Sound Change
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Chapter One Phonetic Change
CHAPTERONE PHONETICCHANGE The investigation of the nature and the types of changes that affect the sounds of a language is the most highly developed area of the study of language change. The term sound change is used to refer, in the broadest sense, to alterations in the phonetic shape of segments and suprasegmental features that result from the operation of phonological process es. The pho- netic makeup of given morphemes or words or sets of morphemes or words also may undergo change as a by-product of alterations in the grammatical patterns of a language. Sound change is used generally to refer only to those phonetic changes that affect all occurrences of a given sound or class of sounds (like the class of voiceless stops) under specifiable phonetic conditions . It is important to distinguish between the use of the term sound change as it refers tophonetic process es in a historical context , on the one hand, and as it refers to phonetic corre- spondences on the other. By phonetic process es we refer to the replacement of a sound or a sequenceof sounds presenting some articulatory difficulty by another sound or sequence lacking that difficulty . A phonetic correspondence can be said to exist between a sound at one point in the history of a language and the sound that is its direct descendent at any subsequent point in the history of that language. A phonetic correspondence often reflects the results of several phonetic process es that have affected a segment serially . Although phonetic process es are synchronic phenomena, they often have diachronic consequences. -
Begus Gasper
Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of Phonological Typology Gašper Beguš [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: the derivation of phonological typology. The phenomenon of post-nasal devoicing brings new insights into the standard typological discussion. This alternation — “unnatural” in the sense that it operates against a universal phonetic tendency — has been reported to exist both as a sound change and as synchronic phonological process. I bring together eight identified cases of post-nasal devoicing and point to common patterns among them. Based on these patterns, I argue that post-nasal devoicing does not derive from a single atypical sound change, but rather from a set of two or three separate sounds changes, each of which is natural and well- motivated. When these sound changes occur in combination, they give rise to apparent post-nasal devoicing. Evidence from both historical and dialectal data is brought to bear to create a model for explaining future instances of apparent unnatural alternations. By showing that sound change does not operate against universal phonetic tendency, I strengthen the empirical case for the generalization that any single instance of sound change is always phonetically motivated and natural, but that a combination of such sound changes can lead to unnatural alternations in a language’s synchronic grammar. Based on these findings, I propose a new probabilistic model for explaining phonological typology within the channel bias approach: on this model, unnatural alternations will always be rare, because the relative probability that a combination of sound changes will occur collectively is always smaller than the probability that a single sound change will occur. -
Syllable Structure Into Spanish, Italian & Neapolitan
Open syllable drift and the evolution of Classical Latin open and closed syllable structure into Spanish, Italian & Neapolitan John M. Ryan, University of Northern Colorado ([email protected]) Introduction, Purpose, and Method 1. the distribution of open and closed syllables in terms of word position; 2. what factors, both phonological (e.g,, coda deletion, apocope, syncope, Syllable structure is the proverbial skeleton degemination,) and extra-phonological (e.g., raddoppiamento sintattico or template upon which the sounds of a given and other historical morphosyntactic innovations as the emergence of language may combine to make sequences articles), might explain the distribution of the data. and divisions that are licit in that language. 3. whether the data support or weaken the theory of ‘open syllable drift’ Classical Latin (CL) is known to have exhibited proposed by Lausberg (1976) and others to have occurred in late Latin both open and closed syllable structure in word or early Proto Romance. final position, as well as internally. The daughter Figure 1 shows the breakdown of words, syllables and syllable/word ratio languages of Spanish, Italian and Neapolitan, for all four texts of the study: however, have evolved to manifest this dichotomy to differing due to both phonological and extra-phonological realities. Figure 1 Purpose: to conduct a comparative syllabic analysis of The Lord’s Prayer in Classical Latin (CL), modern Spanish, Italian and Neapolitan in order to determine: Data and Discussion 4) Historical processes producing reversal effects on CL open and closed syllable structure 1) Polysyllabic word-final position in The Lord’s Prayer Figure 5 shows five phonological Figure 5 Figure 2 shows that in word-final position, Latin overwhelmingly favors closed processes affecting the evolution of LATIN syllables at 72%, while Spanish only slightly favors open syllables at 55%. -
Vowel Quality and Phonological Projection
i Vowel Quality and Phonological Pro jection Marc van Oostendorp PhD Thesis Tilburg University September Acknowledgements The following p eople have help ed me prepare and write this dissertation John Alderete Elena Anagnostop oulou Sjef Barbiers Outi BatEl Dorothee Beermann Clemens Bennink Adams Bo domo Geert Bo oij Hans Bro ekhuis Norb ert Corver Martine Dhondt Ruud and Henny Dhondt Jo e Emonds Dicky Gilb ers Janet Grijzenhout Carlos Gussenhoven Gert jan Hakkenb erg Marco Haverkort Lars Hellan Ben Hermans Bart Holle brandse Hannekevan Ho of Angeliek van Hout Ro eland van Hout Harry van der Hulst Riny Huybregts Rene Kager HansPeter Kolb Emiel Krah mer David Leblanc Winnie Lechner Klarien van der Linde John Mc Carthy Dominique Nouveau Rolf Noyer Jaap and Hannyvan Oosten dorp Paola Monachesi Krisztina Polgardi Alan Prince Curt Rice Henk van Riemsdijk Iggy Ro ca Sam Rosenthall Grazyna Rowicka Lisa Selkirk Chris Sijtsma Craig Thiersch MiekeTrommelen Rub en van der Vijver Janneke Visser Riet Vos Jero en van de Weijer Wim Zonneveld Iwant to thank them all They have made the past four years for what it was the most interesting and happiest p erio d in mylife until now ii Contents Intro duction The Headedness of Syllables The Headedness Hyp othesis HH Theoretical Background Syllable Structure Feature geometry Sp ecication and Undersp ecicati on Skeletal tier Mo del of the grammar Optimality Theory Data Organisation of the thesis Chapter Chapter -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
Lenition and Optimality Theory
Lenition and Optimality Theory (Proceedings of LSRL XXIV, Feb. 1994) Haike Jacobs French Department Nijmegen University/Free University Amsterdam 1. Introduction Since Kiparsky (1968) generative historical phonology has relied primarily on the following means in accounting for sound change: rule addition, rule simplification, rule loss and rule reordering. Given that the phonological rule as such no longer exists in the recently proposed framework of Optimality theory (cf. Prince and Smolensky 1993), the question arises how sound change can be accounted for in this theory. Prince and Smolensky (1993) contains mainly applications of the theory to non-segmental phonology (that is, stress and syllable structure), whereas the segmental phonology is only briefly (the segmental inventory of Yidiny) touched upon. In this paper, we will present and discuss an account of consonantal weakening processes within the framework of Optimality theory. We will concentrate on lenition in the historical phonology of French, but take into account synchronic allophonic lenition processes as well. This paper purports to demonstrate not only that segmental phonology can straightforwardly be dealt with in optimality theory, but, moreover, that an optimality-based account of lenition is not thwarted by the drawbacks of previous proposals. This paper is organized as follows. In section 2, we will present the main facts of lenition in the historical phonology of French. After that, section 3 briefly discusses previous analyses of this phenomenon, mainly concentrating on their problematic aspects. Section 4 considers the possibilities of accounting for lenition in Optimality theory. Finally, in section 5 the main results of the present paper are summarized. -
The Phonetics-Phonology Interface in Romance Languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran
Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics-phonology interface in Romance languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran To cite this version: José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran. Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics- phonology interface in Romance languages. S. Fischer and C. Gabriel. Manual of grammatical interfaces in Romance, 10, Mouton de Gruyter, pp.23-40, 2016, Manuals of Romance Linguistics, 978-3-11-031186-0. hal-01226122 HAL Id: hal-01226122 https://hal-univ-paris.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01226122 Submitted on 24 Dec 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance MRL 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manuals of Romance Linguistics Manuels de linguistique romane Manuali di linguistica romanza Manuales de lingüística románica Edited by Günter Holtus and Fernando Sánchez Miret Volume 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance Edited by Susann Fischer and Christoph Gabriel Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM ISBN 978-3-11-031178-5 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-031186-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-039483-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. -
Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
UC Berkeley Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society Title Perception of Illegal Contrasts: Japanese Adaptations of Korean Coda Obstruents Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6x34v499 Journal Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 36(36) ISSN 2377-1666 Author Whang, James D. Y. Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRTY SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERKELEY LINGUISTICS SOCIETY February 6-7, 2010 General Session Special Session Language Isolates and Orphans Parasession Writing Systems and Orthography Editors Nicholas Rolle Jeremy Steffman John Sylak-Glassman Berkeley Linguistics Society Berkeley, CA, USA Berkeley Linguistics Society University of California, Berkeley Department of Linguistics 1203 Dwinelle Hall Berkeley, CA 94720-2650 USA All papers copyright c 2016 by the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 0363-2946 LCCN: 76-640143 Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword vii Basque Genitive Case and Multiple Checking Xabier Artiagoitia . 1 Language Isolates and Their History, or, What's Weird, Anyway? Lyle Campbell . 16 Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese Jidong Chen . 32 Orthography Shapes Semantic and Phonological Activation in Reading Hui-Wen Cheng and Catherine L. Caldwell-Harris . 46 Writing in the World and Linguistics Peter T. Daniels . 61 When is Orthography Not Just Orthography? The Case of the Novgorod Birchbark Letters Andrew Dombrowski . 91 Gesture-to-Speech Mismatch in the Construction of Problem Solving Insight J.T.E. Elms . 101 Semantically-Oriented Vowel Reduction in an Amazonian Language Caleb Everett . 116 Universals in the Visual-Kinesthetic Modality: Politeness Marking Features in Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Johnny George . -
Labialized Consonants in Iraqw Alain Ghio1 Maarten Mous2 and Didier Demolin3
Labialized consonants in Iraqw Alain Ghio1 Maarten Mous2 and Didier Demolin3, Aix-Marseille Univ. & CNRS UMR7309 – LPL1, Universiteit Leiden2, Laboratoire de phonétique et phonologie, CNRS-UMR 7018, Sorbonne nouvelle3 Iraqw a Cushitic language spoken in Tanzania has a set of labialized consonants /ŋw, kw, gw, qw ́, xw/ in its phonological inventory (Mous, 1993). This study makes a comparison between labial movements involved in the production of these consonants and compares them with the gestures of the bilabial nasal [m] and the labiovelar approximant [w]. Data were recorded combining acoustic, EGG and video data. The latter were taken by using simultaneous front and profile images, first at normal speed (25 fps) and then at high-speed (300 fps). Data were recorded with 4 women and 5 men. Results show that the labialized consonants [ŋw, kw, gw, qw ́, xw] are produced with a gesture different from the bilabial nasal and the labiovelar approximant that both involve some lip rounding and protrusion. The labialized consonants show a slow vertical opening movement of the lips with a very slight inter-lip rounding. Figure 1 compares lips positions immediately after the release of the different closures for [kw and qw ́] and in the middle of the gesture of [m] and [w]. Figure 1. Lips front and profile positions shortly after the closure release of [kw] and [qw ́] showing a small inter-lip rounding for [qw ́]. [w] and [m] show both lip rounding and protrusion. High-speed video confirms 2 different types of labial gestures. These findings sustain a claim made by Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996) who suggested 2 possible types of labial gestures involved in the production of labial consonants. -
The Phonemic − Syllabic Comparisons of Standard Malay and Palembang Malay Using a Historical Linguistic Perspective
Passage2013, 1(2), 35-44 The Phonemic − Syllabic Comparisons of Standard Malay and Palembang Malay Using a Historical Linguistic Perspective By: Novita Arsillah English Language and Literature Program (E-mail: [email protected] / mobile: +6281312203723) ABSTRACT This study is a historical linguistic investigation entitled The Phonemic − Syllabic Comparisons of Standard Malay and Palembang Malay Using a Historical Linguistic Perspective which aims to explore the types of sound changes found in Palembang Malay. The investigation uses a historical linguistic comparative method to compare the phonemic and syllabic changes between an ancestral language Standard Malay and its decent language Palembang Malay. Standard Malay refers to the Wilkinson dictionary in 1904. The participants of this study are seven native speakers of Palembang Malay whose ages range from 20 to 40 years old. The data were collected from the voices of the participants that were recorded along group conversations and interviews. This study applies the theoretical framework of sound changes which proposed by Terry Crowley in 1997 and Lily Campbell in 1999. The findings show that there are nine types of sound changes that were found as the results, namely assimilation (42.35%), lenition (20%), sound addition (3.53%), metathesis (1.18%), dissimilation (1.76%), abnormal sound changes (3.53%), split (13.53%), vowel rising (10.59%), and monophthongisation (3.53%). Keywords: Historical linguistics, standard Malay, Palembang Malay, comparative method, sound change, phoneme, syllable. 35 Novita Arsillah The Phonemic − Syllabic Comparisons of Standard Malay and Palembang Malay Using a Historical Linguistic Perspective INTRODUCTION spelling system in this study since it is considered to be the first Malay spelling This study classifies into the system that is used widely in Malaya, field of historical linguistics that Singapore, and Brunei (Omar, 1989). -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages.