other than the minimal ——— 1996 Pitchers to mugs: Chacoan revival at Sand Canyon variations seen in the technologies across the wide expanse Pueblo. Kiva 61(3):241–55 (republished in 2008 Kiva, vol. 74, No. 2, of the Clovis "territory." pp. 247–62). ——— 1997 Sloan site biface and projectile point technologies. Cultural transformation and routinization The widespread In Sloan: A Paleoindian Dalton Cemetery in Arkansas, edited by D. F. distribution of Clovis technology over a very short period of Morse, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, pp. 53–57. time indicates that cultural transformation occurred. With Bradley, B. A., M. B. Collins, and A. Hemmings 2010 Clovis Technol- Clovis operating in so many different environments, seem- ogy. International Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor, Michigan. ingly quite successfully, we see the revitalization as becoming Chávez, J. R. 2009 Beyond Nations: Evolving Homelands in the North routine and establishing new steady states. Atlantic World, 1400–2000. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Collins, M. 2002 The Gault Site Texas, and Clovis Research. Summary and Conclusions Athena Review, Vol.3, (2) (http://www.athenapub.com/10gault.htm ac- We have proposed a novel way of considering the Clovis evi- cessed 28 November, 2012) dence as being more than simple economic adaptation, partly Eckert, A. 1992 A Sorrow in Our Heart: The life of Tecumseh. Bantam based on the stress of the rapidly changing environments and Books, New York. sea-level rise at the end of the Last Glacial Maximum. We fully Geertz C. 1973 The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected essays. Basic acknowledge that we are skating on very thin ice, but feel Books. that the standard explanations of Clovis as a phenomenon Harkin, M. E. (editor) 2004 Reassessing Revitalization Movements: are inadequate to explain the evidence. We have suggested Perspectives from North America and the Pacific Islands. University of that Clovis may be better understood as a social movement Nebraska Press, Lincoln. that incorporated various disparate, but related, groups who Hemmings, C., and J. Adovasio 2012 Inundated Landscapes and had already spread through North America east of the Rocky the Colonization of the Northeastern Gulf of Mexico. Ms. on file, Mountains. This spread of people continued during Clovis Mercyhurst Archaeological Institute, Mercyhurst University, Erie, PA. Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Inglis, J. 1957 Cargo Cults: The Problem of Explanation. Oceania production, edited by J. Apel and K. Knutsson, pp. 69–80. SAU, Stone vol. xxvii (4). Studies 2, Uppsala, Sweden. Kilby, D. J. 2008 An Investigation of Clovis Caches: Content, Func- Price, C., D. Nonini, and E. Tree 2008 Grounded utopian move- tion, and Technological Organization. University of New Mexico Press, ments: Subjects of neglect. Anthropological Quarterly 81(1):127–59. Albuquerque. Sinclair, A. 1995 The technique as a symbol in Late Glacial Eu- Knutsson, K. 2006 A Genealogy of reflexivity: The skilled lithic rope. World Archaeology, vol. 27(1):50–62. craftsman as “scientist.” In Skilled Production and Social Reproduction: Smallwood, A. 2012 Clovis technology and settlement in the Aspects of Traditional Stone-Tool Technologies, SAU, Stone Studies 2, American Southeast: Using biface analysis to evaluate dispersal Uppsala, pp. 153–86. models. American Antiquity 77(4):689–713. Liebmann, M. 2008 The innovative materiality of revitalization Stanford, D. J., and B. A. Bradley 2012 Across Atlantic Ice: The Ori- movements: Lessons from the Pueblo revolt. American Anthropologist gin of America's Clovis Culture. University of California Press, Berkeley. 110(3):360–72. Wallace, A. 1956 Revitalization movements. American Anthropolo- Lohse, J. C. 2010 Evidence for learning and skill transmission in gist 58(2):264–81. Clovis blade production and core maintenance. In Clovis Technology, edited by B. Bradley, M. Collins, and A. Hemmings, pp. 157–76. In- Weber, M. 1947 The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. ternational Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Translated and edited by A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. New York. Free Press. Mooney J. 1991 The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Uprising of 1890. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Wilke, P., J. Flenniken, and T. Ozburn 1991 Clovis technology at the Anzick Site, Montana. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthro- Nami, H. 2006 Experiments to explore the Paleoindian flake-core pology 13:242–72. technology of Southern Patagonia. In Skilled Production and Social Re- Copyright © 2014. Texas A&M University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

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